Wassa,
I did not receive Laye's forward nor Galleh's rejoinder. That may be because
my mailbox was full. I thank you for sharing it with us. Thank you Laye and
Galleh for sharing. Galleh shares my exact sentiments. No need to add
anything to it.
Perhaps we get an idea what the mission of the Commonwealth Development
Corporation has been all these years.
Haruna. This in no way means I support or condone Mugabe's idiosycracies.
MQJGDT. Darbo. Al Mu'Umin.
In a message dated 6/26/2008 3:42:36 A.M. Mountain Daylight Time,
[log in to unmask] writes:
Baba Galleh Jallow,
Well done for the comments. Thanks.
Wassa.
> Date: Wed, 25 Jun 2008 22:09:57 +0000> From: [log in to unmask]> Subject:
Re: Queen Strips Mugabe of Knighthood [NY Times]> To:
[log in to unmask]> > BambaLaye,> > I think this so-called de-knighting of Robert Mugabe
represents another classic case of the British government’s – and the western
world’s - nauseating hypocrisy in dealing with Africa. When did Robert Mugabe
ever deserve a knighthood from the Queen? Or more generally, what are the
criteria for the conferment of this supposedly great honor on African and
other commonwealth country leaders? Is knighthood conferred on those leaders who
demonstrate respect for their own people or those that demonstrate respect
for the so-called British commonwealth? I am raising these questions because
Mugabe had been a brutal dictator for at least fourteen years (1980-1994)
before the hallowed title of “Sir” of which he is now being stripped, was
conferred upon him by our impressed Queen of the Great British Empire and
Commonwealth. A cursory glance at Zimbabwean history illustrates this point.> > The two
guerrilla armies that fought the liberation war in Zimbabwe – Robert Mugabe’
s Zimbabwe National Liberation Army (ZANLA), and Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe
People’s Liberation Army (ZIPRA) – were largely constructed along the age-old
ethnic binary of Shona and Ndebele. While the boundaries between these two
ethnic groups have almost always been blurred and contested, ZIPRA had its
center in Bulawayo and recruited most of its members and supporters from
Matabeleland in western Zimbabwe. And while it included a spattering of Kalanga,
Venda, and Tswana speakers, the ZIPRA army was overwhelmingly Ndebele and its
lingua franca was Sindebele. On the other hand, ZANLA drew its support from the
majority Shona peoples who lived in most parts of the rest of the country.> >
In the “post-liberation” era, particularly during the “counter-insurgency”
period in the mid-1980s, the Mugabe regime, in the name of “purifying and
cleansing the body of the nation,” ruthlessly authorized violence against the
people he saw as in the way of a united Zimbabwe - the Ndebele. Appropriating
and deploying the Emergency Powers of the ousted Rhodesian state, as well as
its concept of collective punishment, Mugabe sent troops into Matabeleland in
a project he termed Gukurahundi (Shona for “Sweeping Away the Rubbish”) to
crack down on alleged traitors to the national cause. During this “cleansing”
period in Matabeleland, Mugabe’s soldiers proved to be more brutal and
vicious than the ousted occupying forces; indeed, historians argue that their
methods were much more brutal and devastating than those employed by the brutal
colonial forces. Like other parts of Africa, the high hopes and sacrifices of
a liberation war turned out to be little more than an avenue for the
appropriation and abuse of political power by those – like Robert Mugabe - who posed
as champions of freedom during the struggle for independence. The people of
Zimbabwe had rallied behind the doctrines of their guerrilla movements, and
their religious doctrines and institutions – both Western and African – to
fight for the birth of a black nation free of the tyrannies, injustices,
inequities, and bondage of White Rhodesia. In the “post-liberation” period, most
Zimbabweans, particularly those considered to be on the wrong side of the new
political dispensation – realized that attaining the liberation they fought
for was far more complex and difficult than they could possibly have imagined.
Common Zimbabweans who had sacrificed everything in support of the liberation
struggle now discovered that the fruits of independence represented more of
a pie in the sky than the readily available and abundant fruits of
independence that they imagined. Most of them, particularly those considered to be
Ndebele, as well as most youth and women, felt angry and betrayed as the Mugabe
regime centralized its power and control of the state, and privileged
pre-colonial and colonial authoritarian means of social control and coercion such as
patriarchy and the police and military over the values of justice, equality
and the rule of law.> > Are the British authorities, the British queen, the
administrators of the so-called British commonwealth telling us that they were
ignorant of these brutal purges Mugabe visited upon his own people as soon
as the white colonial government was kicked out of Southern Rhodesia
(Zimbabwe)? Are they telling us that they had all being unaware of Mugabe’s criminal
violations of human rights and the rule of law in Zimbabwe between 1980 and
1994? Why should the queen confer such a supposedly hallowed title on a ruler
who had already spent fourteen years in power in an ostensibly democratic
country? Would the queen confer such an honor on a British prime minister who
hijacks the British peoples’ rights to periodic change of leadership and stays
continuously on in power for fourteen years? But of course, we do have such a
thing as African democracy, which is different from the more civilized
British democracy, right?> > So I contend that the queen should give us a break
about stripping Mugabe of his so-called knighthood which he never deserved
anyway, unless of course, being deserving of such an honor is judged by criteria
pertinent to nothing more than being a good boy of British empire. Now of
course, Mugabe is probably the worst British boy ever on account of his ceaseless
rantings and vilifications of the pious British establishment. > > Thanks
for sharing.> > Baba> > > > Date: Wed, 25 Jun 2008 14:55:58 -0500> From:
[log in to unmask]> Subject: FW: Queen Strips Mugabe of Knighthood [NY Times]>
To: [log in to unmask]> > June 26, 2008> Queen Strips Mugabe of
Knighthood By ALAN>
COWELL<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/c/alan_cowell/index.html?inline=nyt-per>> > Queen Elizabeth II has
stripped Robert>
Mugabe<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/m/robert_mugabe/index.html?inline=nyt-per>,>
Zimbabwe<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/zimbabwe/index.html?inline=nyt
-geo>'s> strongman president for nearly 30 years, of his honorary knighthood
as a> "mark of revulsion" at the human rights abuses and "abject disregard"
for> democracy over which he has presided, the British Foreign Office
announced> Wednesday.> > The rebuke showed the extent of international frustration
over Mr. Mugabe's> insistence to go ahead with a presidential runoff on
Friday, even though his> sole opponent, Morgan>
Tsvangirai<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/morgan_tsvangirai/index.html?inline=nyt-p
er>,> pulled out of race on Sunday because of the persistent violence and>
intimidation against him, his party and their supporters.> > Mr. Mugabe's
government has had a long history of human rights abuses, but> he was granted an
honorary knighthood during an official visit to England in> 1994 when, the
foreign office contends, "the conditions in Zimbabwe were> very different."> >
But with the widespread attacks against the opposition, the foreign office>
said the honor could no longer be justified. Stripping a dignitary of an>
honorary knighthood is exceedingly rare. A foreign office spokesman could> think
of only one other time it had been done — in 1989 to the Romanian> dictator
Nicolae Ceaucescu.> > Mr. Tsvangirai, the beleaguered opposition leader,
called on the United>
Nations<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/u/united_nations/index.html?inline=nyt-org>on> Wednesday to
send a peacekeeping force to bring calm to the country> and> help pave the way
for new elections in which he could participate as a> "legitimate
candidate."> > "Zimbabwe will break if the world does not come to our aid," he said in
an> op-ed in The Guardian newspaper in London. After weeks of mounting
political> violence against the opposition and its supporters, Mr. Tsvangirai
withdrew> from Friday's runoff and took refuge Sunday in the Dutch Embassy in
Harare.> > He emerged from the embassy briefly on Wednesday to hold a news
conference> at his home in which he challenged President Robert Mugabe to cancel
the> runoff and open negotiations.> > But, he said, he was not prepared to deal
with a government validated by an> election in which Mr. Mugabe is by default
the only candidate. Mr. Mugabe> has insisted Friday's voting will go ahead.>
> "We have said we are prepared to negotiate on this side of the 27th, not
the> other side of the 27th," Mr. Tsvangirai said, according to Reuters.> >
He listed four demands: an end to political violence; the resumption of>
humanitarian aid; the swearing in of legislators elected in the first round> of
voting on March 29; and the release of political prisoners.> > "We have always
maintained that the Zimbabwean problem is an African problem> that requires
an African solution," he said, referring to continent-wide and> regional
African bodies including the Southern African Development> Community.> > "To this
end, I am asking the African>
Union<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/a/african_union/index.html?inline=nyt-org>and>
S.A.D.C. to lead an expanded initiative, supported by the United> Nations, to
manage the transitional process.> > "The transitional period would allow the
country to heal," he said. "Genuine> and honest dialogue amongst Zimbabweans is
the only way forward." He said he> wanted the African Union to endorse his
proposals at a forthcoming summit> meeting in Egypt.> > Mr. Tsvangirai's
demands coincided with a scramble of regional and> international diplomacy with
many African and Western institutions saying> the vote on Friday will be neither
free nor fair. A critical group of> southern African countries opened a
meeting Wednesday in Swaziland to seek a> way out of the crisis.> > The meeting
grouped leaders or ministers from Swaziland, Angola and Tanzania> — the
so-called troika charged with responsibility for the region's> political, defense
and security issues. The group said it had also invited> the leaders of Zambia
and South Africa to attend, but President Thabo>
Mbeki<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/m/thabo_mbeki/index.html?inline=nyt-per>
of> South Africa, the regional mediator on the crisis in Zimbabwe, said>
through a spokesman that he would not attend.> > The spokesman, Mukoni
Ratshitanga, said in a telephone interview that South> Africa was not a member of the
troika and had not been invited.> > Amid the international outcry over his
government's handling of the crisis,> Mr. Mugabe, 84, was reported Tuesday as
hinting that he might be open to> talks with the opposition, but only after
Friday's vote confirmed his power.> > > He remained defiant about going ahead
with the runoff.> > "They can shout as loud as they like from Washington or
from London or from> any other quarter," Mr. Mugabe said in televised
broadcasts. "Our people,> our people, only our people will decide and nobody else.">
> Taken together, his remarks were the most explicit affirmation that he>
intended to go through with an election widely condemned as illegitimate.> > But
the hint of readiness to talk was also the first sign that Mr. Mugabe> might
negotiate — as Mr. Mbeki has been urging him to do — once he has what> he
can depict as a position of strength.> > The state-run Herald newspaper
quoted Mr. Mugabe on Wednesday as saying: "We> are open, open to discussion but we
have our own principles."> > The American ambassador in Harare, James McGee,
has concluded that Mr.> Mugabe and his Zanu-PF party area determined to hold
the runoff "at all> costs," according to the State Department.> > "We've
received reports that Zanu-PF will force people to vote on Friday and> also take
action against those who refuse to vote," Mr. McGee said in a> conference
call described by the State Department. "So, they're saying 'We> want an
election at all costs. We want to validate Mr. Mugabe's victory> here.'" "There's
really nothing that we can do here in the international> community to stop
these elections," Mr. McGee said.> > The BBC quoted Jendayi Frazer, the State
Department's assistant secretary of> state for African affairs, as saying
Washington would not recognize the> outcome of the vote if it went forward.> >
"People were being beaten and losing their lives just to exercise their> right
to vote for their leadership so we cannot, under these conditions,> recognize
the outcome if, in fact, this runoff goes forward," she was quoted> as
saying.> > South Africa, the region's most influential player, has rejected
outside> intervention in the crisis.> > In a statement on Tuesday, South Africa's
ruling African National>
Congress<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/a/african_national_congress/index.html?inline=nyt-org>ins
isted> that "any attempts by outside players to impose regime change will>
merely deepen the crisis."> > While the A.N.C. statement came out with an
unusually strong condemnation of> the Zimbabwean government, saying it was
"riding roughshod over the hard-won> democratic rights" of its people, the party
also insisted that outsiders had> no role to play in ending its current
anguish.> > "It has always been and continues to be the view of our movement that
the> challenges facing Zimbabwe can only be solved by the Zimbabweans>
themselves," the statement said. "Nothing that has happened in the recent> months
has persuaded us to revise that view."> > Despite that assessment, Prime
Minister Gordon>
Brown<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/b/gordon_brown/index.html?inline=nyt-per>of> Britain told Parliament on
Wednesday, "We are preparing intensified> sanctions, financial and travel
sanctions, against named members of the> Mugabe regime." That included a ban on the
Zimbabwean cricket team to> prevent it from touring England, news agencies
reported.> > The A.N.C. warned against international intervention a day after the
United> Nations Security>
Council<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/s/security_council/index.html?inline=nyt-org>took>
its first action on the electoral crisis in Zimbabwe, issuing a> unanimous
statement condemning the widespread campaign of violence in the> country and
calling on the government to free political prisoners and allow> the opposition
to hold rallies.> > Writing in The Guardian, however, Mr. Tsvangirai, again
took issue with Mr.> Mbeki's mediation, saying "it sought to massage a
defeated dictator rather> than show him the door and prod him towards it."> > "We
ask for the U.N. to go further than its recent resolution, condemning> the
violence in Zimbabwe, to encompass an active isolation of the dictator> Mugabe,"
Mr. Tsvangirai said.> > "For this we need a force to protect the people. We
do not want armed> conflict, but the people of Zimbabwe need the words of
indignation from> global leaders to be backed by the moral rectitude of military
force. Such a> force would be in the role of peacekeepers, not troublemakers.
They would> separate the people from their oppressors and cast the
protective shield> around the democratic process for which Zimbabwe yearns," he said.>
> "The next stage should be a new presidential election. This does indeed>
burden Zimbabwe and create an atmosphere of limbo. Yet there is hardly a>
scenario that does not carry an element of pain. The reality is that a new>
election, devoid of violence and intimidation, is the only way to put> Zimbabwe
right," Mr. Tsvangirai said.> > It was not immediately clear how other African
nations would respond to Mr.> Tsvangirai's call.> > The A.N.C. statement,
which was the first official response from South> Africa since Mr. Tsvangirai's
withdrawal, was not signed by any individual> in the A.N.C. It seemed to
represent a marked departure from Mr. Mbeki's> refusal to castigate Mr. Mugabe,
and seemed to reflect the increasing> frustration with the Zimbabwean
president.> > At the same time, in what seemed a clear rebuke to the efforts of
Western> nations to take an aggressive stance against the Zimbabwean government,
the> A.N.C. included a lengthy criticism of the "arbitrary, capricious
power"> exerted by Africa's colonial masters and cited the subsequent struggle by>
African nations to gain freedoms and rights.> > "No colonial power in Africa,
least of all Britain in its colony of> 'Rhodesia' ever demonstrated any
respect for these principles," the A.N.C.> said, referring to Zimbabwe before its
independence.> > Zimbabwe, once one of Africa's most prosperous countries,
has been reeling> from a widening campaign of violence and intimidation since
Mr. Mugabe,> Zimbabwe's president for nearly 30 years, came in second in the
initial> round of voting on March 29.> > In a show of support for the
opposition, the powerful Congress of South> African Trade Unions declared on
Tuesday that it was "appalled at the levels> of violence and intimidation being
inflicted on the people of Zimbabwe by> the illegitimate Mugabe regime."> > "The
June 27 presidential election is not an election, but a declaration of> war
against the people of Zimbabwe by the ruling party," the union group> said.>
> Urging a boycott of Zimbabwe, it said: "We call on all our unions and
those> everywhere else in the world to make sure that they never ever serve
Mugabe> anywhere, including at airports, restaurants, shops, etc.> > "Further, we
call on all workers and citizens of the world never to allow> Mugabe to set
foot in their countries."> > Celia W. Dugger and Barry Bearak contributed
reporting from Johannesburg.> >
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