Dr. Abdoulie Saine,
Thanks a ton for your input. The points you raised are quite relevant and
important and I am sure many readers have taken note of them.
I feel however, that I need to clarify some of the positions I maintained in
the original article which, perhaps, have not come through well because of
any number of reasons.
Some of the positions you raised, I have already commented on elsewhere and
therefore need not be taken up once more :
Dr. Saine wrote:
........"
> What your analysis left out however, is how far Gambia-L has come, from
> a forum of necessary political/social discourse and criticism to one of
> pro-active/agency. Unquestionably, G-L(and its constituent parts) is a
> player in The Gambia's political landscape. Collectively, we created a
> voice and space for ourselves long before the April 10 Massacre, and
> have since then, exerted pressure on Jammeh and his regime. The latter
> was made possible, in part, by the practical strategies the G-L took in
> its efforts to influence events at home.
>
> Not withstanding the lack of response from the Jammeh regime, The G-L
> Position Paper(published in New African, The Independent, BBC interview
> and other outlets)has made an impact. How much? It is hard to measure
> as of now.. Yet, we must never judge our success and possible impact by
> the lack of response from Jammeh and his government. This was to be
> expected. The response I and others have received from Gambia since the
> publication of the proposal have been positive. And in the aftermath of
> the killings, our efforts to see justice rendered and comfort the nation
> at a time of such a tragedy and loss, must not be underestimated. In
> fact, the postings forwarded to us by Ebrima Ceesay from Gambia and the
> circulation of Karamba Touray's article at home, and others I have
> received privately, suggest that our efforts as a collective,
> (GAMBIA-L), are positive.
As you may have noted, my intention was to make a case for the need for a
broad-based mass organisation of Gambians by trying, in a humble way, to
highlight how its absence may have contributed to the gradual militarisation
of Gambian society ; and by implication, the tragic events of last week.
True, I might have paid little attention to the
influence Gambia-L may have in Gambia (I was off the list for the past four
months, rejoining again last week Tuesday), as I am not
aware of any reports anyone may have made on the impact the L has on Gambian
public thought and discourse. But I have recognised the very importance of
the L for us and have invariably commented on that in the past.
While I have no figures available, (the list managers may be able to help
here) I should dare venture the opinion that the number of Gambia-based
subscribers to Gambia-L is still below 100, especially taking into account
government agencies and agents hiding behind dubious identities. The
positive feedbacks notwithstanding, I think there are ample reasons for
expanding participation in Gambian affairs beyond Gambia-L. There are
thousands and thousands of civil servants, workers, students, and unemployed
individuals who have no access to the net.
You also wrote:
> Also, Overseas Gambians are very diverse in their political and
> ideological orientations. We are not a monolith. In fact, a great
> number of us are apolitical, but not any less concerned about events at
> home, or trying to make a contribution, however modest. To call for
> "some kind of ideological commitment...."on the part of Gambians, is at
> best naive and setting ourselves up for possible failure. We must rid
> ourselves of the notion that "We Are All One" because we are not.
> Witness the April 10 Massacre and the different versions each
> representing different interests. More important, Gambians today are
> distinguished along lines of wealth, class, education, gender etc.,
> hence different material interests. I wish it were different.
Naive perhaps, and yes, we are not a monolith. But certainly, we are also
not
a discrete collection of morbid individualists without anything in common,
or who are irredeemably incapable of reconciliation. Gambians have on many
occasions in the past recognized their common concerns and shared interests
and have organized accordingly.
I am afraid you must have missed the big picture Dr. Saine because the
students who died last week in Gambia and those whose families are in
turmoil and trauma and grief, recognised their differences, yet they
organised a demonstration! They did not not care that Ebrima Barry was a
Fulani (like me), or that Binta Manneh is a Mandinka GIRL(!) or that some
were from well-to-do families while most others were from poor ones! They
went
out there chanting, not lazy slogans like "We Are All One", but that they
wanted Justice. If they could find common cause in resisting callous
brutality, in demanding justice not only for the two victims but for all of
GAMBIAN SOCIETY, then they must have discovered an ideology sufficiently
powerful to move them to challenge the state with all its might ; an
ideology, that you and I are wasting wise acres - to borrow a phrase from
Hamjatta - trying to figure out. They discovered an ideology of Resistance
Yes, we may falter, fall and fail in our travails. Well, so what? We simply
should get up, brush off the dust and TRY AGAIN.
If there are overseas Gambians who find it better to dwell more on their
multiple diversities rather than on what they share as products of a
particular culture, history, and geography, and therefore cannot come to
find common cause in a minimum programme (such as a simple Human Rights
campaign) to work with,
then I suggest the boat simply leaves them behind.
You further wrote :
> When changes occur in the lives of a people and nations, (short of a
> revolution), it is bound to be tentative, fitful, messy and sometimes
> slow. The Gambia and Gambians are not any different. While I commend
> and admire the initiatives of Overseas Eritreans, our historical
> conditions, as indicated in your first posting, are different in many
> important respects. We are Gambians and like peoples every where, we
> have both positive and negative attributes. That is a fact we must
> accept and the basis upon which any analysis must proceed.
I agree that our attributes are the basis upon which any analysis must
proceed. Yet I must insist that we study differences in order to find a
basis for international solidarity ; in order to better realize how similar
we actually are. The professional methods of racists and bigots is to dwell
on the differences. Serious people concerned with progess seek for
similarities and act accordingly.
In your own very important National Reconciliation Position Paper, you named
a few countries where National reconciliation Commissions have existed. One
was South Africa. But indeed Gambians are equally less South African as they
are Eritrean. Gambians are not the only inhabitants of this word. We have a
duty to learn from the experiences of other people and figure out how these
can be incorporated into our own reality.
You again went on:
"Finally, it has become fashionable to scapegoat so-called intellectuals
> and in particular, their collective failure to the nation. Again,
> intellectuals are not a monolith and the failures at home are a
> collective responsibility that we all must bear. Most so-called
> intellectuals do what they can to assist family and nation, in addition,
> to their professional contributions. To expect less of them or
> so-called "non-intellectuals" is unforgivable.
Yes, we should not expect less of them, and yes, the failures are a
collective responsibility. But the issue is to expect much more, not less,
from intellectuals.
All over the world, ordinary people, businesses, institutions, and
governments look on learned people to offer guidance, to provide visions,
and to lead. The group of intellectuals that made a public apology for not
involving adequately in the affairs of their country were well aware of
their duty to their country ; a duty they failed miserably. Please do not
even try to absolve them of their responsibilty. You see, their are
thousands of Gambian farm hands picking up apples in Spain. They also help
their families and nation in the best way they can. But inside Gambia we all
should make a clean separation between people who spend their lives teaching
our children and prepare them for life, from those who use their time
selling lipstick and soda. All of us have a responsibility but we should not
be philosophical and pretend that our responsibilities are equal.
In Taiwan, twelve of the fourteen-member 1989 cabinet all acquired their
Ph.Ds abroad. Educated Gambians must get involved in the LIFE of their
nation.
Finally Dr. Saine, I want to tell you that it all boils down to a magic word
namely, SACRIFICE. I believe, we must respect the fact that some of us are
afraid. Afraid of losing their jobs, afraid of being tortured, and afraid of
going to jail. But we must hold high the efforts and sacrifices made by
others as monumental lightposts for our collective fearful groping in the
dark. Their are many Gambians one could name in this regard. But I think
particularly of the exemplary sacrifice made by Sidia Jatta. Not that I am
repeating what Amadou Kabir Njie said.
Almost exactly ten years ago (April 1990) in a critical letter I wrote to
Foroyaa - criticising PDOIS for mixing politics with political science, so
to speak - I explained and confessed how Sidia's resignation letter from
government service was such an incredible source of inspiration.
When he rejected his high national assembly member salary, I calculated at
the time that if the entire membership of the Assembly followed his example,
at least 500 of the so-called uncertificated teachers, whose services were
then being terminated, would have retained their jobs! (Unfortunately, I
cannot remember the precise figures).
It is for such reasons that I mentioned the Eritreans. I did not mean that
we should do the same; but I wanted to point out that such collective
sacrifice should not be seen as alien to us.
Some of you with doctoral degrees on this list have stayed put inspite of
our criticisms, sometimes even insults, our greed to pick your brains now
and then, and have even taken leadership roles in this campaign for freedom
in Gambia. You have won the respect and admiration of many of us. If nothing
else, your efforts mark a great beginning for Gambia.
( I am now resting my case, pledging that I will comment no more on this
issue. The discussion as we all know, is an open one).
Thanks.
Momodou S Sidibeh
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