Abdou,

You're most welcome. Walter wasThe Man!

Regards,

Kabir.



Rodney, Walter (1942-1980)

Leading theoretician of Pan-Africanism.

Walter Rodney was born in Georgetown, Guyana on March 23, 1942. His was a
working class family-his father was a tailor and his mother a seamstress.
After attending primary school, he won an open exhibition scholarship to
attend Queens College as one of the early working-class beneficiaries of
concessions made in the field of education by the ruling class in Guyana to
the new nationalism that gripped the country in the early 1950s.

While at Queens College young Rodney excelled academically, as well as in
the fields of athletics and debating. In 1960, he won an open scholarship to
further his studies at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica. He
graduated with a first-class honors degree in history in 1963 and. he won an
open scholarship to the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. In
1966, at the age of 24 he was awarded a Ph.D. with honors in African
History.

His doctoral research on slavery on the Upper Guinea Coast was the result of
long meticulous work on the records of Portuguese merchants both in England
and in Portugal. In the process he learned Portuguese and Spanish which
along with the French he had learned at Queens College made him somewhat of
a linguist.

In 1970, his Ph.D dissertation was published by Oxford University Press
under the title, A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, 1545-1800. This work
was to set a trend for Rodney in both challenging the assumptions of western
historians about African history and setting new standards for looking at
the history of oppressed peoples. According to Horace Campbell:

"This work was path-breaking in the way in which it analyzed the impact of
slavery on the communities and the interrelationship between societies of
the region and on the ecology of the region."

Walter took up his first teaching appointment in Tanzania before returning
to his alma mater, the University of the West Indies, in 1968. This was a
period of great political activity in the Caribbean as the countries begun
their post colonial journey. But it was the Black Power Movement that caught
Walter's imagination.

Some new voices had begun to question the direction of the post-independence
governments, in particular their attitude to the plight of the down-trodden.
The issue of empowerment for the black and brown poor of the region was
being debated among the progressive intellectuals. Rodney, who from very
early on had rejected the authoritarian role of the middle class political
elite in the Caribbean, was central to this debate. He, however, did not
confine his activities to the university campus. He took his message of
Black Liberation to the gullies of Jamaica. In particular he shared his
knowledge of African history with one of the most rejected section of the
Jamaican society-the Rastafarians.

Walter had shown an interest in political activism ever since he was a
student in Jamaica and England. Horace Campbell reports that while at UWI
Walter "was active in student politics and campaigned extensively in 1961 in
the Jamaica Referendum on the West Indian Federation." While studying in
London, Walter participated in discussion circles, spoke at the famous Hyde
Park and, participated in a symposium on Guyana in 1965. It was during this
period that Walter came into contact with the legendary CLR James and was
one of his most devoted students.

By the summer of 1968 Rodney's "groundings with the working poor of Jamaica
had begun to attract the attention of the government. So, when he attended a
Black Writers' Conference in Montreal, Canada, in October 1968, the Hugh
Shearer-led Jamaican Labor Party Government banned him from re-entering the
country. This action sparked widespread riots and revolts in Kingston in
which several people were killed and injured by the police and security
forces, and millions of dollars worth of property destroyed.. Rodney's
encounters with the Rastafarians were published in a pamphlet entitled
"Grounding with My Brothers," that became a bible for the Caribbean Black
Power Movement.

Having been expelled from Jamaica, Walter returned to Tanzania after a short
stay in Cuba.. There he lectured from 1968 to 1974 and continued his
groundings in Tanzania and other parts of Africa. This was the period of the
African liberation struggles and Walter, who fervently believed that the
intellectual should make his or her skills available for the struggles and
emancipation of the people, became deeply involved.. It was from partly from
these activities that his second major work, and his best known — *How
Europe Underdeveloped Africa* — emerged. It was published by
Bogle-L'Ouverture, in London, in conjunction with Tanzanian Publishing House
in 1972.

This Tanzanian period was perhaps the most important in the formation of
Rodney's ideas. According to Horace Campbell:

"Here he was at the forefront of establishing an intellectual tradition
which still today makes Dar es Salaam one of the centers of discussion of
African politics and history. Out of he dialogue, discussions and study
groups he deepened the Marxist tradition with respect to African politics,
class struggle, the race question, African history and the role of the
exploited in social change. It was within the context of these discussions
that the book, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa was written."

Campbell also reports that

"In he same period, he wrote the critical articles on Tanzanian Ujamaa,
imperialism, on underdevelopment, and the problems of state and class
formation in Africa. Many of his articles which were written in Tanzania
appeared in Maji Maji, the discussion journal of the TANU Youth League at
the University. He worked in the Tanzanian archives on the question of
forced labor, the policing of the countryside and the colonial economy. This
work — *World War II and the Tanzanian Economy* — was later published as a
monograph by Cornell University in 1976."

Rodney also developed a reputation as a Pan-Africanist theoretician and
spokesperson. Campbell says that "In Tanzania he developed close political
relationships with those who were struggling to change the external control
of Africa He was very close to some of the leaders of liberation movements
in Africa and also to political leaders of popular organizations of
independent territories. Together with other Pan-Africanists he participated
in discussion leading up to the Sixth Pan-African Congress, held in
Tanzania, 1974. Before the Congress he wrote a piece: "Towards the Sixth
Pan-African Congress: Aspects of the International Class Struggle in Africa,
the Caribbean and America."

In 1974, Walter returned to Guyana to take up an appointment as Professor of
History at the University of Guyana, but the government rescinded the
appointment. But Rodney remained in Guyana, joined the newly formed
political group, the Working People's Alliance. Between 1974 and his
assassination in 1980, he emerged as the leading figure in the resistance
movement against the increasingly authoritarian PNC government. He give
public and private talks all over the country that served to engender a new
political consciousness in the country. During this period he developed his
ideas on the self emancipation of the working people, People's Power, and
multi-racial democracy.

On July 11, 1979, Walter, together with seven others, was arrested following
the burning down of two government offices. He, along with Drs Rupert
Roopnarine and Omawale, was later charged with arson. From that period up to
the time of his murder, he was constantly persecuted and harassed and at
least on one occasion, an attempt was made to kill him. Finally, on the
evening of June 13, 1980, he was assassinated by a bomb in the middle of
Georgetown..

Walter was married to Dr Patricia Rodney and the union bore three children-
Shaka, Kanini and Asha.

From http://www.guyanacaribbeanpolitics.com/





On 7/5/07, ABDOUKARIM SANNEH <[log in to unmask]> wrote:
>
> Kabir
> Thanks you really make my day.
>
> Kabir Njaay <[log in to unmask]> wrote:
> Abdou,
>
> Here you go:
>
> http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/rodney-walter/how-europe/index.htm
>
> Regards,
>
> Kabir.
>
>
> On 7/5/07, ABDOUKARIM SANNEH wrote:
> >
> > Hello Kabir Njaay
> > I really knows your vision about issue of African liberation. Can you
> > access any excerpt of Walter Rodney-How Europe Under developed Africa.
> About
> > five years ago Buharry Gassama forward some interesting piece about
> Walter
> > Rodny but cannot access it from the archive. Walter Rodney's piece on
> the
> > history of the upper Guinea Coast in a master piece on the depopulation
> of
> > our continent.
> >
> > Kabir Njaay wrote:
> > Continental Government for Africa
> >
> > This is an excerpt from Kwame Nkrumah's Africa Must Unite*, published by
> > Panaf Books, London, in 1963.*
> > **
> > We have seen, in the example of the United States, how the dynamic
> > elements
> > within society understood the need for unity and fought their bitter
> civil
> > war to maintain the political union that was threatened by the
> reactionary
> > forces.
> >
> > We have also seen, in the example of the Soviet Union, how the forging
> of
> > continental unity along with the retention of national sovereignty by
> the
> > federal states, has achieved a dynamism that has lifted a most backward
> > society into a most powerful unit within a remarkably short space of
> time.
> >
> > From the examples before us, in Europe and the United States of America,
> > it
> > is therefore patent that we in Africa have the resources, present and
> > potential, for creating the kind of society that we are anxious to
> build.
> > It
> > is calculated that by the end of this century the population of Africa
> > will
> > probably exceed five hundred millions.
> >
> > Our continent gives us the second largest land stretch in the world. The
> > natural wealth of Africa is estimated to be greater than that of almost
> > any
> > other continent in the world. To draw the most from our existing and
> > potential means for the achievement of abundance and a fine social
> order,
> > we
> > need to unify our efforts, our resources, our skills and intentions.
> >
> > Europe, by way of contrast, must be a lesson to us all. Too busy hugging
> > its
> > exclusive nationalisms, it has descended, after centuries of wars
> > interspersed with intervals of uneasy peace, into a state of confusion,
> > simply because it failed to build a sound basis of political association
> > and
> > understanding.
> >
> > Only now, under the necessities of economic stringency and the threat of
> > the
> > new German industrial and military rehabilitation, is Europe trying -
> > unsuccessfully – to find a modus operandi for containing the threat.
> >
> > It is deceptively hoped that the European Community will perform this
> > miracle. It has taken two world wars and the break-up of empires to
> press
> > home the lesson, still only partly digested, that strength lies in
> unity.
> >
> > While we in Africa, for whom the goal of unity is paramount, are
> striving
> > to
> > concert our efforts in this direction the neo-colonialists are straining
> > every nerve to upset them by encouraging the formation of communities
> > based
> > on the languages of their former colonisers.
> >
> > We cannot allow ourselves to be so disorganised and divided. The fact
> that
> > I
> > speak English does not make me an Englishman. Similarly, the fact that
> > some
> > of us speak French or Portuguese does not make us Frenchmen or
> Portuguese.
> >
> > We are Africans first and last, and as Africans our best interests can
> > only
> > be served by uniting within an African Community. Neither the
> Commonwealth
> > nor a Franco-African Community can be a substitute.
> >
> > To us, Africa with its islands is just one Africa. We reject the idea of
> > any
> > kind of partition. From Tangier or Cairo in the North to Capetown in the
> > South, from Cape Guardafui in the East to Cape Verde Islands in the
> West,
> > Africa is one and indivisible.
> >
> > I know that when we speak of political union, our critics are quick to
> > observe an attempt to impose leadership and to abrogate sovereignty. But
> > we
> > have seen from the many examples of union put forward, that equality of
> > the
> > states is jealously guarded in every single constitution and that
> > sovereignty is maintained.
> >
> > There are differences in the powers allotted to the central government
> and
> > those retained by the states, as well as in the functions of the
> > executive,
> > legislature and judiciary. All of them have a common trade and economic
> > policy. All of them are secular, in order that religion might not be
> > dragged
> > across the many problems involved in maintaining unity and securing the
> > greatest possible development.
> >
> > We in Africa who are pressing now for unity are deeply conscious of the
> > validity of our purpose. We need the strength of our combined numbers
> and
> > resources to protect ourselves from the very positive dangers of
> returning
> > colonialism in disguised forms.
> >
> > We need it to combat the entrenched forces dividing our continent and
> > still
> > holding back millions of our brothers. We need it to secure total
> African
> > liberation. We need it to carry forward or construction of a
> > socio-economic
> > system that will support the great mass of our steadily rising
> population
> > at
> > levels of life which will compare with those in the most advanced
> > countries.
> >
> > But we cannot mobilise our present and potential resources without
> > concerted
> > effort. If we developed our potentialities in men and natural resources
> in
> > separate isolated groups, our energies would soon be dissipated in the
> > struggle to outbid one another.
> >
> > Economic friction among us would certainly lead to bitter political
> > rivalry,
> > such as for many years hampered the pace of growth and development in
> > Europe.
> >
> > At present most of the independent African States are moving in
> direction
> > which expose us to the dangers of imperialism and neo-colonialism. We
> > therefore need a common political basis for the integration of our
> > policies
> > in economic planning, defence, foreign and diplomatic relations.
> >
> > That basis for political action need not infringe the essential
> > sovereignty
> > of the separate African States. These States would continue to exercise
> > independent authority, except in the fields defined and reserved for
> > common
> > action in the interests of the security and orderly development of the
> > whole
> > continent.
> >
> > In my view, therefore, a united Africa – that is, the political and
> > economic
> > unification of the African Continent – should seek three objectives:
> > Firstly, we should have an over-all economic planning on a continental
> > basis.
> >
> > This would increase the industrial and economic power of Africa. So long
> > as
> > we remain balkanised, regionally or territorially, we shall be at the
> > mercy
> > of colonialism and imperialism. The lesson of the South African
> Republics
> > vis-ą-vis the strength and solidarity of the United States of America is
> > there for all to see.
> >
> > The resources of Africa can be used to the best advantage and the
> maximum
> > benefit to all only if they are set within an overall framework of a
> > continentally planned development. An overall economic plan, covering an
> > Africa united on a continental basis, would increase our total
> industrial
> > and economic power.
> >
> > We should therefore be thinking seriously now of ways and means of
> > building
> > up a Common Market of a United Africa and not allow ourselves to be
> lured
> > by
> > the dubious advantages of association with the so-called European Common
> > Market.
> >
> > We in Africa have looked outward too long for the development of our
> > economy
> > and transportation. Let us begin to look inwards in to the African
> > Continent
> > for all aspects of its development. Our communications were devised
> under
> > colonial rule to stretch outwards towards Europe and elsewhere, instead
> of
> > developing internally between our cities and states. Political unity
> > should
> > give us the power and will to change all this.
> >
> > We in Africa have untold agricultural, mineral and water-power
> resources.
> > These almost fabulous resources can be fully exploited and utilised in
> the
> > interest of Africa and the African people, only if we develop them
> within
> > a
> > Union Government of African States.
> >
> > Such a Government will need to maintain a common currency, a monetary
> zone
> > and a central bank of issue. The advantages of these financial and
> > monetary
> > arrangements would be inestimable, since monetary transactions between
> our
> > several States would be facilitated and the pace of financial activity
> > generally quickened.
> >
> > A central bank of issue is an inescapable necessity, in view of the need
> > to
> > re-orientate the economy of Africa and place it beyond the reach of
> > foreign
> > control.
> >
> > Secondly, we should aim at the establishment of a unified military and
> > defence strategy. I do not see much virtue or wisdom in our separate
> > efforts
> > to build up or maintain vast military forces for self-defence which, in
> > any
> > case, would be ineffective in any major attack upon our separate States.
> >
> > If we examine this problem realistically, we should be able to ask
> > ourselves
> > this pertinent question: which single States in Africa today can protect
> > its
> > sovereignty against an imperialist aggressor? In this connection, it
> > should
> > be mentioned that anti-apartheid leaders have alleged that South Africa
> is
> > building a great military force with all the latest weapons of
> > destruction,
> > in order to crush nationalism in Africa. Nor is this all.
> >
> > There are grave indications that certain settler governments in Africa
> > have
> > already been caught in the dangerous arms race and are now arming
> > themselves
> > to the teeth. Their military activities constitute a serous threat not
> > only
> > to the security of Africa, but also to the peace of the World.
> >
> > If these reports are true, only the unity of Africa can prevent South
> > Africa
> > and these other governments from achieving their diabolical aims.
> >
> > If we do not unite and combine our military resources for common
> defence,
> > the individual States, out of a sense of insecurity, may be drawn into
> > making defence pacts with the foreign powers which may endanger the
> > security
> > of us all.
> >
> > There is also the expenditure aspect of this problem. The maintenance of
> > large military forces imposes a heavy financial burden on even the most
> > wealthy States.
> >
> > For young African States, who are in great need of capital for internal
> > development, it is ridiculous – indeed suicidal – for each State
> > separately
> > and individually to assume such a heavy burden of self-defence, when the
> > weight of this burden could be easily lightened by sharing it among
> > themselves.
> >
> > Some attempt has already been made by the Casablanca Powers and
> > Afro-Malagasy Union in the matter of common defence, but how much better
> > and
> > stronger it would be if, instead of two such ventures, there was one
> > over-all (land, sea and air) Defence Command for Africa.
> >
> > The third objective which we should have in Africa stems from the first
> > two
> > which I have just described. If we in Africa set up a unified economic
> > planning organisation and a unified military and defence strategy, it
> will
> > be necessary for us to adopt a unified foreign policy and diplomacy to
> > give
> > political direction to our joint efforts for the protection and economic
> > development of our continent.
> >
> > Moreover, there are some sixty odd States in Africa, about thirty-two of
> > which are at present independent. The burden of separate diplomatic
> > representation by each State on the Continent of Africa alone would be
> > crushing, not to mention representation outside Africa.
> >
> > The desirability of a common foreign policy which will enable us to
> speak
> > with one voice in the councils of the world, is so obvious, vital and
> > imperative that comment is hardly necessary.
> >
> > I am confident that it should be possible to devise a constitutional
> > structure applicable to our special conditions in Africa and not
> > necessarily
> > framed in terms of the existing constitutions of Europe, America or
> > elsewhere, which will enable us to secure the objectives I have defined
> > and
> > yet preserve to some extent the sovereignty of each State within a Union
> > of
> > African States.
> >
> > We might erect for the time being a constitutional form that could start
> > with those states willing to create a nucleus, and leave the door open
> for
> > the attachment of others as they desire to join or reach the freedom
> which
> > would allow them to do so.
> >
> > The form could be made amenable to adjustment and amendment at any time
> > the
> > consensus of opinion is for it. It may be that concrete expression can
> be
> > given to our present ideas within a continental parliament that would
> > provide a lower and an upper house, the one to permit the discussion of
> > the
> > many problems facing Africa by a representation based on population; the
> > other, ensuring the equality of the associated States, regardless of
> size
> > and population, by a similar, limited representation from each of them,
> to
> > formulate a common policy in all matters affecting the security, defence
> > and
> > development of Africa.
> >
> > It might, through a committee selected for the purpose, examine likely
> > solutions to the problems of union and draft a more conclusive form of
> > constitution that will be acceptable to all the independent States.
> >
> > The survival of free Africa, the extending independence of this
> continent,
> > and the development towards that bright future on which our hopes and
> > endeavours are pinned, depend upon political unity.
> >
> > Under a major political union of Africa there could emerge a United
> > Africa,
> > great and powerful, in which the territorial boundaries which are the
> > relics
> > of colonialism will become obsolete and superfluous, working for the
> > complete and total mobilisation of the economic planning organisation
> > under
> > a unified political direction.
> >
> > The forces that unite us are far greater than the difficulties that
> divide
> > us at present, and our goal must be the establishment of Africa's
> dignity,
> > progress and prosperity.
> >
> > Proof is therefore positive that the continental union of Africa is an
> > inescapable desideratum if we are determined to move forward to a
> > realisation of our hopes and plans for creating a modern society which
> > will
> > give our peoples the opportunity to enjoy a full and satisfying life.
> The
> > forces that unite us are intrinsic and greater than the superimposed
> > influences that keep us apart.
> >
> > These are the forces that we must enlist and cement for the sake of the
> > trusting millions who look to us, their leaders, to take them out of the
> > poverty, ignorance and disorder left by colonialism into an ordered
> unity
> > in
> > which freedom and amity can flourish amidst plenty.
> >
> > Here is a challenge which destiny has thrown out to the leaders of
> Africa.
> > It is for us to grasp what is a golden opportunity to prove that the
> > genius
> > of the African people can surmount the separatist tendencies in
> sovereign
> > nationhood by coming together speedily, for the sake of Africa"s greater
> > glory and infinite well-being, into a Union of African States.
> >
> >
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