Folks this is culled from the Independent.
.......................................................................
Lamin Waa Juwara, the former Propaganda Secretary of the United Democratic
Party is now the party's organising secretary. He is one of these Gambians
who suffered intimidation, harassment, torture and brutality in the hands of
the APRC regime. Mr. Juwara attended Armitage High School where he was head
boy. He studied politics at the University of Sophia, Bulgaria, during
which, he served as the president of African students there. A year later,
he became the secretary general of the Union of African Students in Europe
at a congress in Mamaia, Russia.
Back home before he joined the political bandwagon he was commissioner in
almost all the divisions during the PPP administration.
In this interview with Portrait, Mr. Juwara speaks about his legal suits
against the state, the coming by-elections, former President Jawara and
several other issues.
Why was your position changed from propaganda secretary to organising
secretary of the UDP?
Yes I was the propaganda secretary and my primary role then was to make sure
that we propagate the party's standpoint on all major issues, primarily
trying to focus on issues, relating to the restoration of democracy in The
Gambia. After sometime, we realised that we have achieved quite a lot in
that regard and we felt that we should shift our attention to organisational
matters of the party at the grassroots level because a stable party is the
one that is best organised at the grassroots level. And we have been engaged
in the establishment of the party's constituency committees, most of which I
oversee to make sure that selections are democratically done.
So are they democratically done?
Our committees comprise a seventeen-member committee which comprises
representatives of elders, the youth and women. They were elected by our
village chairmen and women and youth wingers in every constituency.
As you may be aware, before the 1996 presidential elections when the ban on
political activities was lifted, what we had at the level of UDP was ad-hoc
arrangements because there was no time to organise and sell a political
agenda to the people. This dispensation was the same as rigging the
election. To avoid that, we now have a well-organised party at all levels.
Now we're keenly awaiting the proposed constitutional amendments which might
increase the constituencies from 45 to 48 and might seriously affect the
configuration of the demarcation of constituency boundaries by the IEC.
I strongly believe that what the government is trying to do is to give
legitimacy to the arbitrariness in the constituency demarcation currently in
place which gave Foni five seats and the kombos, which runs contrary to the
1997 constitution.
It seems you now have strong mechanisms in place. Does that mean there is no
possibility of rigging the forthcoming elections?
Yes, we're taking care of everything and with experience, we hope that
rigging the elections couldn't be possible. The national organising
committee is responsible for all electoral matters of electoral experience
in the Gambian context. I had my initiation as an administrative officer,
registration officer in various constituencies. I served as presiding
officer in some elections and returning officer in the presidential and
parliamentary elections. So you can see that I have a wealth of political
experience at the grassroots level.
I believe you are well prepared for the next elections. It is a tradition
now for Juwara to be picked up and detained under custody when elections
loom. Don't you think this will happen again?
(Laughs) what an interesting question! Well, there's a possibility that this
will happen again and nobody can rule out a situation like this, knowing the
track record of this government. But the most refreshing part of it is that
I belong to one of the most, well-organised political groupings and in which
personalities are secondary. It's the party that is primary. It'll be futile
for anybody to get rid of me or Ousainou Darboe because the party will win
the next presidential and parliamentary elections.
Why are you so confident that your party will win the forthcoming elections?
I am sure because of the actions of our opponents. You cannot abuse people's
rights and expect those people to support you. It's like calling on the
black people of South Africa to vote for De Klerk instead of Mandela. It's
the UDP that championed the restoration of civic and political rights and
we've noted quite recently the contributions unconditionally of the NRP
leadership.
You have said that it is possible that you will be arrested again. Haven't
you in place any protective measures?
(Laughs) Safety is the state of mind of an individual and I want to be on
record that I'm prepared to die for this country. Infact, security can only
be relative. There's nobody who is absolutely secured and I feel very
uncomfortable being trailed everywhere I go by at least two bodyguards. The
party's youth wing has provided me with security.
You have made many legal suits against the government. What are the latest
developments as far as these suits are concerned?
Yes, there are very interesting developments. What I want is not money but
vindication and the story of Fabakary Camara, the defeated July 22 Movement
member who apologised to me in person and whose apology I accept in good
faith, is the biggest judgement I've ever received in my favour because the
government has said that during the Good Governance workshop at Mansakonko,
I wanted to show discord and I had mobilised our supporters in Soma to shed
blood. And now that the big lie has been nailed, I'm more than gratified.
Another verdict is that the restoration of the Brikama Imam to the town's
central mosque and the apology is not only to the Imam but also to me as the
number one accused in the mosque case. The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU)
continues to examine my case for the numerous human rights abuses that I
suffered.
What is UDP's chance of winning the by-elections?
The forthcoming by-elections are a foregone conclusion. We're relying on the
people and the APRC are relying on money that they think they can dish out
to the people. It is very naïve on their part not to realise that our people
are very proud and like Vikings, will go to any extent to maintain their
responsibilities. Kiang and Baddibu are not for sale. At the end of the day
what the people want will prevail.
But remember that The Gambia is economically dry now and people need money
badly. APRC's money-dishing can certainly change their minds.
Look, as I told you before, Kiang and Baddibu are not for sale. Gambians
have passed that stage when you will use money to fool and exploit them.
They have now seen the interest of their country and not their pockets. And
let me assure you that we're constantly in touch with our supporters.
From the by-elections, on-the spot counting will be done. What is your
position on that?
Well, we cannot settle for anything less than counting the votes on the spot
because this augurs well for transparency. If it can take place in Senegal
and Guinea-Bissau and even Museveni's Uganda, why not here?
You have always been particular about Decree 89. Why is the government still
reluctant to repeal it?
Well, the APRC is an embattled government that has lost credibility and
feels that they can only stay in power through intimidation primarily of the
people, the opposition, the independent press and human rights activists.
Your uncle Sir Dawda has predicted an economic crisis for The Gambia. Do you
have a similar prediction?
The predictions he made already prevail and I have the same predictions.
We're seen the depreciation of the Dalasi, the souring prices of essential
commodities, the third consecutive year of bad trade season deal for the
farmers, the deterioration of the infrastructure especially of the road
network both urban and rural and the current increase in fuel prices and the
resultant effect on commuters nationwide. The tourism industry is now
certified dead. Our present situation is like the Congo scenario where
Mobutu was super-rich and his nation poor.
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