Folks, this is culled from the Independent newspaper.Read on...
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The first thing that Jammeh did when he wrenched power from Jawara was to
ban the 1970 republican constitution and all political parties. Assan Musa
Camara was an obvious victim. His Gambia Peoples' Party was not spared. As a
man who virtually headed almost all the ministers in the first republic
Assan Musa Camara is no stranger to Gambian politics.

Born in Mansajang kunda, Basse in the early twenties, Assan did his
schooling in Mansajang Anglican Mission School, St. Mary's Primary School,
Kristikunda Mission School where he obtained his Cambridge School
Certificate and proceeded to Georgetown College in M.I.D where he armed
himself with a qualified teacher's certificate, half a century ago.

As Vice President for a decade under Jawara, political in-fighting (his own
words) prompted him to pull away and form the GPP in the mid-eighties.

As a one-time member of parliament for Kantora constituency, Assan was also
elected vice chairman of the OAU Council of Ministers in 1972. He had also
served as Ministers of Labour and Health and without portfolio during the
colonial era.

As this interview reveals, he still breathes politics. Portrait talks to him
about ex-president Jawara, the politically-gagging Decree 89 and why he
would not have an audience with President Jammeh.

What role did you play in re-instating ex-president Jawara in Kukoi's coup
of 1981?

Well, in July 1981, I was the acting president and unfortunately while the
president was away, Kukoi Samba Sanyang struck us in his so-called attempted
coup. We did not accept this because his announcement contained the
possibility of introducing Marxism, Leninism and Communism as a government
in this country. This was absolutely unacceptable because we regarded it as
an unnecessary cause at the time. There was absolutely no need for that sort
of situation in the country. We had to organise resistance immediately
against this sort of thing.

So you called in the Senegalese troops?

That was at the latter stage. We organised resistance and built up our
defence around the police headquarters. We had some few loyalists who agreed
to support the resistance. The whole Thursday the struggle continued and on
Friday, we had to request assistance from Senegal based on the Mutual
Defence Agreement that we had signed with the Senegalese government.

What kind of a person was ex-President Jawara?

Well, you know I am an opposition. I'm leading an opposition party but
President Jawara as I saw him when I worked with him, was very democratic.
That we must accept. At the beginning of his career as leader of this
country, he had created respect for himself. It was only in the latter part
that we saw so many things going wrong that we decided to become an
opposition. Personally, he was a very good leader.

Why did you call it a day with the PPP and formed the GPP?

Well, you know whilst I was in the PPP, there was a lot of in-fighting. I
had lots of problems within the party itself. A lot of animosity ensued
between me and the president created by the in-fighting within the party. So
he decided he could not work with me. Consequently I was out of his Cabinet.
Even after I was out of Cabinet, I continued to be fought by other
individual members of the party. I decided I could not take it anymore so I
established the GPP?

If there was no Jammeh rebellion against him, would Jawara have been removed
through democratic means?

Yes, in fact that is why I regard this military take-over as a political
setback for the opposition because I was convinced that Jawara was going to
be removed by democratic means. It was apparent if you realise in 1992 the
number of seats his party lost to the opposition and independent candidates.
The PPP had never lost that way. We believed from the analysis we had that
if that process had continued, in another general election, the opposition
would have had more seats and that would have forced the PPP to form a
coalition government. And once we start having a coalition government, we
had hoped the process of a free exit would have already started for him.
Thus, we believe we could have removed him democratically. The coup was a
set-back for us and a set-back for democracy.

How surprised were you when Jammeh announced his interest in the presidency?

I was surprised and I believed him, that he was not a politician, that he
was not interested in politics, and that he was not going to contest the
elections. So when he decided to run, I was quite surprised.

If you were to have an audience with President Jammeh, what would you get
off your chest?

First of all I don't think I can have an audience with him. I'm a banned
man. How can I get involved in politics if he's put me on a ban?

How accepted or popular was the PPP?

Well, of course, all the way, the PPP, to be honest, was very popular. I
believe at the time of the first republic and even after, the PPP had very
sound policies. It was only in the latter part from 1982 onwards that things
started going the wrong way. But before that the policies were sound and the
party was very popular. We have always had free and fair elections.

Looking back, do you have any regrets wallowing in politics?

No, I don't have any regrets, really. I had the opportunity and am most
grateful to the people in general to have supported us. I don't think I have
anything to regret. I think we bought this country from nothing to what it
is today.

What would you say is the difference between the rule of Jawara and Jammeh?

Well, the problem is in the constitution. Now you see MPs are directly
elected by the people but cannot be ministers. I don't think I would support
that sort of situation. My reason is that people who are directly elected if
they are in charge of policies then they would be more careful than people
who are just from outside with no connection with the body politic of the
country. That is the difference I have noticed which I think is not a good
thing for the masses.

What do you think of the constitutional amendments?

The constitutional amendments, I think are a retrogressive step because
after having direct elections for chiefs, I don't see why the constitution
should be amended to provide for one man to be appointing chiefs. On the
contrary, I was expecting that they would enhance the election. To be a
chief after limiting the chieftaincy may be ten years or twenty years as the
case may be you'll be required to face the people again rather than being
appointed for life. That is a backward step.

Was Jammeh barking the right tree when he rejected the Commission and
Coroner's reports?

Well, I have not been following up that issue very closely but whatever the
situation was, I think the government should have accepted the Coroner's
report, and accept the whole Commission's report and do something about it.
But to reject it in total, I think is a very sad state of affair.

Buba Baldeh seems to slice through Decree 89 while it is pinning others
down. What are you doing about this?

Well, that is what I said earlier. In principle, Decree 89 does not exist.
The government itself has infringed Decree 89 so we are at liberty to get
out and just liberate ourselves. The government has infringed Decree 89 in
many cases. I don't see any reason to continue to respect Decree 89.

So if the ban were lifted, would you throw your hat into the political ring?

Of course, I have already made that statement that I will not be left in the
cold. I have the energy and I'm going to use that energy in the national
interest.

Would you then call old folks like Femi Peters from the UDP to join you
again?

Well, I cannot make any statement on that.

Do you think Jammeh will sweep the polls again this year?

Well, you never can tell. It's premature for me to tell you whether Jammeh
will win or not.


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