Habib,
I couldn't agree more with you that the poor smug is a "gentleman and a
scholar" in his own right. L@@k at this brilliant piece he wrote below
back in July [Tue, 4 Jul 2000 15:18:23],to be specific. He is on the ground
now so my question to him is has he visited Dumo et al; has he visited the
grieving families of thge April 10 & 11 student massacre; has he visited
our poor farmers and asked them what is "encouraging" to them. See I can
go on and on but I'm afraid if I do, I will do more harm to Katim, which
is not my intention. Katim, watch out for those Crocs 'cause they will eat
you alive. While you're on the ground, please revisit this brilliant piece:
The Gambia: Another african tragedy in the making? We expect something
better that your "It's me" crap. I look forward to a well written piece
from you, hopefully after you return to home sweet Madison. Take care.
"Katim S. Touray" <[log in to unmask]>
The Gambia: Another african tragedy in the making?
1. Introduction
Recent developments in The Gambia have been a cause for concern. On
April 10 and 11, Gambian security forces opened fire on demonstrating
students killing 13 (including a journalist), and since then, another 2
students have died of injuries they sustained when they were shot. A
recent clash between opposition party and government supporters,
arbitrary dismissals of government officials, kidnappings by security
officers, and a refusal by the Gambian parliament to investigate a crude
oil deal involving the President have many wondering if the country is
on a path to becoming yet another African tragedy.
The Gambia is a small, English-speaking country of about 4,000 square
miles on the West African coast, and bordered on all sides except the
Atlantic, by French-speaking Senegal. The Gambia is very poor, and
ranked 163 (out of 174 countries) in the 1999 Human Development Report
of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). The country had an
estimated population of 1.2 million in 1997, and a per capita gross
national product (GNP) of $350, compared to an average of $522 for
Sub-Saharan Africa, and about $29,000 for the US.
The country obtained it's Independence from Britain in 1965, and became
a Republic in April, 1970. Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, who lead the
country to Independence was it's Prime Minister from 1965 to 1970, and
it's President from 1970 until his government was overthrown on July 22,
1994 by junior army officers. The resulting government called the Armed
Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC) was dominated by the military,
and headed by then Lt. Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh.
While Jawara's rule was characterized by an internationally-renowned
respect for human rights, and adherence to a multi-party democratic
system of governance, Jammeh's rule has been noted for human rights
abuses, killings, misappropriation, and outright incompetence. Against
this background, it is not surprising that more and more Gambians and
observers are wondering whether President Jammeh is putting the country
on a path to destruction, and becoming another African tragedy.
This paper provides a brief overview of the governance, or lack thereof,
of The Gambia under Jammeh, alternatives to his government. It is aimed
at providing The Gambia's friends and partners a means to enable them
help Gambian organizations and concerned citizens who are working to
restore the rule of law, democracy, and respect for human rights in The
Gambia. Hopefully, these efforts will save The Gambia from the chaos
and tragedies that have befallen countries like Sierra Leone, and
Liberia.
2. The Gambia Under Jammeh
His Excellency, Dr. Alhaji Col. (Rtd.) Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh came to
power in July, 1994 after leading a military coup against the
democratically-elected government of Sir Dawda K. Jawara who had been in
power for almost 30 years. The then 29-year old, and Lt. Jammeh headed
the military-dominated AFPRC government that was formed to replace the
Jawara administration. The AFPRC originally intended to remain in power
for 4 years before handing over power to a democratically-elected
civilian government, but following an outcry from both within The
Gambia, and the International community, they agreed to elections
leading to a transition to civilian rule.
After the adoption of a revised (and many say flawed) Constitution,
Presidential and Parliamentary elections were held in late, 1996. In
preparation for the elections, Jammeh and other key AFPRC military
officials resigned their military commissions. Jammeh formed a
political party, Alliance for Patriotic Reconciliation and Construction
(APRC) to field their candidates in the general elections, with Jammeh
as their Presidential candidate. The APRC won most of the parliamentary
seats contested, and Jammeh also won the Presidential elections. In
January, 1997, Jammeh was sworn in as the civilian President, and head
of an APRC government with an overwhelming majority of military
retirees.
Unfortunately for The Gambia, almost 6 years of Jammeh's rule has
brought about untold suffering, death, and deprivation to many Gambians.
This is especially sad in light of the fact that many people initially
welcomed the AFPRC following the overthrow of the Jawara government.
Furthermore, Jammeh proclaimed at the outset that his was going to be a
government with a difference; one that was both accountable and
transparent. Judging from their record so far, it seems that Jammeh and
his officials forgot their promises and pronouncements when they came to
power. Both the AFPRC and the APRC governments have not only failed to
meet the expectations of many Gambians, they have been noted for
incompetence, corruption, human rights abuses, trampling press freedom,
and killing Gambians in the name of state security.
2.1. Incompetence
Both the AFPRC, and it's successor, the APRC governments have not only
failed to provide competent leadership for the Gambia, but also wreaked
havoc on the country's civil service. One example of the incompetence
that has been shown by Jammeh has been the exceedingly high turn-over
rate of appointments in his cabinet, as well as in other high-level
government offices. For example, in the 6 years since he came to power
in 1994, what used to be the Ministry of External Affairs has not only
had a name change, it has also had 4 Secretaries of State.
Such high turn over rates in the country's high offices not only signal
a misuse of highly-trained and experienced human resources, but also a
tendency for Jammeh to use these offices as incentives in a self-serving
patronage system. Along these lines, President Jammeh has sponsored
people to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and just last month was
distributing tractors he had personally donated to farmers.
The incompetence of the Jammeh government is unfortunately complemented
by a blatant disregard for the rule of law, and a threat to the
independence of the Judiciary. For example, a Magistrate was recently
dismissed for referring the case for granting bail to opposition party
supporters accused of killing an APRC supporter. In addition, Judge who
the case was referred to and granted bail to the accused opposition
party supporters was dismissed. A week or so prior to these dismissals,
the Judicial Secretary, (second in command to the Attorney General) was
dismissed, allegedly over disagreements with the Attorney General, who
wanted to use public funds for unscrupulous purposes.
Besides of the lack of continuity in the country's governance, Jammeh
has also failed the aspirations of Gambians in the area of economic
development. While there have been strides in building health-care
facilities, schools, a new airport complex, and the country's first TV
station, the fact remains that the lot of the average Gambian has not
faired well under Jammeh. In fact, many indicators of the quality of
human life are still miserable, and it is not surprising that the
country ranked so low in the UNDP Human Development Report.
2.2. The Killing Fields
It is perhaps in the area of democracy, human Rights, and press freedom
that the record of both Jammeh governments have been most dismal.
Starting with the AFPRC from July 1994 to Jan. 1997, there have been
numerous incidents of gross abuse of human rights, assaults on
individuals, and allegations of killings by the government's security
forces. For example, an estimated 40 soldiers lost their lives in
November, 1994, in circumstances the government called a coup attempt,
even though many insist that the victims were framed, and some may
indeed have been summarily executed.
Besides the above-mentioned "coup attempt", there have been other
incidents that have resulted in the loss of life under suspicious
circumstances. For example, in June, 1995 the body of Mr. Ousman "Koro"
Ceesay, then the country's Finance Minister was found in his burnt-out
car. Despite allegations that Mr. Ceesay was murdered, and that the
burning of his car and body was staged, the Jammeh government has yet to
conduct a proper investigation of the circumstances surrounding his
death.
Besides Mr. Ceesay, others who have lost their lives under suspicious
circumstances under Jammeh's rule include the head of his own security
detail. In November, 1995, the army barracks in Farafenni were attacked
by a anti-Jammeh elements, resulting in the loss of 6 lives. In
addition, an incident at the Kartong army camp in 1997 also resulted in
the death of at least 1 soldier. And in Dec., 1999, the head of
Jammeh's own security guards was killed to foil an alleged coup plot. A
second victim of this incident was a suspected soldier who was pursued
by Jammeh loyalists, and shot in broad daylight in Banjul's main market.
Yet another alleged plotter was wounded, and arrested in a gun-fight.
Although he was first arraigned last May, his trial has proceeded
slowly, if at all.
Almost no one is exempt from Jammeh's excesses, and those of his
officials. Thus, it was this past Jan. that a 11-year old student died
from injuries he sustained from beatings he suffered at the hands of
Fire fighters who had been called to the school to maintain order. In
addition, a 13 year-old girl was raped by a uniformed security person,
who has yet to be accosted. These incidents prompted students to
demonstrate their anger, and protest against the killing and rape of
their own by Jammeh's forces.
The demonstrations that the Gambian students embarked on April 10 were
met with typical savagery by Jammeh's security forces. They opened fire
on the students, killing 12 of them, along with a journalists who was
shot at the Red Cross premises, while he was working as a volunteer, to
help the wounded. Students in other parts of the country also took to
the streets on April 11, and again, the Jammeh forces responded with
lethal force, killing at least one (and reportedly more) of the
students.
To be sure, the students demonstrations were also marked by destruction
of property (mostly government facilities), but from all indications,
this destruction happened AFTER the students were shot by the security
forces. To add insult to injury, the reaction of government officials
was been to blame the students, claim that their forces did not use live
bullets, and thank the security forces for handling the situation well.
This after all these students, and a journalist lost their lives.
It is also worth noting that the Jammeh government continues to turn a
deaf ear to pleas for a full and thorough investigations of the deaths
of the likes of Mr. Ousman "Koro" Ceesay, and the soldiers that died in
the November, 1994 "coup attempt." Even though there have been specific
allegations against Captain (Rtd) Edward Singhateh, Secretary of State
for Presidential Affairs, and Captain (Rtd) Yankuba Touray, Secretary of
State for Youths and Sports, there have been no attempts to address
these allegations. If anything, the closure of the online forum on
which the allegations were first posted indicates how insensitive the
Jammeh government is to repeated calls for a full investigation of these
killings.
In contrast to the inaction, and/or slow-pace that the government has
shown in regards charges of murder against it, it wastes no time in
arresting people they deem a threat to them. For example, while the
coroners report on the killing of student demonstrators last April is
yet to be made public, the government was swift to arrest over 80
opposition party supporters one day after a clash between their
entourage and APRC supporters, resulting in the death of one APRC
activist. This clearly demonstrates the hypocrisy of the Jammeh
government, because it picks and chooses which killings to investigate,
and which not to based on whether the victims where for or against them,
and not on an unbiased interest in enforcing justice.
2.3. Abuse of Human Rights and Press Freedom
The Jammeh governments have also had a remarkable record of abusing
human and democratic rights and press freedoms. Thus, the 1999 Amnesty
International Annual Report on The Gambia stated that the government
detained at least 20 prisoners of conscience, and at least three
prisoners were reported to have been tortured. In addition, Decree 89,
which banned politicians active before the 1994 coup is still in effect.
The Decree was introduced by the military before the transfer of power
to civilian rule, and has been used by the APRC government to prevent
their opponents from contesting elections in the Gambia.
Jammeh has also abused and trampled on the democratic rights of
Gambians. Thus, while he ensured that the revised Gambian constitution
was tailored to enable people younger than 40 years (including himself)
to be eligible to contest the Presidency, the same constitution barred
many Gambians from contesting elections or holding elected office simply
because they were officers of political parties that existed during
Jawara's rule. Furthermore, the same constitution granted Jammeh and
other officials of the AFPRC government immunity from prosecution for
acts they committed while in office.
The killing of Omar Barrow, the Gambian journalist who died in last
April's demonstrations was the latest example of Jammeh's
high-handedness against the Press in The Gambia. Even though he
proclaimed, on coming to power in July 1994, that his was going to be an
administration with a difference, and one that was open to criticism,
the policies of both his AFPRC and APRC governments have been exactly
the opposite of those pronouncements.
Thus, many Gambian and non-Gambian journalists have been subjected to
arbitrary detention by Jammeh's government. A number of these arrests
and other forms of government high-handedness against the Gambian Press
were reported in the 1999 review by the International Press Institute
(IPI) of Press Freedom in The Gambia. For example, Citizen FM, a
private radio station deemed too critical of the government was closed
on the basis of a 1913 law that the government selectively applied.
Fortunately, the case against Citizen FM was recently thrown out of
court, but after it's proprietor had spent enormous effort, and lost
income because his radio station was closed for over 3 years while he
awaited judgment on the case.
The Jammeh government has also sought to stifle the Independent press in
The Gambia by using the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) to harrass
and arrest Gambian journalists, and deport non-Gambian journalists. The
latest such incident is an attempt to intimidate the editors of "The
Independent" newspaper by questioning the validity of their Gambian
citizenship. Furthermore, Decrees 70 and 71, which increased one
hundred-fold the cost of the bond required for private newspapers, are
still on the books. Given the already meager resources the Gambian
media survives on, such an additional burden can only be seen as a yet
another ploy by President Jammeh to cripple them, and/or prevent the
sprouting of new media outlets.
2.4. Corruption
President Jammeh is yet to provide a satisfactory response to a number
of allegations of corruption and embezzlement on his part, or those of
his officials. First, there have been allegations that a $35 million
loan from The Republic of China (Taiwan) to The Gambia was diverted to
private accounts. In addition, President Jammeh was named as the
beneficiary of $3 million deposited in a Swiss bank account by one Capt.
Ebou Jallow, who has since resigned from the Gambian army, and now lives
in exile in the US. While most of the $3 million was recovered, and
returned to the Gambian treasury, the issue of the $35 million from
Taiwan is still unresolved.
In April, 1999, Chantrils SA, a subsidiary of Swiss-based oil traders
Glencore, successfully sued the Gambian government in London's High
Court for breaching a contract to sell crude oil on behalf of The
Gambia. According to documents made public in the trial, Chantrils SA
contracted to sell 20,000 (twenty thousand) barrels of Nigerian crude
oil a day on behalf of The Gambia, and deposit the initial payment, and
proceeds in an account at United Overseas Bank, in Geneva, Switzerland.
The oil was contracted from the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation
to The Gambia, and supposedly as a reward from the late General Sani
Abacha to President Jammeh for standing by Abacha when the rest of the
world condemned his dictatorship, and killing of Ken Saro Wiwa. The
contract to lift Nigerian oil lasted from August, 1996 to June, 1998,
when General Abacha died. Also, the oil was sold by Chantril SA for
$0.20 (twenty cents) per barrel at a time when, according to the United
States Energy Information Agency, the landed cost of Nigerian crude oil
varied from $14 to $20 per barrel, or between 70 and 100 times more than
what Chantril SA paid for the oil.
The Gambia government was represented in the contract by a Senegalese
national, Samuel Sarr, who testified in court that he was given a
Gambian diplomatic passport, and asked by President Jammeh to report
directly to him in matters relating to the oil deal. President Jammeh
has consistently brushed off questions about the oil deal, and any talk
about where the money went. The trial in the UK concluded with a fine
against the Gambia government, even though from all indications, the
Gambia government never received any money from the proceeds of the sale
of the oil.
The latest development in this sad story was the rejection by the
Gambian parliament of a motion to investigate President Jammeh's oil
deal. According to newspaper reports, the Majority Leader and APRC
member, Mr. Tamsir Jallow said that the motion was rejected because it
was inspired by "ulterior political motives", lacked credible supporting
documents, and was not in the national interest. It is hard to imagine
how Mr. Jallow arrived at these conclusions, in light of the judgment
against the Gambia government in the crude oil case in London High
Courts, and his statement that APRC members of parliament were not
against accountability and probity.
Despite these setbacks, efforts must continue to ensure that President
Jammeh and his collaborators answer to allegations of corruption. With
a per capita GNP of $350, the sums of money that have been allegedly
swindled by President Jammeh and his officials are simply too much to be
ignored. Furthermore, in a period when there is a strong and growing
campaign to write off debts owed by poor countries like The Gambia, it
only makes sense that the Jammeh government fully accounts for these
sums they were alleged to have stolen, before The Gambia is considered
eligible to debt relief, and indeed other forms of development
assistance.
2.5. President Jammeh's threat to Peace and Stability in the
Sub-Region
President Jammeh's threat to peace and stability in the sub-region is
another cause for concern about his rule in The Gambia. Given that The
Gambia practically divides Senegal in two, and that there presently is
festering a separatist war in Cassamance, Senegal's southern part, it is
imperative that a Gambian President help bring about peace. President
Jammeh, instead, has had a rather dubious relationship with the
separatist movement in Cassamance, and according to some, has in fact
been their supporter.
Senegal recently concluded two rounds of free, fair, and open democratic
elections that resulted in a peaceful transfer of power from one
civilian President to another. The historic moment was not lost on
observers in the sub-region, and indeed the world over. These elections
have without doubt made Senegal a shinning example to other African
countries, and also a bastion of democratic values in Africa. That
President Jammeh might be contributing to the destabilization of Senegal
should be a cause for concern to all interested in maintaining peace,
and fostering progress in the Sub-region.
It has recently been revealed on Gambia-L, the e-mail based discussion
forum on the Internet, that a number of President Jammeh's officials and
operatives are tied to Libya, and President Charles Taylor of Liberia.
For example, Baba Jobe, Assistant Secretary, Office of the President,
was reported to have been trained in Libya, and serves as President
Jammeh's right hand man in his dealings with Libyan President Qaddafi.
In addition, Libya has also been reported to have provided military
training for the erstwhile July 22 Movement which Mr. Jobe headed, and
whose former members are now using their skills to intimidate and
terrorize Gambians.
Mr. Jobe is also reported to have ties to Liberia's Charles Taylor
starting from when they were being trained in Libya, and continuing with
Mr. Jobe's younger brother being President Taylor's personal body guard
for over a decade. Other Gambians have also been reported to be part of
President Taylor's personal security detail, just like President Jammeh
himself has resorted to foreigners to provide him security. Given the
role that President Taylor has played in supporting the rebels in Sierra
Leone, and hence prolonging that brutal war, one can only conclude that
any connections he has with The Gambian can only be detrimental to the
county's interest.
Finally, Ghana, which has of late been the darling of international
development agencies for has also been identified by President Jammeh as
his supporter. In addition, former President Jawara in a recent
interview, alleged that Ghana was used as a transit point for sending
Gambian dissidents for military training in Libya. Even though Ghanaian
authorities have denied charges that President Rawlings' government has
provided military and intelligence training to the Jammeh government,
the fact remains that President Jammeh as publicly acknowledged support
he has received from Ghana.
3. averting another african tragedy
The April 10 and 11 killings in The Gambia are the most tragic in a
series of tragedies that have befallen The Gambia since Jammeh came to
power in July, 1994. In the aftermath of these killings, many people
have suggested ending Jammeh's rule in The Gambia, to prevent the
country from plunging into the war and strife that have befallen
countries such as Sierra Leone and Liberia.
It is hereby proposed that in order to preserve the peace in, and
integrity of The Gambia, the Jammeh government should immediately commit
to the following:
1. investigating the death of soldiers killed in alleged "coups"
in Nov. 1994, and Dec. 1999, and the death of former Finance Minister
Ousman "Koro" Ceesay.
2. publishing the Coroners report on the April 10 and 11
killings during student demonstrations
3. investigating the Nigerian crude oil deal, the $35 million loan
from Taiwan, and other allegations of corruption by President Jammeh and
his officials
4. punishing, to the full extent of the law, any and all found
guilty of involvement in the killing of the above mentioned people,
and/or other crimes
5. ending arbitrary arrests, summary dismissals, and kidnapping
of people
6. repealing the decision to allow the military to take a role
in policing civil society
7. repealing Decrees 70, 71, and 89
8. increasing access of opposition parties and other groups to
state controlled media outlets
9. restoring an independent judiciary, an atmosphere of freedom
(not fear), democracy (not dictatorship), and the rule of law in The
Gambia
In the event President Jammeh and his government are not interested in
compromising, and working toward a peaceful resolution of the grave
leadership crisis faced by The Gambia, there will be a concerted effort
by various Gambian groups around the world to bring the record of the
Jammeh government to the world's attention, with a view toward imposing
sanctions that will effectively cripple the government. Furthermore,
these efforts will also be aimed at ensuring free, open, and fair
general elections next year, and ensuring that opposition parties have
adequate resources to contest the elections.
4. Help Needed from International Community
Despite the fact that Jammeh governments have been noted for being
international pariahs, the poverty of The Gambia means that any Gambian
government must rely heavily on international assistance. According to
the UNDP Human Development Report 1999, official development assistance
accounted for 10% of The Gambia's GNP in 1997, compared to an average of
6.7% for Sub-Saharan Africa.
This shows that The Gambia is more dependent on international assistance
than many other African countries. Thus, the Jammeh government would be
particularly vulnerable to a comprehensive, coordinated, and well
thought-out effort by the International community to force it to either
transfer power peacefully, or at least abide by internationally-accepted
standards of behavior.
Toward this end, the help of foreign governments, development
organizations and agencies, as well as human rights organizations will
be sought exert pressure on the Jammeh government to restore the rule of
law, peace, and stability to The Gambia. Such pressure includes:
1. ending disbursement of development assistance funds for the
Jammeh government
2. ending supplies of arms, and assistance to the Gambian
military and security forces
3. urging development agencies and organizations to exert
pressure Jammeh, and/or to stop supporting his government
4. urging countries such as Libya, Ghana, Liberia, and Taiwan
that have been identified by President Jammeh as supportive of his
government to stop supporting him
5. denying senior government, military, and police officials,
and APRC members of parliament invitations to international meetings,
and visas to enter other countries
6. helping the recovery of money looted by Jammeh and his
associates, by exerting pressure on banks and other financial
institutions that have accepted deposits of looted money
Organizations and agencies can also help by providing technical,
administrative, and other assistance that will be needed to investigate
allegations against President Jammeh and his officials. For more
information about how to help, please contact any of the signatory
organizations listed below.
5. references
Amnesty International Publications and News Releases on The Gambia (1996
- present) (http://www.amnesty.org/ailib/countries/indx127.htm)
International Press Institute. 1999 World Press Freedom Review -
Gambia. (http://www.freemedia.at/archive97/gambia.htm)
Saine, A. The military and "democratization" in The Gambia: 1994-2000
in "Liberalization and Democracy in Africa." John Mbaku (Editor)
(forthcoming)
U. S. Department of State. Human Rights Reports for 1999 - Gambia.
(http://www.state.gov/www/global/human_rights/1999_hrp_report/gambia.html
)
United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Report 1999.
(http://www.undp.org/hdro/99.htm)
The Online Independent. June 15, 2000. Rawlings Stands Accused.
(http://www.africaonline.com.gh/independent/200615/topnews1.htm)
6. Signatory Organizations
Gamsem
Movement for the Restoration of Democracy in The Gambia
Gambia Freedom Democratic Movement
---------------------------------------------- End of forwarded draft
paper ---------------------------------------------------------
http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/CGI/wa.exe?A2=ind0007&L=gambia-l&P=R9049&m=7508
Habib Ghanim <[log in to unmask]> wrote:
>
>
>Brother George Sarr,
>
>
>
>I beg to dissagree with you George. Katim is a gentleman and a scholar. I know there are some differences in opinion but that does not mean he is wrong. I think it is important that we look at the other side of the coin too.
>
>
>
>By the way I must admit you are the best in the computer biz . Are you coming tonbsp;DC for the ALDnbsp; gathering nbsp;. I must meet you the Gambian Bill Gates.
>
>
>
>Take care and best regards
>
>
>
>Habib nbsp;
>
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