Walter Rodney
People's Power, No Dictator

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Written:1979
First Published:1979
Source: Georgetown, Guyana: Working People's Alliance, 1979.
Transcription:Susan Campbell
Markup:Steve Palmer
Proofread:Unknown
Copyleft: Public domain

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People's Power, No Dictator
1. On the Nature of a Dictatorship in General

A dictator is defined as one who elevates himself above all other
citizens, and often makes claims to be closer to God than mere mortals.
Emperors, kings and nobles of the feudal period easily became dictators
because they could justify despotic acts on the grounds that royal
power and authority were of sacred origin. In more modern versions of
dictatorship, the absolute ruler has to fabricate an elaborate cult of
the personality to prove that he is more intelligent, more potent and
generally superior to any other human being. Idi Amin fancied himself
not only a physical giant but also as a intellectual giant. Besides, he
boasted of a direct line to Allah. Eric Gairy, our Caribbean ex-
dictator, dabbled in obeah and convinced himself that he was better
than the world's leading scientists and would personally solve the
problem of unidentified flying objects. This is the stuff of which
dictators are made.

By definition, the dictator is responsible to no one, no organisation,
to no social institution. One the contrary, he creates the impression
that he holds in the palm of his hand the existence of every person and
every organisation. The dictator is paramount. He gives out land,
scholarships etc, not because they belong to the people, but because he
considers that he is doing the rest of mankind a great favour. That is
why human and civil rights disappear under a dictatorship. At best, an
individual is expected to be eternally grateful to the dictator. After
all, that which the dictator giveth he also taketh away.

A dictator is representative of some class other than the majority of
the exploited workers and peasants. Class domination itself is
sometimes called "dictatorship", but of course all members of the class
which controls the given economy normally expect to share in the
political power. A dictator prevents this from happening. Even within
his own class there is no scope for freedom of expression. The dictator
obeys no rules other than those of his own making; and consequently
there is a tendency for rules to be abandoned altogether. The rule of
law is replaced by arbitrary conduct and orders from above.

 Dictators surround themselves with mediocrities and lackeys -that is
to say, by men and women with little competence and integrity who
maintain their positions though cunning, opportunism and boot-licking
in relationship to the dictator. In relationship to the people, these
stooges of the dictator become tyrants, who imitate as best as they
can, the intolerant and despotic behaviour of the big boss.

 In political life, men and women make decisions about their own
welfare. Politics has to do with making choices and implementing
decisions. The realm of politics therefore constitutes one of the
highest aspects of a people's culture. Through one-man rule, the
dictatorship reduces politics to the art of manipulation. There is
nothing big or small which lies outside of his personal intervention.
Nor does he remember to draw the distinction between public policy and
private interest. That is why the dictator and his cohorts continually
confuse the national treasury with their private bank accounts. That is
why a dictatorial regime so often bases decisions on petty spite and
vendetta -amounting to what we in Guyana would call "grudge" politics.

 On the surface, the dictatorship might appear to be efficient; but
the opposite is usually the case. The fact that a dictator is ruthless,
does not necessarily make him efficient. A dictatorial system destroys
initiative. It does not allow the genius of the people to flourish and
it frustrates even that class from which the dictator emerged.
Dictators always pretend to be strong men, but in practice, the effort
to control everyone and everything is too much. The historical record
shows that several dictators were more than a little bit mad before
they seized power, and many of them certainly went crazy after some
years of despotic rule.

 2. On the Nature of the Burnham Dictatorship in Particular

As soon as we have stated the tendencies of dictatorship in general,
we have already begun to lay bare the characteristics of the Burnham
dictatorship. But of course we must go further and identify all of its
peculiarities. The first peculiarity is that the Burnham dictatorship
has masked and camouflaged itself. It would prefer that its vices be
hidden from the public. Why is this?

Men in the past have boasted of being dictators. Some have even
pretended to be benevolent autocrats, ruling in the interests of those
over whom they exercised absolute control. Recently, Somoza of
Nicaragua went down fighting as a unrepentant dictator. But nowadays,
hardly any rulers admit that they are dictators. The demand for freedom
has become universal, and repression feels the need to camouflage
itself. Thus the Pinochet regime in Chile rigged a referendum to tell
the world that the Chilean people voted for a dictatorship! Idi Amin
claimed to have had the support of the Ugandan masses whom he was
butchering! The world has come to shun racist regimes, military
dictatorships and all dictatorial governments. This climate of
international opinion offers the first explanation as to why the
Burnham dictatorship prefers to remain disguised.

The Burnham dictatorship presents itself as its own opposite -that is
to say, it presents itself as a democracy. This pattern has been
determined by the manner in which Burnham achieved political power.
Some dictators seize power by violence, as frequently happened in Latin
America. Some inherit from a previous strong-man, as in the case of
"Baby Doc" Duvalier who succeeded "Papa Doc" Duvalier of Haiti.
Occasionally, a dictator can arrive on the scene as part of an
electoral process before taking the steps of brazenly undermining the
self-same electoral system. This was the case with Hitler who subverted
German bourgeois democracy in the 1930's. Burnham has taken a similar
road to power - subverting the democratic system of which he was part
in 1953.

We cannot say that Guyana today has reached the same stage as Germany
under Hitler's rule, because that would be to lose a sense of
proportion. Burnham as a dictator is petty because ours is a nation of
less than a million people. Hitler had a mad wish to rule the world.
For this reason, he is generally described as a megalomaniac. Hitler's
megalomania was backed by the powerful German economy and the might of
the German army. Burnham's megalomania is closer to comedy and farce.
It takes the form of wearing a General's uniform and hoping that the
army will conquer his own people. In the long run, however, every
dictator is like any other dictator. Burnham certainly has the capacity
to make life miserable for the entire population of our small nation.

Like all classic dictatorships, that which exists in Guyana has
fostered the cult of the personality. The minority PNC regime has used
all manner of tricks and gimmicks to make the "Comrade Leader" appear
to be a demi-god. Some of the gimmicks were inherited from our past of
colonial oppression. Thus on the exercise books of school children, the
face of the reigning English Monarch was simply replaced by that of the
Prime Minister, even though there is a President as Constitutional Head
of State in Guyana.

Other practices which promote the cult of the personality have been
adopted in flagrant violation of our culture. It is on record that one
Hindu Pandit insulted his co-religionists and Guyanese as a whole by
stating that Burnham is a re-incarnation of Lord Krishna. All Guyanese
can attest to the many manoeuvres of the PNC regime to glorify and
deify the man Forbes Burnham. We have been afflicted with his face, his
name, his voice everywhere. This obscene and vulgar behaviour
eventually had a damaging effect on our entire artistic production,
including the strangling of our calypso tradition so the calypso crown
could be won by whoever shouted the loudest praise to the dictator.
When Burnham could not pretend that he was the greatest, he sought to
attach himself shamelessly to the shirt-tales of those who had proved
their greatness in one field or another -ranging from Fidel Castro to
Mohamed Ali. Most West Indians were totally disgusted by the ridiculous
practice of Burnham laying personal claim to Clive Lloyd and the West
Indian cricket team.

For a small nation, Guyana has produced a discouragingly large number
of lackeys and stooges who hide in the shadow of the "Comrade Leader".
Guyanese constantly complain of "square pegs in round holes". The
square pegs are the misfits and soup drinkers who flourish because each
one is prepared to be his master's voice. This is a double tragedy in
this situation. First there is the tragedy (with some mixture of
comedy) of the incompetent, the mediocre and the corrupt making a mess
of things. Secondly, there is the tragedy in which men and women of
ability and integrity have been dismissed or they have run away or they
have been reduced to silence. This part of the tragedy involves honest
police officers who must condone corruption, doctors who must heal
without drugs, managers who are not allowed to manage and workers who
are not permitted to produce and are then forced to consume a diet of
lies and deceit. And all of this, incidentally, is carried on in the
name of Socialism.

The smallness of our society also draws attention to the highly
personalised nature of the dictatorship. The dictator and his cronies
make it their business to hire and fire. They interfere with major
management decisions and they intervene in the most trivial affairs.
The ruling clique can be vindictive with appointments at the supposedly
independent University of Guyana as they can be vindictive with regard
to businessmen applying for licenses for imports controlled by the
Government. The dictator can personally intervene to stop a soldier
from going on leave, to prevent a junior clerk from getting a
promotion, to victimise a casual workers for failing to "toe the line".
Decisions as to who to prosecute in the courts should normally be made
by the Director of Public Prosecutions. Many of these decisions are
made by the dictator himself in Guyana and are influenced not by the
well-being of the state but by personal spite. It is said that the
"Comrade Leader" boasts of his long memory and marks down persons for
victimisation even if he has to wait for fifteen years before he can
vent his wrath on them.

When Guyana achieved independence in 1966, the PNC was a minority
Government which had come to power through dubious means. Ten years
later, it had become a dictatorship in which the state control over the
economy was the main weapon used to keep people in line. Burnham and
his cronies consider themselves powerful and clever men when they
successfully threaten and intimidate a mother by bringing threats
against her children.

The Italian writer, Machiavelli, is famous for his analysis of
politics as the art of manipulating power. Machiavelli's best-known
book, "The Prince" was written some 450 years ago as advice to a ruler
with absolute power. We have it on the authority of the late Jessie
Burnham that her "Brother Forbes"was a firm disciple of Machiavelli. In
his own words, Burnham has described politics as the "science of
deals". He likes to wheel and deal and to treat persons as through each
can be bought and sold. Burnham encourages around himself individuals
who are weak or corrupt because he then exercises vicious control over
them. According to Burnham's thinking, the ends justify the means, and
the only means which matter are those which have to do with achieving
and holding on to power. Any means are acceptable if they allow him to
keep control over the state machinery. This is the ultimate in cynicism
and fully reveals the Machiavellian strategy which has guided Burnham
in his pursuit of absolute power in Guyana.

On the international scene, Burnham could never be a powerful force.
But he has proved crafty and cunning in achieving his ends within
Guyana. An old woman at Bourda shouted at a recent political meeting
that "Burnham mek Satan cry!" This remarkable piece of wit from the
Georgetown streets was in response to the deviousness of a man who has
worked out a long-term plan for dividing and ruling the Guyanese people
- all of whom he holds in deep contempt. Again we should refer to the
pamphlet by Jessie Burnham, entitled Beware My Brother Forbes, in which
she describes his racist attitude to Indians, his absolute selfishness
and his limitless ambition to hold others in domination. Jessie Burnham
also provided evidence as to the stealthy manner in which Forbes
Burnham went about his objectives.

The Burnham dictatorship crept up upon Guyanese people like a thief in
the night. His violations of human rights were frequent, but they were
sufficiently gradual that many persons did not realize what was going
on until it was too late. Take, for example, the end of freedom of the
press. This was not achieved by any single action or by any single law.
First, one national daily newspaper was nationalised and the second
followed later. The two were then merged. One radio station was taken
over by the government while the second was kept under manners.
Eventually the two became government-owned and came under one
management. Meanwhile, the opposition press was being restricted even
at the level of one-page duplicated sheets. The nationalised press and
radio are of course maintained by revenue produced by all Guyanese; but
step by step they became the personal tools of the dictator and his
clique. Press and radio journalists lost all independence and
professional dignity. Today, the Chronicle newspaper is proud to
announce itself as the 'Sister' of the New Nation publication which is
the official organ of the PNC party.

Many Guyanese of good will are wondering whether there was a point at
which they should have taken a stand to defend the freedom of the
press. The best time to fight for a freedom is when it exists and is
first threatened. But few Guyanese were prepared to [come] forward in
the early years of the Burnham dictatorship because they were simply
hoping for the best. Burnham recognised this attitude as a weakness of
our people and he made the most of it. Today, there is no press freedom
to defend; this is only a freedom destroyed which has to be rebuilt.

The fate of the Army and Police can serve as other examples of the
trickery which built the Burnham dictatorship. According to the Guyana
Constitution, each soldier or policeman takes an oath of loyalty to
this country symbolised by the Head of State. Each soldier or policeman
is expected to be loyal to the commands of an elected government
representing the people. Little by little since independence, loyalty
to the country became loyalty to the PNC and then personal loyalty to
Burnham. The uniformed forces helped the PNC to beat down the majority
opposition in 1973 and then by July 1978 they were helping Burnham to
steal the rights of 90% of the population -including the rights of many
former supporters of the PNC. One wonders whether the soldiers and
police realized when they stopped being loyal to the country and
started being the watch-dogs of a dictator?

In the old days, the "Three Card" con game was very popular in
Georgetown - especially in Lombard and Water Streets. The "Three Card"
deals used to announce "the more you watch the less you see", as they
cunningly flicked their cards from side to side. Forbes Burnham is our
national champion "Three Card" con artist.

There is another side to the gradual way in which the Burnham
dictatorship was established. Guyanese were dealt blow after blow
without being knocked out. But we certainly became dazed and stupefied.
Our national poet, Martin Carter, was one of the first to comment
publicly on this process. He mentioned how the senses of Guyanese were
being dulled. Martin Carter called this the "paralysis of the spirit".
Many decent Guyanese were tricked into doing dirty things, believing
that these acts would contribute to their own welfare. Instead, each
dirty deal simply confirmed the power of the dictator and allowed him
to turn around and insult even former supporters. As we would say in
Creole, people get use and then they get 'buse.

Burnham is well-known for his flowery language. Unfortunately some of
our people fell victim to the sound of words without examining the
meaning. 'Paramountcy' is one of Burnham's fancy words. He announced
the doctrine of PNC paramountcy or domination over Parliament, the
Courts, the Press and everything else. In fact, 'Paramountcy' was the
official statement that a minority party which was growing smaller and
smaller intended to maintain dictatorial rule over the majority. At the
same time, Burnham made it clear that he was 'paramount' over the PNC.
The PNC party constitution gives Burnham so-called reserve powers which
are greater than the reserve powers of the old colonial governors over
the legislature. The PNC Constitution states as follows: "If the leader
........ is of the opinion that a situation of emergency has arisen in
the Party, he shall have power ........ to take all action necessary to
correct such a situation; and for this purpose he may assume and
exercise any and all the powers of the Biennial Delegates' Congress,
The General Council, the Central Executive Committee, any other
Committee, Group, Arm, Organ or any other Officer of Official of the
Party."

Burnham the dictator is paramount over the paramount party!

3. On the Rights of the People

When Guyana gained its independence it inherited what is called the
bourgeois democratic system of Britain. Socially and economically, the
population remained divided into different classes; while politically
everyone had a right to help elect a Parliament which had one or more
parties. The Constitution of independent Guyana was the product of
class struggle waged partly in Europe and partly inside Guyana itself.

It was the people's struggle inside Guyana which contributed most to
political freedom in our country. The efforts of slaves and indentured
bondsmen made the question of liberation both a national and
international issue. Given our background of slavery, the question of
freedom can never be ignored in Guyana and the Caribbean.

Today, we take for granted the freedom of worship. But it was not a
freedom readily granted by our oppressors. When a few non-conformist
ministers of religion first suggested that slaves should have access to
Christianity, they were resisted by the slave masters. Those slaves who
wished to practice the Christian religion ran terrible risks in order
to insist on their right to worship as they chose -just as thousands of
slaves had earlier fought to continue holding their African beliefs.
Under indentureship, the situation was not very different. It was
usually after the end of their five year bond that our Indian
foreparents were able to turn to the temple, the mosque or the church
as the case might be.

One of the most bitter struggles in the history of Guyana has been the
struggle to establish the right to work. That is to say, the right to
be offered employment which would provide a decent living. The right to
work means the right to eat and the right to live. After slavery, the
free population was willing to work. But they demanded fair conditions;
and planters brought in indentured labourers to undercut the demand for
better wages and conditions. The indentured labourers themselves soon
grew aware of the situation. They too demanded better conditions and
the result was that they were refused employment while fresh indentured
labourers were brought in. The right to employment in crop time, the
right to employment out of crop season, the right to employment in the
public sector, all of these were at least partially won by the end of
the colonial period.

Alongside the right to work was the right to housing. Acquiring a
house depends on what one earns and is therefore linked to the right to
work. Plantation labourers were housed in logies from slavery days.
When labourers became free, the planters told them they could enjoy the
privilege of staying in the plantation logies if they worked on the
estates without protest. Right up until recent times, estates have
ejected tenants who exercised their right to strike.

That is why our people have always preferred houses in a village
instead of houses on estates. On the sugar estates, in the villages and
in the towns, workers have organised to demand decent housing and to
demand housing with no strings attached. Housing is not a favour which
the dictator has granted to the people. The right to housing is an
internationally recognised and fundamental human right. It is one for
which the Guyanese people have struggled in the countryside and in the
towns.

In the colonial days of British Guiana, rural workers and farmers made
the magnificent contribution of establishing free villages -like Buxton
on the East Coast, Demerara, Queenstown in Essequibo and
Fyrish/Gibraltar in East Berbice. The village residents fought the
planters and the colonists in order to practice democracy at the local
government level.

The urban working class led the way in establishing trade unions and
in exercising the right to strike. Stevedores were amongst the most
abused and exploited workers in the colonial system. Yet it was the
stevedores and other dockworkers who sacrificed to make trade unions
possible.

Our middle classes identified themselves with popular campaigns
against dictatorial governors, against corruption in the public
service, against planters manipulating elections, and against the
misuse of the authority of the courts. All classes in the colony of
British Guiana fought to promote freedom of expression in public places
and in the press. The end result of all this was the election of
governments of their choice. Popular struggle in Guyana won concessions
which were partial and temporary. Clearly, there could never be full
justice under colonialism, capitalism and imperialism because of deep-
rooted class inequalities. The hope of the majority was that elected
governments and national independence would revolutionise the economy
and society so that justice would prevail.

Most Guyanese live on the coastlands. These coastlands were once
desolate swamps flooded by the sea and the savannah waters. The dams
and the canals, the roads and the houses, the fields and the factories,
the schools and the churches, the words and the gestures -all these
represent our common heritage. Our foreparents planted their strength,
their seed, and their intelligence in a country which is now ours.
Neither the land nor the rights of the people are gifts of the Burnham
dictatorship. On the contrary, that dictatorship has placed the nation
in reverse gear. It is destroying the economy and it stealing the
rights of the people.

 4. Expose the Burnham Dictatorship

We have said before that the Burnham dictatorship would prefer to hide
under the disguise of being a democracy. Elections have not been
abolished; instead they have been rigged in such a way as to become a
complete mockery of the most fundamental of rights -the right to self-
determination and free choice of one's government. The rigged elections
of 1968 and 1973 and the amazing referendum fraud of July, 1978 all
indicate that Guyanese people have not chosen the PNC clique. The
regime holds power by armed force. Guyanese are finding from their own
experience that the dictatorship hates to be reminded that it is a
dictatorship. To expose the dictatorship, the first step is to denounce
the government as illegal and illegitimate.

Dictators have a way of building statues in their own image. When a
dictator is overthrown, the population seizes the chance to destroy or
remove the various things which were meant to glorify him. But it is
equally important that some of the symbols of the dictator's power
should be destroyed before his fall. Psychologically, the domination of
the dictator has to be rejected. The population must learn to despise
the falsehoods which surround the man; they must refuse to accept that
he has any halo of greatness around him. They must remove any confusion
in their own minds and see the dictator clearly for what he is - a
villain and a monster, the principal enemy of the people.

Certain verbal attacks have been made on the dictator. Dayclean, the
organ of the Working People's Alliance, first called him "Big Jim" so
that people should not forget Jim Jones and the 914 dead of Jonestown.
Burnham has blood on his hands from that horrible atrocity. We call him
the "Crime Minister" to let the people remember the corruption,
electoral frauds and the recent murder of Father Darke.

In Latin America, the dictators are known as 'gorillas' -as distinct
from the freedom fighters who are 'guerrillas'. We want it known that
Guyana too has its 'gorilla', and that he is appropriately named 'King
Kong'. The strength of which Burnham boasts is the strength of the ape,
and besides he is a make-believe character - straight from Hollywood.

Our language must express not only ridicule but anger and disgust. The
dictatorship has reduced us all to such a level that the situation can
be described only in terms befitting fifth, pollution and excrement.
Even our deep-rooted sense of modesty in Guyana cannot stand in the way
of rough words to describe the nation's shame. That is why the WPA
repeats the legend of King Midas who was said to have been able to
touch anything and turn it into gold. That was called the "Midas
Touch". Now Guyana has seen the "Burnham Touch" -- anything he touches
turns to shit!

Many beautiful ideas have suffered from the Burnham Touch -socialism,
cooperatives, free education, nationalisation, solidarity with Afro-
Americans, support for freedom fighters. Burnham tries to intervene
personally in everything - from road building to the administration of
sports. He has touched a great deal in Guyana. Many formerly descent
Guyanese are walking around doing dirty things or compromising with the
evil of dictatorship. They have been touched.

Of course, exposure of the dictatorship requires far more than mere
words. The entire population must be committed to action. Each action
in the popular interest is bound to reveal the dictatorship in its true
colours.

Mass public meetings sponsored by the WPA have recently been used by
Guyanese to show their opposition to the PNC clique. The apparatus of
the police state was brought down on the heads of peaceful citizens
attending these meetings. From time to time, the police denied
permission for the use of loud-speaking equipment in defiance of the
Constitution. Peaceful pickets and gatherings without loudspeakers have
been broken up with tear gas and baton charges. In this way the
dictatorship feels that it is gaining a physical victory but the people
are moving forward in their understanding. No one can now pretend that
our rulers protect the freedom of assembly.

As criticism of the regime grew in all quarters, the dictatorship came
into the open on the question of press freedom. They tightened the
noose around the PPP's Mirror newspaper, strangling it through denial
of newsprint. The Government has intensified its search for duplicating
machines and typewriters. Duplicating equipment was seized from a
political group (the WPVP) and also from a trade union (NAACIE). No one
can now pretend that our rulers believe in freedom of the press.

Determined working class efforts have once again exposed the Burnham
dictatorship on the question of the right to strike. When the sugar
workers went on strike for a memorable 135 days in 1977/1978, the
government called it a political strike. Now every strike is called a
political one -which means that the strike undermines the power of the
dictatorship. Workers have to learn not to fear when their strike
action is called 'political'. If the power of the people undermines the
power of the dictator, then let our strikes be political! The real
issue is not whether a strike is called industrial or political: it is
whether that strike is in the interests of the workers concerned and of
the working people as a whole.

The recent bauxite strike is a high point in the history of the
Guyanese working class. For six weeks, bauxite workers stood firm to
force management to implement their collective labour agreement. The
Guyanese dictatorship has consistently attacked the living standards of
the working class. It is not surprising that the bauxite strike
attracted the support of workers everywhere in Guyana. Positive
leadership from the four progressive trade unions gave bauxite workers
nationwide backing, especially within the sugar industry. Sugar workers
and clerks who came out in solidarity also seized the opportunity to
advance their own just demands, such as the demand that the government
respect a 14 dollars a day minimum wage. The entire nation got a feel
of what united working class action could mean.

Following the strike, the dictatorship has unleashed victimisation.
This is further evidence of their determination to eliminate the right
to strike and the right to work. Yet, the dismissal of the strikers
itself is the next major point around which workers will rally. As is
the fashion with apes, King Kong beats his chest and threatened to
slaughter indiscriminately, but united labour actions can always call
his bluff.

United strike action teaches us how the dictator can be exposed and
how he can be deposed. The regime panicked at the thought of anything
looking like a general strike. Burnham knows that no amount of violence
or military force can replace the labour power of workers. He has tried
cutting cane with the Militia, the National Service and so on, and this
was a dismal failure. He did not even waste time trying to introduce
scabs into the bauxite industry because he knows that there is no way
that would have been accepted. The dictator requires the population to
produce so as to sustain himself and the clique of parasites who
dominate Guyana. That is why mass withdrawal of labour is the ultimate
weapon representing the power of the people.

The Burnham dictatorship needs the cooperation of workers to buy guns
to keep down the very workers! This is the fantastic contradiction
which points the way towards a policy of non-cooperation and civil
disobedience.

Non-cooperation means simply that citizens will refuse to cooperate in
their own oppression and in the oppression of others. It may be hidden
or open, individual or collective. The instances are increasing of
individual Guyanese resisting or ignoring the notorious "instructions"
given by the dictator. Each publicised example of personal resistance
helps lift the spirits of the entire population. Other individuals are
going about their personal rebellion in a quiet manner. However, non-
cooperation will be most effective where it is based on collective or
group action.

In India, Mahatma Gandhi organised millions in his campaign of non-
cooperation and civil disobedience against the British colonialists.
One of Gandhi's campaigns brought about the boycott of cloth imported
from Britain. In the U.S.A., the modern Civil Rights struggle started
with a famous bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama in 1954. Thousands of
black people refused to use the bus until the bus company ended racial
discrimination. Here in Guyana, several persons and organisations have
called for a boycott of the lying and vicious publication called the
Chronicle, which uses the people's money to abuse the people. Such a
boycott would represent an example of non-cooperation. It has to be
agreed on and implemented as a collective action.

Civil disobedience is also a matter which is best approached by large
numbers acting at the same time. It means a readiness to disobey the
government (otherwise known as the civil power). In Guyana, the civil
power is itself disobeying the laws and the Constitution -for example,
in relation to the freedom of assembly, the conduct of local and
national elections, the right to picket or to march, and the rights
which citizens have when arrested.

The WPA has made a public commitment to challenge the illegal and
arbitrary behaviour of government forces such as the police. It
relation to public meetings, this challenge has thoroughly exposed the
nature of the Burnham dictatorship; and it has done so because masses
of people have got the message and have turned out in numbers.

The regime had two choices. One was to allow us to exercise our
democratic rights and let the majority show its true feelings of
opposition to the dictatorship. The other choice was to drive the
people off the streets by force. But the second choice backfired
because it showed people both at home and abroad how much Guyana had
become a police state.

Civil disobedience goes beyond the point where the civil power breaks
its own laws. One can suggest disobedience of the law because of the
fundamental fact that the government is illegal. Citizens have a right
to be guided not by the unjust laws or an unjust state but by what
Gandhi called "the higher law of justice". There are some laws such as
traffic regulations which are relatively free of political
interference; but citizens will decide when laws offer safety and which
ones can be broken as a part of a rebellion against the dictatorship.

Civil disobedience has always been met by threats, by beatings, by
imprisonment and ultimately by loss of life. This process has already
begun in Guyana. The lessons from other countries show that a
determined people cannot be turned back. Certainly, blows and
imprisonment are bringing out the steel in the Guyanese people and the
dictatorship will be taught whose steel is sharper. The murder of
Father Darke failed to intimidate; instead more decent men and women
rallied to protest the appalling state of the nation in Guyana.

Few individuals want to willingly invite their own death. Yet many
will be found who are prepared to fight fearlessly for their rights
even if their lives are threatened. The human spirit has a remarkable
capacity to rise above oppression; and only the fools who now misrule
Guyana can imagine that our population alone lacks such capacity.
During the famous 1763 slave rebellion in Berbice, there were numerous
examples of the undying courage of our foreparents. The Dutch slave-
masters captured Accabre, one of the leaders of the rebellion, and he
simply laughed scornfully when they tormented him. Soon after, Accabre
and eight other freedom fighters were put to death by roasting over a
slow fire. Even their enemies were impressed by the fact that Accabre's
men were firm to the end and did not flinch.

The violence of the dictatorial state is always lurking ready to be
unleashed when the people make their challenge. There will be more jobs
lost, more bones broken and more lives sacrificed. Failure to see this
would be to under-estimate the difficulties. Precisely, because of the
violence the population will develop its own tactics of self-defence.
Attacks by PNC thugs and by thugs in uniforms (calling themselves
police) have so far gone down without resistance. That phase is at an
end. Self-defence is an inalienable human right, and the tactics of
confronting the regime will change to ensure that persons defend their
right to life and limb.

Nether the WPA nor any other organisation needs to produce a master
plan for national struggle against the dictator. We can rely on the
initiative and good judgement of our people, provided there is a spirit
of resistance. Martin Carter's Poems of Resistance were written against
colonial domination. They are still relevant today. It is no accident
that he was among the first to call for renewed resistance, this time
against the Burnham dictatorship. Artists have a special responsibility
at this time of crisis, the task of defending creativity against the
onslaughts of a regime which behaves like the Philistines of old in
trampling everything of human value. The people of Latin America have
found that pens and guitars and paint brushes all become effective
weapons against the gorillas. Language, song and drum are also weapons
within the Guyanese situation. Cultivate the spirit of resistance!
Cultivate the Accabre spirit! King Kong must go!

 5. Raise up a Clear Alternative: National Unity and People's Power

In the midst of national crisis, Guyanese have made some gain. The
most dramatic achievement has been the consolidation of racial unity.
Africans and Indians are standing side by side in a way that has not
been true since 1953. Indeed, we now have a degree of racial unity
greater than at any previous time in our history. The WPA has
consistently argued that political unity across racial lines was most
desirable and possible. The truth of that position is now obvious.

The firmest unity is unity in struggle. Guyanese are no longer divided
in their struggle for bread and justice. Indian sugar workers and
African bauxite workers are making common cause. African lawyers and
Indian lawyers both see the need for unity to restore the rule of law.
Our racial minorities are joining the new national movement without
fear of domination.

The dictatorship is spreading the wild propaganda to hold back the
movement of inter-racial solidarity. The PNC clique is putting out that
the WPA is an Afro-Guyanese group splitting black people so that
Indians will be the next rulers! There is no need to answer such
backwardness, except to ask that you look around and "see with the eyes
of the people". What is more vicious is that the regime is using or
creating incidents of racial violence on the East Coast Demerara. When
the PNC sends thugs into Indian communities we are not told anything
about this. When an African is killed by Indians, this is meat for the
racists on "Action Line" and is taken up at length on the radio by no
less a criminal than the "Rabbi". The PNC clique are even bold enough
to talk about 1962 when they were in the forefront of racial violence.
But we will "hear with the ears of the people".

Before the dictatorship can be overthrown, we must solve the difficult
problem of creating national unity in the face of class differences. So
long as there are classes, there must be some degree of class conflict.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to build a broad unity across existing
class lines; and there are several factors which favour such a
development in Guyana today.

The highest expression of modern capitalism is found in the multi-
national companies. The power of the modern capitalist is tremendous
because it is on such a scale that it dominates entire nations and
sustains imperialist exploitations. Guyana is fortunate that multi-
national companies such as Bookers and Alcan no longer control our
economy. Nationalisation was called for by all sectors of progressive
opinion in Guyana. Nationalisation of sugar and bauxite must be
recognised as positive, although the nationalised industries have
suffered from the Burnham Touch. The private capital which exists in
Guyana can play a nationalist and patriotic role because it does not
automatically represent imperialist exploitation.

Guyanese manufacturers and businessmen in general can participate in a
movement of national unity because there is great need for an expansion
of production and for an increase in productivity. Above all, there is
great need for an extension of the productive forces -which means more
technology, more investment, and a larger body of workers who are
guaranteed employment and advancement. Through debate, discussion, and
mutual respect for agreements, the National Movement can offer
conditions mutually acceptable to the group of local businessmen and to
the broad masses of workers.

In Guyana and the West Indies, an important social role is played by
the middle class. The term 'middle class' or 'petty bourgeoisie' is
generally used to refer to professionals, small businessmen, big
farmers, and civil servants from the middle ranks and above. The
Guyanese middle class is in deep crisis.

The decline in Guyana's living standards has hit the middle class very
hard - because they least expected it and are unaccustomed to it.
Normally the middle class thinks in terms of security and comfort.
There is very little of these things left. It's a headache to run a
car, it's a burden to pay a mortgage, and it is impossible to acquire
articles of consumption because of scarcity and extravagant cost. So
the middle class has come to feel some of the material deprivations
which many workers had long known about -and the learning process has
been painful.

Besides, the middle class has lost its sense of professional pride.
There is little or no job satisfaction to be gained at any level in
government service and even outside of the government. Many have been
beaten down into silence; but there are individuals who travel and who
know the world. They therefore know that internationally the Guyanese
government is totally discredited and that Guyanese have to bear the
shame heaped on them by the dictator. Many members of the middle class
are therefore entering the political movement. Many are willing to be
mobilised, others will commit resources and a few are prepared to take
serious risks as part of the movement.

The middle class understands that it can never monopolise a Guyanese
government. From 1953, that has never been possible. Thinking members
of the middle class are therefore in agreement that the solution is a
government of National Unity. This would be a government which they
cannot dominate but one in which their interests will be adequately
represented and in which their views will be given honest and careful
consideration.

The WPA stands within the ranks of workers and peasants. There is no
hesitation in so doing; there are no ifs and buts about our commitments
to building a society in which working people enjoy the fruits of their
own labour. A united working class is the base on which national unity
is to be built. It is the working class (including housewives and the
unemployed) who suffer most under the corrupt dictatorship. It is the
working-class which has sacrificed most in the struggle for bread and
justice. A working-class interpretation must win over the progressive
element of other classes and strata. It will have to be made clear that
the Burnham dictatorship came forth from a particular economic system -
a system based in inequality and exploitation. It will also have to be
made clear that working people require fundamental chances in the
political structure to permanently guarantee rights which they
temporarily won in the face of colonialism. The Guyanese working people
who are in the immense majority, will expect to have their labour power
reflected in the power of the state.

The WPA has called for a Government of National Reconstruction and
National Unity. Inevitably, the working people must play a leading role
in such a government. Yet, it is proof of the maturity of our workers
that they fully understand the need for patriotic compromise with other
classes and social strata. Workers know from the most bitter of
experiences how hopeless the economic situation has become. Small
farmers know from heart-breaking experience that it is impossible to
cultivate and survive. So the vast majority of our people will surely
rally around a programme which restores the economy through the
participation of all. They will rally round a programme which restores
democratic rights.

One can sum up on the national question by saying that all classes in
Guyana have an objective interest in unity. That is to say, each class
has suffered in one way or another from arbitrary rule, insecurity and
lack of the opportunity to do an honest job. Collectively, we are faced
with the threat of disintegration and the loss of commitment to Guyana
as a nation state. This is tragically seen through the large numbers
lining up at the embassies and passport offices and in the large
numbers who have but one ambition in life - to leave Guyana.

This is the time of calling on our resolves of patriotism. The road to
recovery of national purpose lies though the restoration of democracy.
All parties and all interest groups must somehow be represented and be
seen to be represented in a Government of National Reconstruction and
National Unity.

Burnham Must Go! Yes, but that is only one side of the coin. There
must be an alternative to replace the dictator. Let that alternative be
a Government of National Unity. A clear alternative is a powerful
political force. It gives our people something to mobilise around. It
gives the outside world something to think about as the force of the
future in dealing with Guyana. In the last days of the Burnham
dictatorship, a Government of National Unity must be declared. It will
unite races and classes; it will attract civilians and uniformed
personnel; it will itself contribute to speeding up the end of the
reign of King Kong.

People's Power! No Dictator!

All Power To The People!

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