Tomaa and Sister Jabou,
Not so long ago I made similar comments on the Gambia-Senegal relationship
in a short exchange with Ebou Jallow.
The current crises is double-edged, and presents a dangerous amalgam of
conflicting economic interests in a militarily volatile context. While it is
great relief that tensions have subsided and that the borders are open once
again, fighting in the Casamance needs to end through dialog in order to
enhance stability in the region. Without that, there will remain
considerable risks for other issues, say economic concerns, to be used as
legitimitate reasons to raise and heighten diplomatic tensions between the
two countries.
A couple of years back, the Jammeh government, in a shrewed move to appease
the Joof administration drastically reduced tariffs at the ferry crossings
affecting the overall volume of money collected by the Gambia Ports
Authority. In spite of that, the issue of diminishing revenue for the
Senegalese customs services at Gambian borders, partly on account of
smuggling and partly on account of Gambian re-exports has remained thorny
for a good part of the last four decades. Settling this issue seems to have
proved elusive to both regimes.
My belief is that Gambian commerce must strategically decreased its
dependence on the re-export of goods which is a de facto lifeline of our
nation's current economic performance. While cross border trading in
imported goods is quite normal, it severely undermines Gambia's own
productive capacity in manufacturing. This is important even if reliance on
the service sector is the major thrust of economic development both at home
and elsewhere; a fact that also hinges especially on our incapacity to
compete with established and dominant manufacturers. Added to that is the
Senegalese complaint that goods from Gambia undermines its own manufactures
while it suffers from falling customs revenue at border crossings because of
cheaper 'Gambian goods'.
Looking at this in a broader perspective, it relates to the question of a
larger continental dilemma: how African goods can compete with the produce
of global industries that have not only become much more efficient but also
have relied heavily on decades of protectionist politics by their
governments to prosper and grow. All this at a time while Africa is being
permanently harassed and lectured to democratise ( very acceptable) and open
up its markets to free competition (quite unacceptable).
While Gambia cannot pratice any isolationist poitics, its government must
realise Gambian agriculture, the country's natural vehicle to
industrialisation, cannot be left to wobble hopelessly in servile respect to
the adjustment politics of the IMF. The Jammeh government must disentangle
itself from its devastating policy of not interfering in the groundnuts
trade. All governments throughout the continent must realise that they have
the ultimate responsibility to invest in those strategic economic sectors on
which our future depends and that which should provide Africans with food
security. Hopefully, a serious and long.term investment in agriculture
should help Gambia rely less on the re-export trade while opening up other
sectors of the economy for local investment capital.
All of this can best occur in a context of peace and stability in the
region; the reason why I wrote earlier that...." president Jammeh must make
sure that those fighting for an independent Casamance are not allowed to set
up bases on Gambian soil, not because Gambia should not be sympathetic to
their demands, but because Gambia must reject seccession. Gambia must use
whatever influence it has to encourage dialog and a political settlement of
the conflict. A stable, peaceful and prosperous Gambia that encourages,
pursues, and strengthens economic and cultural ties with neighbours in the
entire subregion is her best line of
defense.
Momodou S Sidibeh, Stockholm/Kaatong.
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