NADD FLAG BEARER’S  STATEMENT 

ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE  GAMBIA,  
PROPOSAL FOR UNITY AND RELATED  ISSUES 
Part  One 
Compatriots, sons and daughters of  just humanity, the world over, The 
Gambia, our beloved motherland is at a  cross road. This is marked by challenges, 
difficulties, dangers and  opportunities. Our duty is to surmount the 
difficulties and dangers, face the  challenges squarely in the eye with a view to 
overcoming them and making  maximum effort to exploit the opportunities to make a 
great leap forward in  liberty, progress and prosperity. 
The first difficulty and challenge to  overcome is the decline in the 
political integrity and openness of our  motherland. 
Section 214 (1) of the Constitution of  the Republic states that “The Gambia 
shall be a democratic state dedicated to  freedom, peace, progress, prosperity 
and  justice.” 
Subsection (5) adds that “The  government with due regard to the principles 
of an open and democratic  society, shall foster accountability and 
transparency at all levels of  government.” 
Section 207 (3) adds that “The press  and other information media shall at 
all times, be free to uphold the  principles, provisions and objectives of this 
Constitution and the  responsibility and accountability of the Government to 
the people of the  Gambia.” 
Under a functioning democracy press  conferences by aggrieved parties, 
headlines in newspapers and the electronic  media, exposures in parliaments, public 
outcries and threats of parliamentary  inquiries and impeachment often compel 
the executive arm of the state to be  sensitive to public opinion. Impunity is 
retained by the fear of having one’s  misdeed exposed and one’s abuse of 
authority  reprimanded. 
The most disheartening thing about the  country is that National Assembly 
members can be subjected to detention  without trial; mayors can be detained and 
suspended indefinitely. Newspapers  are put out of operation and their 
reporters subjected to detention without  trial without any powerful instrument of 
public opinion to restrain those who  perpetrate these actions. 
In my view, a nation that is mute  about its grievances is a nation that 
cannot surmount its difficulties and  challenges. 
Under a functioning democracy where  sovereignty resides in the people, they 
must have the freedom to participate  in discussion and decision making on 
matters that affect their individual  lives and the collective life and welfare 
of the whole  citizenry. 
A government that is determined to  utilize the authority entrusted to its 
members by the people to promote their  general welfare must be tolerant of 
being hammered from all sides by public  opinion. This is the only way it can be 
fully tempered to be able to address  the needs and aspirations of the people. 
In my view the only good government  is one that can be criticized, 
scrutinized and restrained from abusing power  and perpetrating maladministration. 
It is therefore necessary for public  opinion to continue to call for the 
release of those who have been kept under  detention up to today without trial, 
especially Duta Kamaso, an elected  National Assembly Member and Mariam Denton, 
a senior member of the Gambian  Bar; the eradication of all the restrictions 
on the press especially the  Independent Newspaper and the cautioning against 
all threats to the sovereign  people of the Gambia who have right to freedom 
from forced labour, movement  and security of person. Only a government that 
respects the people and  acknowledge that sovereignty or power resides in them 
can address the decline  in political integrity and curtail the trend towards 
impunity. This is the  first point.  
Secondly, the key battle for countries  in the 21st century is the struggle 
to build  democratic institutions, practices and cultures. Section 214 (2) of 
the  constitution states categorically that “the people shall express their 
will  and consent as to who shall govern then and how they shall be governed 
through  regular, free and fair  elections  of their representatives.” Section 26 
(b) adds that “Every citizen of the  Gambia of full age and capacity  shall 
have the right, without unreasonable restrictions to vote and stand for  
elections at genuine periodic elections for public  office....” 
It is therefore clear that the type of  registration practice that is 
underway where some party chairpersons and  village heads appear to have formed a 
compact to issue attestations that  enables those who are not entitled under law 
to get ID cards and voters’ cards  is undermining the integrity of the 
political system.   
The under-aged youth and the non  Gambians should bear in mind that it is the 
vote that creates the  representatives who shape the policies and programmes 
of government and how to  implement and administer them.  
Those who allow themselves to be used  just to corrupt the electoral system 
must equally accept responsibility for  the decline in liberty and increase in 
poverty, fear and hardship of the  people. What should be abundantly clear is 
that the 185,000 children in our  primary schools, the 66,000 children in our 
upper basic schools and the 27,000  youths in our high schools deserve a 
future in about 10 years time that  provides quality living. They should not accept 
anyone who provides them with  food and green tea to eat and drink today just 
to become beggars tomorrow.  They deserve a life of prosperity in liberty and 
dignity. They deserve to grow  and work to live and not to live just to be a 
tool to individual sovereign  Gambians like themselves whom they should relate 
to as equals. The time has  past for mental slavery. The youths of the 
country must liberate themselves.  They must not accept party chairpersons leading 
them like sheep with ropes  around their necks towards the slaughter house of 
poverty and marginalization.  I have followed the registration of underaged 
youths. I have followed the  organisation of parties after the AU Summit. While 
some of the schools are  without adequate benches and desks and toilet 
facilities. The food provided  lacked adequate protein.  The rice  and oil were meant 
just to feel their stomachs. Finally, a large portion is  destined for the 
pigs. I have trust in the Gambian youth. I am confident that  with their votes 
they will liberate their brothers and sisters, parents and  people at large. 
They will never accept permanent residence in the colony of  the marginalised, 
poor and wretched of the earth. 
As for non-Gambians, it is important  for each and everyone to know we do not 
choose our birth places. This is a  historical accident. Each person has a 
right to a homeland. No nation is  superior to another. No people should 
subjugate another. We understand the  plight of non-Gambians. We in NADD have spoken 
against the arrest and  transportation of non-Gambians in airtight congested 
vans to cells where they  are compelled to pay for Alien ID Cards or face 
deportation. We have  formulated a policy that once NADD is in control of the 
country; all  non-Gambians will exercise their right to belong to a society 
established by  the nationals of each country. The leaders of such societies shall be 
 democratically elected and the minister to be responsible for African  
integration and the affairs of non-Gambians in the Gambia will  liaise with such 
leaders to deal with and solve all grievances. There will be  no discriminatory 
fees against non-Gambians resident in the  Gambia. They will not be subjected  
to unequal treatment in the rendering of services. In this regard, there will 
 be no need for non-Gambians to seek   Gambian documents. They will be 
enlightened to know the laws on how to  naturalize if they wish to do so. This is 
the way forward and non-Gambians  should be part of the solution of the problems 
of the country and not part of  the problem. Maximum effort should be made by 
all NADD militants to spread the  NADD position among youths and all 
non-Gambians in the country. This is the  way to defeat the forces that are trying to 
undermine change through the  promotion of corrupt registration practices. 
NADD will combine mass democratic  action with legal action to deal with the 
problem of corrupt registration  practices. If Gambians really want change no 
force on earth can stop  it. 
Finally, the difficulty or challenge  that is uppermost in the minds of most 
Gambians is how to overcome the factors  militating against the unity of the 
opposition. It is incontrovertible that a  nation with a weak opposition is one 
standing at the threshold of tyranny or  national disintegration. This allows 
room for retention of power by any means  and the attempt to wrest power by 
any means. This leads to endless treason  trials. A weak opposition is also a 
contributing factor to political  instability and insecurity. In short 
democratic change presupposes the  existence of a strong opposition. Democratic 
existence is also guaranteed by a  strong opposition. 
The best way a people can contain  tyranny, fear and impunity is to be united 
around a strong opposition. When a  party in government calls on the people 
and sees a few, then turns around and  see the masses galvanized around an 
opposition, it will have no option but to  abandon the route of tyranny and seek 
the route of conciliation or be removed  from office by the people. 
It is therefore of paramount  importance for the Gambia to have a strong 
opposition,  one that can rekindle hope and give assurance that the fears and 
hardship of  the people can be put to an end.  
Part  Two 
Now one may ask: What are the  prospects for unity and how is it to be 
achieved? 
The proposals continue to come. NADD  has responded to Dr. Saine’s proposal. 
As flag-bearer I am inspired by the  fact that the people themselves have 
become the  mediators. 
A day hardly passes without men,  women, and young people approaching me to 
express their concerns. From these  encounters it is incontrovertible that 
people are interested in an alliance  and not individual party politics. If I am 
wrong I stand to be corrected. In  no where do we find people promoting the 
principles, policies, programmes and  practices of their individual parties. If 
this was the case there would not  have been any need for consultation. In 
short, it is the right of each  individual to support the party of his/her choice. 
On the other hand,  individual parties may consider it necessary to forge an 
alliance. An alliance  may be done out of necessity or convenience. 
In an alliance of convenience the  partners can go their separate ways 
without any impact on each other’s support  base. For example, if the APRC/NCP were 
to split today each is likely to  retain its previous support base before 
their Alliance. 
Conversely, in an alliance of  necessity the partners separate to their 
mutual detriment. This has been the  case of the opposition in Togo. 
In my view, it is the situation on the  ground which should determine whether 
an Alliance is necessary or not. In some  situations an Independent candidate 
can even sweep the polls if the masses  decide to turn their backs against 
the existing opposition and ruling parties  as had happened in Mali, in the case 
of Tumani Touray  and Guinea Bissau in the case of Vierra. UDP in the Gambia 
is even  an example of how an alliance can be forged on the basis of 
necessity. In  short, it is the members of the parties who were banned who decided to  
establish the UDP and then select someone to lead who never stood as a  
candidate. The wave enabled him to gain 34% of the votes. This confirms that  
finding the right type of alliance is not an arithmetic or academic exercise.  It 
requires appreciation of the general political mood of the population in a  
country. 
To cut a long story short, at this  very juncture one can traverse the length 
and breadth of the country without  noticing any encouragement for any 
individual opposition party to contest the  forthcoming Presidential elections. The 
clarion call is for an Alliance to be  forged. 
Since time is against the opposition  what is important is to gauge what the 
two alliances are offering The Gambian  people as the basis of unity and 
express their preference of the best way  forward before the end of July. 
In this regard, it is important to  note that the UDP/NRP alliance advocates 
for a Mr. Darboe/Mr. Bah Presidential  and Vice Presidential ticket. According 
Mr. Hamat Bah the Alliance will empower  Mr. Darboe to appoint his own 
cabinet. There is no indication that Mr. Darboe  as the UDP/NRP flag bearer will be 
restricted to a one term  limit. 
On the other hand, NADD stands for the  candidates of the alliance to be 
determined by consensus or primary. In any  subsequent negotiation such a method 
can still be applicable. Furthermore,  NADD calls for a cabinet derived from 
representatives of member parties and  civil society. Thirdly, the flag-bearer 
shall be restricted to one term to  create precedence for subsequent holders of 
the office of president to accept  a two five year term limit.  
The NADD also calls for a National  Assembly that can check the powers of the 
president so that he/she shall not  violate his/her mandate.  
The UDP/NRP alliance has not spelt out  how the National Assembly will be 
constituted under their alliance.   
How are these differences to be  narrowed? These are the fundamental 
questions we need to address with  immediacy.  
Conscious of the situation in the  country, I wish to reiterate again that we 
are going through the most decisive  phase of our history. This is all the 
more so when it is acknowledged that the  regime is determined to cling on to 
power by relying on all desperate means.  The revelation that 94, 000 persons 
have been registered in a supplementary  registration of voters marked with 
controversy confirms the state of crisis of  the electoral system. Registration 
has been suspended and is likely to be  resumed while presidential election is 
scheduled to take place on 22  September. The IEC Chairman was subjected to 
such a high degree of pressure by  APRC party operatives who were given access to 
national TV to denounce his  administration that he had to show open bias by 
consulting the APRC leader  without consulting opposition leaders. The 
outrageously corrupt registration  practices are naked to all eyes, yet some APRC 
chairwomen are in fact using  Rambo’s case to threaten some members of the 
opposition who may not know their  rights. The opposition is facing an electoral 
emergency. The lesson to draw is  that the opposition is urged by the dictates of 
circumstances to unite. Five  years under a united opposition which enables 
any aspirant to prepare the  ground to seek a future mandate is better than 
five more years under APRC  regime. 
As far as I am concerned, I accepted  to be considered to be flag-bearer not 
because I thought I had a larger  constituency than anyone but because I 
thought that I will be accepted as a  tool by all the political constituencies 
which form the alliance. When I saw  messages from some constituencies I declared 
that I will be willing to  handover my role to anyone who can be promoted and 
accepted by all the  political constituencies. This is my stand. However, 
where we fail to find  such a consensus I will not betray the people.  
To conclude, allow me to take  exception to any notion that I had stood for 
elections and gain only 20%. I  have never been a presidential candidate. I had 
8500 to UDP’s 8000 votes in  the 1997 parliamentary elections. I won my seat 
without any alliance in 2002.  I retain the seat under an alliance in 2005 by 
elections. In my view, all  votes are important and those who are really 
interested in change will not be  saying things that will antagonize others. They 
will say things that will  unite. Each of us has a duty to perform. History 
will be the judge of us all.  The future doe not lie in the hands of leaders. It 
lies in the hands of those  who make leaders leaders. It is for the leader to 
propose. It is for the  people to decide. There is still  hope.



 

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