Deadly Legacy: U.S. Arms to Africa and the Congo War
Africa Policy Information Center
January 26, 2000
Washington - This posting contains the executive summary of a new report
from the Arms Trade Resource Center of the World Policy Institute, citing
past and present U.S. military connections to countries involved in the
conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The report calls for greater
restrictions and transparency in U.S. programs of arms sales and military
training, and for refocusing resources on civilian development.
Deadly Legacy: U.S. Arms to Africa and the Congo War A Report of the Arms
Trade Resource Center
January 2000
William D. Hartung World Policy Institute 65 Fifth Ave. Suite 413 New York,
NY 10003 Tel: (212)-229-5808, ext. 106 Fax: (212)-229-5579 E-mail:
[log in to unmask]
Executive Summary
As the Clinton administration moves into the presidency of the United
Nations Security Council, it is declaring January 2000, "the month of
Africa." Hoping to counter criticisms that it has been engaged in a
rhetorical promotion of U.S.-Africa relations over the past two years
without substantive follow-up, the administration has announced its intent
to prioritize finding solutions to the ongoing conflicts in the region,
including a 30-year civil war that trudges on in Angola and the ongoing
crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It has not, however,
accepted its own responsibility in helping to create the conditions that
have led to these seemingly intractable conflicts.
Over the past few years, the administration has made considerable effort to
put a new and improved face on its relations with African countries. High-
level visits to the region -- first by Secretary of State Madeleine
Albright, then President Clinton himself in the spring of 1998, and U.S.
Ambassador to the UN Richard Holbrooke this past December -- have reinforced
the idea of a new partnership with the continent based on promoting "African
solutions to African problems." The reality, however, is that the problems
facing Africa and her people -- violent conflict, political instability, and
the lowest regional rate of economic growth worldwide -- have been fueled in
part by a legacy of U.S. involvement in the region. Moreover, the solutions
being proposed by the Clinton administration remain grounded in the counter-
productive Cold-War policies that have defined U.S.-Africa relations for far
too long.
Unfortunately, the ongoing war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
presents a vivid example of how U.S. policies -- past and present -- have
failed the people of Africa. After more than two years of devastating war,
African leaders are struggling, with little success, to implement the Lusaka
peace accord. Signatories to the treaty continue to call for UN peacekeeping
support even as they prepare for continued fighting. Despite its
demonstrable role in planting the seeds of this conflict, the U.S. has done
little to either acknowledge its complicity or help create a viable
resolution. Official tours of the region and impressive rhetoric will not be
enough to contribute to lasting peace, democratic stability, and economic
development in Africa.
Major Findings
Finding 1
* Due to the continuing legacies of its Cold War policies toward Africa, the
U.S. bears some responsibility for the cycles of violence and economic
problems plaguing the continent. Throughout the Cold War (1950-1989), the
U.S. delivered over $1.5 billion worth of weaponry to Africa. Many of the
top U.S. arms clients -- Liberia, Somalia, the Sudan, and Zaire (now the
Democratic Republic of the Congo or DRC) -- have turned out to be the top
basket cases of the 1990s in terms of violence, instability, and economic
collapse.
Finding 2
* The ongoing civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (formerly Zaire)
is a prime example of the devastating legacy of U.S. arms sales policy on
Africa. The U.S. prolonged the rule of Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Soko by
providing more than $300 million in weapons and $100 million in military
training. Mobutu used his U.S.-supplied arsenal to repress his own people
and plunder his nation's economy for three decades, until his brutal regime
was overthrown by Laurent Kabila's forces in 1997. When Kabila took power,
the Clinton administration quickly offered military support by developing a
plan for new training operations with the armed forces.
Finding 3
* Although the Clinton administration has been quick to criticize the
governments involved in the Congo War, decades of U.S. weapons transfers and
continued military training to both sides of the conflict have helped fuel
the fighting. The U.S. has helped build the arsenals of eight of the nine
governments directly involved in the war that has ravaged the DRC since
Kabila's coup. U.S. military transfers in the form of direct government-to-
government weapons deliveries, commercial sales, and International Military
Education and Training (IMET) to the states directly involved have totaled
more than $125 million since the end of the Cold War.
Finding 4
* Despite the failure of U.S. polices in the region, the current
administration continues to respond to Africa's woes by helping to
strengthen African militaries. As U.S. weapons deliveries to Africa continue
to rise, the Clinton administration is now undertaking a wave of new
military training programs in Africa. Between 1991-1998, U.S. weapons and
training deliveries to Africa totaled more than $227 million. In 1998 alone,
direct weapons transfers and IMET training totaled $20.1 million. And, under
the Pentagon's Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) program, U.S. special
forces have trained military personnel from at least 34 of Africa's 53
nations, including troops fighting on both sides of the DRC's civil war --
from Rwanda and Uganda (supporting the rebels) to Zimbabwe and Namibia
(supporting the Kabila regime).
Finding 5
* Even as it fuels military build-up, the U.S. continues cutting development
assistance to Africa and remains unable (or unwilling) to promote
alternative non-violent forms of engagement. While the U.S. ranks number one
in global weapons exports, it falls dead last among industrialized nations
in providing non-military foreign aid to the developing world. In 1997, the
U.S. devoted only 0.09% of GNP to international development assistance, the
lowest proportion of all developed countries. U.S. development aid to all of
sub- Saharan Africa has dropped to just $700 million in recent years
(roughly one- third the cost of one B-2 bomber!).
Recommendations
Recommendation 1
* By restricting the flow of weapons and training and increasing support for
sustainable development policies, the U.S. could help create the conditions
needed for peace and stability to take root. Although Congress recently
passed legislation requiring the President to begin negotiations toward an
international arms sales code of conduct based on human rights,
non-aggression, and democracy, the U.S. continues to exempt its own exports
from these same standards. The Clinton administration should make good on
its acclaimed commitments to human rights and democracy by supporting
passage of the bipartisan McKinney-Rohrabacher Code of Conduct on Arms
Transfers (HR 2269), a measure which would take U.S. weapons out of the
hands of dictators and human rights abusers.
Recommendation 2
* All U.S. military training programs should receive congressional oversight
and approval, with effective mechanisms in place for reviewing and assessing
their impact on human rights and democratic consolidation in the recipient
countries. Despite congressional action to restrict military training from
units engaged in human rights abuses, the Pentagon still carries out largely
unmonitored Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) operations under a
special forces exemption. Congress should take immediate steps to close the
loopholes in JCET and other training programs by passing the International
Military Training Transparency and Accountability Act (HR 1063). This bill,
introduced by Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ) and supported by a strong bi-partisan
coalition, would prohibit all forms of military training and services to
countries that are already ineligible for International Military Education
Training.
Recommendation 3
The Clinton administration should provide increased unconditional debt
forgiveness to African nations and encourage them to shift resources away
from military build-up and toward human development. The U.S. should
immediately forgive the hundreds of millions of dollars in military debt
accrued by governments in Zaire, the Sudan, and Somalia. It should also take
steps toward further debt relief by passing the HOPE for Africa bill
introduced by Rep. Jesse Jackson, Jr. (D-IL) in the House (HR 772) and Sen.
Russell Feingold (D-WI) in the Senate (S 1636). President Clinton should
also commit to the Jubilee 2000 campaign's call for developing a plan, in
conjunction with local non-governmental organizations and civil society, for
full and unconditional debt relief this year.
Recommendation 4
The U.S. should provide increased development assistance to Africa and
encourage civil-society building. President Clinton and Congress should
restore the previous level of $800 million in development assistance to
Africa in the FY2001 budget and work to increase funding to a more
responsible level in coming years. The U.S. should strive to raise African
development funding to $2 billion by 2003, and consult directly with non-
governmental institutions to ensure that these funds are dispersed and used
appropriately.
For a copy of the full report, contact Frida Berrigan (212-229-5808, ext.
112, or [log in to unmask]); or consult our website,
http://www.worldpolicy.org/projects/arms.
Distributed by the Africa Policy Information Center (APIC), the educational
affiliate of the Washington Office on Africa, 110 Maryland Ave. NE, No. 509,
Washington, DC 20002. Phone: 202-546-7961. Fax: 202-546-1545. E- mail:
[log in to unmask]
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