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Subject:
From:
omar joof <[log in to unmask]>
Reply To:
The Gambia and related-issues mailing list <[log in to unmask]>
Date:
Fri, 2 Jan 2004 16:37:25 +0000
Content-Type:
text/plain
Parts/Attachments:
text/plain (585 lines)
Mr Ceesay,
Thank you very much for your highly informative write-up. With information
and thoughful analysis, you have greatly helped efforts to unravel the
malicious shooting of lawyer Ousman Sillah.
Firstly, you have further clarified the barbarous murder of Ouman koro
Ceesay. There are several indications that Edward Singhateh had a hand in
the most high profile murder case in the Gambia since independence. Koro was
the type that would impress even his detractors in most instances. In
november 1994, GAMSU invited him as one of a panel of speakers at a
symposium to commemorate International Students' day at Gambia Senior
Secondary School. He became immediately endeared to the students in
attendance particularly members of the student leadership. As a result, just
before his murder, and while Yaya Jammeh was in Abuja Nigeria, we were
informed by a colleague whose brother worked at state house that Koro had a
problem with Edward and that he was going to be sacked when Yaya returned
from Abuja. This was what we were anticipating when Yaya returned and
eventually left for Addis.
Secondly, you have given remarkably insight into the acrimonious
relationship between Edward Singhateh and Baba Jobe. Some of us have already
argued that Edward Singhateh has a vested personal interest in pushing Baba
Jobe down the precipice. This is obviously all about jealousy and greed.
It is interesting to note that both Koro and Baba seem to have had an impact
on the development of the Gambia's external relations. During Koro's time we
witnessed the Gambia developing close ties with Ghana and during Baba's time
we witnessed the Gambia evolving similar relations with Libya. It is not
difficult to decipher why both men became assets to Yaya Jammeh particularly
inview of unfavourable travel advices to the Gambia by our traditional
western "friends". Edward Singhateh's jealousies towards both men therefore
can be understood in this connection.
However, Yaya having to depend on other persons other than members of the
A(F)PRC shows how useless they( Yaya and Edward) are when it comes to
promoting our national welfare and interests. These guys have merely
accumulated a lot of political power in their own hands and are very
unwilling to witness the genuine empowerment of the masses. It is also
unfortunate to note that Edward Singhateh's return to the coveted number two
position in government is always marked by some horrific acts of brutality.
Finally, what we should all note is that all of them(that is Yaya Jammeh,
Edward Singhateh and baba Jobe) have a lot to answer interms of brutalities
presided over by the A(F)PRC regime. It is indeed about time that we reach
out to each other and rid our country of such a bunch of terrible brutes.
THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!
Omar Joof.


>From: Ebrima Ceesay <[log in to unmask]>
>Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list
><[log in to unmask]>
>To: [log in to unmask]
>Subject: Bringing Edward Singhateh To Account
>Date: Thu, 1 Jan 2004 22:48:04 +0000
>
>Bringing Edward Singhateh To Account: Making sense of the current troubles
>of Baba Jobe
>
>
>My Fellow Gambians,
>
>
>I have just returned from a visit to Paris, and whilst there, I passed
>through the United Democratic Party base.  I could not believe my eyes when
>Sanna Ceesay gave me an Internet print-out of the report in the Daily
>Observer of Ousman Sillah’s shooting.  My thoughts and prayers, like yours,
>went immediately to Mr Sillah and his family.
>
>This is my first opportunity since returning to the UK to contribute to the
>discussions on the Internet about the shooting.
>
>When I was working for the Daily Observer in The Gambia from 1992 to 1996,
>I
>was at some point, a senior Court Reporter.  This gave me the opportunity
>to
>have first-hand experience of some of our best Gambian legal minds at work.
>Ousman Sillah stands out in my memory as an outstanding lawyer of the
>highest calibre.  Mr Sillah treated me as a son:  his wife’s father the
>late
>Alhaji Gibril Gaye of 34 Hagan Street, and my father the late Jogomai
>Ceesay, were very close to each other:  they were more than brothers.
>
>Mr Sillah is an intellectual giant:  anyone who has observed him at work in
>the courts is full of respect for and admiration of him.  He is a man who
>knows his field, and all his opponents give him due regard for his
>professionalism and attention to detail.  He is a man who believes in
>justice, and who deems that justice must also be seen to be done at all
>times.  He is a man who has fought injustice all his life, who supports his
>clients with veracity and wholeheartedness no matter what their background
>or history.  He is a man of irreproachable integrity and superb competence;
>a great supporter of human rights.  He is a Gambian of honour and decency.
>
>We all of us wish Ousman Sillah a speedy recovery, and I would like to take
>this opportunity to tell his family, including his son Pa Modou Sillah,
>that
>they have our sympathy, support and prayers.  Ousman Sillah is a strong
>person, very determined and focused, and with the help of Almighty God, he
>will recover well.
>
>The Gambian government’s priority should now be to give the investigation
>into the shooting the most urgent and serious attention and support.
>However, in the light of the past nine and a half years of Jammeh’s regime,
>it is most unlikely that this criminal government will press for a full
>investigation.  I would be naïve to expect it !  Even when one of its own
>Ministers (Ousman Korro Ceesay) was murdered in cold blood, the government
>did not press for a thorough investigation. It is not likely that the
>regime
>will insist on a full investigation into the shooting of Ousman Sillah.
>
>In the last few years, I have always held Yayha Jammeh to account for his
>criminal behaviour and activities and I have done this in the public eye
>through the auspices of the Gambia-L and more recently Gambia Post as well.
>
>I now believe that it is time that we bring to account one of Jammeh’s
>supporters, Mr Edward Singhateh.
>
>I know Edward Singhateh very well indeed.  In fact, I counted him as a
>brother and a tight friend before 1994.  Between 1990 and 1994, Edward and
>myself did everything together:  we were close neighbours in Fajara, and
>together we socialised in nightclubs and the like.  We were also members of
>the same Vous at the gates of the compound of Abdou Sara Janha, the former
>Secretary General and Head of the Civil Service under President Jawara.
>Our
>Vous was called NASA, and Edward and myself formed a close bond in the
>Vous:
>  we shared similar backgrounds, both of us coming from poor families.  He
>and I were kindred spirits:  we were first-hand witnesses of the
>extravagances of Jawara’s privileged elite and particularly that of the
>children of Jawara’s favourites.  Together we condemned the privileged
>lifestyles of these people.  Edward himself would often become very angry
>and agitated about the rampant inequalities and unearned privileges of the
>Jawara favoured ones.
>
>Edward Singhateh has an English mother who lived in Fajara.  His father, a
>convert to Christianity,  David Singhateh (who died before the coup) and
>his
>mother lived for some time in the UK but returned to The Gambia.  Edward’s
>brother, Major Peter Singhateh, was also one of my friends and he joined us
>in our Vous to discuss the maladministration of the Jawara regime.
>
>The irony is that when the Singhateh brothers finished their A Levels at
>Gambia High School, it was Sara Janha (then the Head of the Civil Service
>under Jawara) who helped Edward get a job at the Civil Aviation Authority
>and Peter a place on a training course at Gamtel training school.  Within a
>short while however, both brothers elected to join the Army.  Holding dual
>nationality (British and Gambian), they had to revoke their British
>citizenship in order to join the Gambia National Army.  They underwent
>training in Farafenni and subsequently Peter went to Sandhurst in the UK
>whilst Edward went for military training in the USA.  On their return to
>The
>Gambia, both brothers were made sub-Lieutenants.
>
>By the time that Edward and Peter were back from their studies, most of our
>NASA Vous members had left The Gambia, and so Edward, Peter and myself hung
>together.  It became very obvious to me that Edward was extremely unhappy
>with the Jawara regime – with people like Sara Janha, Bun Jack the former
>Permanent Secretary of Defence, Ebou Ndour, former Chief of Protocol to
>Jawara, and Omar Sey, the former Foreign Minister, who were his neighbours
>in Fajara.
>
>Edward started to become a rather solitary figure in the Vous:  his habit
>was to sit in a corner hunched over a file, busy writing.  In later years,
>Edward confided to a mutual friend that whilst he sat with us at the Vous
>drinking attaya, he was actually working on plans for a coup d’etat in The
>Gambia.
>
>The 1994 coup was very much the brainchild of Edward Singhateh.  It was he
>who brought Sanna Sabally into the coup plotter’s circle.  Edward had
>wanted
>a particular senior officer in the Gambia National Army (whose name I have
>to withhold) to head the coup because of his experience of the mechanics of
>government, about which he, Edward, was ignorant.  The senior officer (no
>longer in the army, but living very comfortably in The Gambia) told Edward
>that he would not be part of the coup, but that he would not disclose his
>foreknowledge of the coup plot.  The senior officer in question then
>suggested names of those military men who might well choose to get
>involved,
>including the name of Yahya Jammeh.
>
>Edward Singhateh went on to invite Jammeh to join the coup plotters, and
>Jammeh later became head of the AFPRC because of both his senior rank and
>his albeit limited knowledge of the mechanism of government.
>
>At the time of the coup, Edward’s brother Peter was studying in the USA:
>unlike the defunct Gambian National Security Service who had detected no
>clues about a possible coup d’etat, Peter Singhateh was well aware that a
>coup was being planned.
>
>On July 22nd 1994, when Gambians including myself saw unusual military
>manoeuvres in Banjul, Bakau and Yundum, I said to myself "If this is going
>to turn into a coup d’etat, then Edward Singhateh will be at the heart of
>it".  I was not to be proved wrong.
>
>At 7pm on Radio One FM, the army announced that the Jawara regime had been
>toppled and said that the coup leaders would be named in the next days.  On
>Saturday 23rd July 1994, my own fears were confirmed when Momodou Musa
>Secka
>and Rodney Sieh became the first journalists to interview the coup leaders
>at State House.  They returned to the Daily Observer office and told me
>that
>one of the coup leaders had said that he knew me well and sent greetings to
>me.  A few hours later, Edward Singhateh himself made an announcement on
>Radio Gambia:  he named the coup leaders and disclosed that Yahya Jammeh
>would become the Chairman of the AFPRC and Head of State.  He urged
>Gambians
>to return to work as normal on Monday 25th July and said that on Sunday
>24th
>there would be a statement of intention from the coup leaders.
>
>From Day One, Edward Singhateh saw the military revolution as "his".  Being
>the rather naïve reporter that I was at the time, I believed that these
>young junior officers were sincere and meant well for my country.  It was
>Kenneth Best, the then Editor in Chief of the Daily Observer, who started
>to
>enlighten me.  He was the one who taught me never to believe the grandiose
>statements of military coup leaders:  to mistrust their avowals of probity
>and decency.  With his vast experience of African military take-overs,
>Kenneth Best was in no doubt about the future of The Gambia under a
>military
>regime.
>
>At the same time, I also got to know the late Professor John Wiseman, a UK
>expert on West African affairs who also had a keen interest in The Gambia.
>Professor Wiseman, one of my later academic mentors,  also advised me
>against trusting the high-sounding promises of military leaders.
>
>Ironically, in the early days of the coup, one of Edward Singhateh’s
>bodyguards, Batch Jallow, (later implicated in the death of Ousman Korro
>Ceesay) would call me, "Sir", because I was known to be one of Edward’s
>friends and at this point, I was not at daggers drawn with the coup
>leaders.
>  It was when Kenneth Best, my mentor and friend at the Daily Observer, was
>deported on October 30th 1994 that I decided to take off my gloves and show
>my hands against the military regime.
>
>After that, Batch Jallow would tell me that he would kill me if ever Edward
>Singhateh ordered him to do so:  he told me that he could not understand
>why
>I was in such open opposition to the AFPRC regime when Edward was a tight
>friend of mine.  He found it difficult to comprehend why Edward might still
>be talking to me when I was so openly against the coup.  There was no doubt
>that Edward had very loyal military friends – people like Batch Jallow,
>Kanji, Tamba and one Marong.  These friends would all follow Edward’s
>orders
>without question:  their loyalty to him was 100% guaranteed.
>
>By the end of 1994, I had become openly critical of the new regime, and
>withstood many attempts to bring me onto the AFPRC side.  Later, Korro
>Ceesay was one of the AFPRC people who tried to alter my opinion.
>
>In 1993, I had interviewed Korro Ceesay in his role as an economist at the
>National Investment Board on the issue of how much The Gambia was losing
>out
>when Senegal closed its borders and brought The Gambia’s re-export business
>to a halt.  Following publication of the interview in the Daily Observer,
>Korro was suspended from his job.  I felt very bad about this:  his
>suspension was directly the result of the interview he had given me in good
>faith.  At the time, we had a mutual respect of each other:  he was a good
>economist, with an excellent command of the English language, and he was an
>accomplished orator. After his suspension, he went on to found the Quantum
>Company in The Gambia.
>
>Korro Ceesay was invited to join the AFPRC government and he became a
>Permanent Secretary in the Office of the President.  He was amongst a
>Gambian delegation which travelled to the USA in order to make the case for
>the AFPRC regime (Bala Jahumpha the Finance Minister at the time and
>Captain
>Ebou Jallow of the GNA headed the team).  The Gambian lawyer, Mrs Amie
>Bensouda, was also a member of the delegation.
>
>During the work of the delegation, Korro Ceesay impressed the Americans
>with
>his clarity, foresight and language skills.  Yayha Jammeh, back in The
>Gambia, received very positive feedback about Korro:  he was a Gambian
>"star
>turn".  Shortly after his return to The Gambia, Korro Ceesay was promoted
>to
>the position of Secretary to the Cabinet, and then to Finance Minister,
>replacing Bala Jahumpha and being appointed as an honorary member of the
>exclusive AFPRC.   Reportedly, and not unsurprisingly, Edward Singhateh
>deeply resented the meteoric rise of Korro Ceesay.
>
>Yahya Jammeh was taken with Korro Ceesay and gave him enormous powers.
>Korro Ceesay was a man of ideas with a very persuasive manner.  In a short
>time, Jammeh was consulting only Korro Ceesay on matters of policy and
>Korro
>had a huge role in running The Gambia at this time.  Even though Edward
>Singhateh was Vice Chairman of the AFPRC (having taken over from Sanna
>Sabally who was removed from his position in January 1995), Korro Ceesay
>was
>the one who became the centre of power:  at many times, he would have
>meetings with Yahya Jammeh from which Singhateh and others were excluded.
>
>Resentments started to grow:  Korro Ceesay began to misuse his powers and
>to
>make mistakes.  For example, he removed Ms Sabel Ndure from her position at
>the Ministry of External Affairs as a bi-lingual Secretary, and promoted
>her
>as a Principal Assistant Secretary to the Ministry of Finance against the
>wishes of Blaise Jagne, the Foreign Minister and the Personnel Management
>Office.  On one particular occasion, and out of the blue, Korro Ceesay
>ordered the closure of the border crossing point near Farafenni in order to
>affect Senegalese vehicles transiting The Gambia for Casamance.  His
>unilateral action almost destroyed completely the relations between Senegal
>and The Gambia.
>
>Korro Ceesay also had the major hand in the sacking of Mrs Amie Bensouda as
>the Solicitor General of The Gambia.  On the delegation’s visit to the USA,
>Amie Bensouda and Korro Ceesay were operating at an equivalent level.
>During
>the visit, Korro ordered Amie Bensouda to take notes on his behalf.  On
>their return to The Gambia, Ceesay demanded the notes from Lawyer Bensouda.
>She did not produce them, since she had not kept them (nor was it anyway
>her
>job to take notes for someone of Ceesay’s level in the delegation).  It was
>then Korro Ceesay who ordered her dismissal from her role as Solicitor
>General.
>
>Mrs Bensouda had been regarded as a highly competent and effective
>Solicitor
>General.  Her reputation was as a lawyer of the highest quality and
>intellectual calibre.
>
>
>(Lawyer Amie Bensouda – if you are reading this posting, you will know the
>real reason for your dismissal from your then post).
>
>By this time, Edward Singhateh was very angry and resentful of Korro
>Ceesay’s extensive powers and influence with Yahya Jammeh.  He started to
>distance himself from Ceesay and to complain about him.  Interestingly,
>Mustapha Wade, the then Secretary General and Head of Civil Service,
>reportedly advised Korro Ceesay to be very careful about his role within
>the
>AFPRC.
>
>In early June 1995, I was in the USA at the invitation of the US
>government,
>and whilst there, I was invited to brief a pro-Democracy group headed by Dr
>Sulayman Nyang at Howard University in Washington DC. The purpose of my
>briefing was to update Gambians in the USA on the political situation
>prevailing at the time in The Gambia.  Dr Sohna, Dr Tijan Sallah, Dr
>Numukunda Darboe and Ousainou Mbenga were all in attendance.  I reported to
>them about the worrying extent of Korro Ceesay’s influence and role in the
>heart of government, amongst other things.
>
>A few days later, I met up with Dr Sohna in Washington DC, and he told me
>that Korro Ceesay had been mysteriously killed, and that my analyses had
>been "spot on".
>
>During the period before Ceesay’s murder, I had also visited Texas and I
>contacted Hatib Gibou Janneh and the late Saul Jeng there (both Hatib and
>Saul had been former members of the NASA Vous in Fajara).  They came to my
>hotel and asked for details of how to contact Edward Singhateh.  They
>called
>Edward in The Gambia and told him that they had met up with me in Texas.
>Edward asked Saul for my hotel details, and then contacted me himself at
>the
>hotel.  During our telephone conversation, Singhateh told me that he wanted
>to expose Korro Ceesay as a corrupt man:  he let me know that he had a
>story
>about Korro which he wanted to see published in the Daily Observer (in
>which
>Korro was said to owe money to the now defunct Gambia Commercial and
>Development Bank).  It was very obvious that Edward Singhateh was deeply
>suspicious and resentful of Korro Ceesay.
>
>I told Singhateh that one journalist who would reliably protect an
>anonymous
>source was Demba Jawo, then working at the Daily Observer.  I also knew
>that
>Jawo, a journalist of the highest integrity, would thoroughly research the
>story before publishing it.  In the event, Singhateh, for reasons best
>known
>to himself,  did not contact Demba Jawo – and a few days later, Korro
>Ceesay
>was dead.
>
>Following Korro Ceesay’s death, Edward Singhateh regained some of his power
>and influence with Yahya Jammeh.
>
>Before Captain Ebou Jallow left The Gambia in October 1995, he met with me
>at Afra FM on Kairaba Avenue (at the time, he was overseeing the Ministry
>of
>External Affairs).  One of our conversation points was Edward Singhateh.
>Captain Jallow told me of how he perceived Singhateh’s character – a man
>with a jealous and vengeful nature, deeply resentful of those who might try
>to undermine his influence.  We had a lengthy talk.
>
>A few days later, Captain Jallow left The Gambia and resigned from his
>government post.  His resignation letter accused the AFPRC regime of many
>things, including murder.
>
>Meanwhile, following the murder of Korro Ceesay, his place in Yahya
>Jammeh’s
>affections was being taken by Baba Jobe.  Jobe became very close to Jammeh,
>accompanying him to Libya and introducing him to Colonel Ghaddafi as well
>as
>to Liberia’s Charles Taylor.  Jobe and Jammeh went on to establish business
>connections together.  Jammeh started to confide in Jobe, as he had
>previously done with Korro Ceesay, and to discuss policy only with him.  In
>time, Jammeh left Jobe to run The Gambia on his behalf.
>
>Naturally, Edward Singhateh became as suspicious and jealous of Baba Jobe
>as
>he had been of Korro Ceesay.  There was little that he could do about it
>however.  Jobe had Jammeh’s ear and his influence with Jammeh was by now
>too
>strong.  Singhateh stopped talking to Jobe, and to this day,  is not on
>speaking terms with Jobe.
>
>When Edward Singhateh’s Ministerial portfolio was reduced, Singhateh
>believed that it was Baba Jobe who was behind it.  On countless occasions,
>Singhateh tried to split Jammeh and Jobe, but without any success at all.
>
>And then in 2003, the economic situation in The Gambia started to spiral
>out
>of control and become critical.  The IMF threatened to suspend cooperation
>with The Gambia and planned to introduce drastic measures to recover their
>debts from the Gambian government.  The IMF warned that levels of fiscal
>corruption in The Gambia were totally unacceptable, and that it was vital
>that fiscal discipline and rectitude were restored immediately.
>
>Jammeh saw the need to reshuffle his cabinet, and decided to appoint his
>old
>stalwart Edward Singhateh as the Minister of Trade, Industry and
>Employment.
>  It was Singhateh’s role to inject discipline into the economic and fiscal
>life of the country.  Jammeh assured Singhateh of his 100% support, and
>gave
>him carte blanche to whatever was necessary.
>
>Edward Singateh used this opportunity as a pretext to snare and humiliate
>his political arch-rival, Baba Jobe.
>
>Prior to Singhateh’s appointment, Famara Jatta the then Minister of Finance
>and now Governor of the Central Bank of The Gambia, had told the Press that
>Baba Jobe owed millions of Dalasis to Customs and the Gambia Port
>Authority.
>  Yankuba Touray, the Minister of Tourism and Culture, spoke out in defence
>of Baba Jobe.  Of course, Singhateh did not like this statement of support
>at all.  He also had evidence that Yankuba Touray himself was embroiled in
>corruption:  an internal Ministry of Tourism investigation had revealed
>that
>Touray had sold all the TDA land both reserved and unreserved.
>
>With his newly given brief of restoring fiscal propriety, Edward Singhateh
>used his powers to catch up with old enemies.  He told Yahya Jammeh that
>Ablai Kujabi, a relative of Jammeh who had headed the NIA, must also lose
>his job since he had allowed such levels of rampant corruption to
>proliferate at the highest levels of government without intervention.
>Singhateh suggested to Jammeh that Daba Mareneh, Commissioner of the Upper
>River Division, be restored as the Director of the NIA.
>
>Jammeh continued to give Singhateh his total support.  In order to win back
>the confidence of the IMF, Jammeh was only too well aware that Singhateh
>had
>to be given a free range.
>
>Singhateh contacted the Heads of the Police, Customs, Gambia Port
>Authority,
>Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Finance etc. etc. and told them that he
>had
>Yahya Jammeh’s full backing and that they should all cooperate fully with
>him to investigate and bring down Baba Jobe, Yankuba Touray and their like.
>
>Now, charges have been filed against Jobe.  Whilst Yahya Jammeh satisfies
>the demands of the IMF, Edward Singhateh is doing all in his new-found
>power
>to wreak havoc on his old enemies.
>
>Singhateh gives Jammeh his unquestioned loyalty.  Without a personal
>military or political power base, and without popular support, Singhateh
>remains relatively unthreatening to Yahya Jammeh.  There has been a
>marriage
>of circumstance and convenience between Singhateh and Jammeh over the years
>since 1994.  Singhateh depends on Jammeh for his political survival, but
>equally, Yahya Jammeh depends upon Edward Singhateh.
>
>In the last analysis, were trouble ever to erupt in The Gambia, then Jammeh
>knows that no-one will be prepared to die for him, except Edward Singhateh.
>Singhateh will of course defend and die for Yahya Jammeh because he
>(Singhateh) knows that he'll be held to account for many things in The
>Gambia if Yahya Jammeh were to be unseated from the presidency.
>
>Recently, whilst in the UK, Edward Singhateh told a mutual friend of ours
>that he would humiliate and destroy Baba Jobe.  He explained that he had
>Yahya Jammeh’s full approval and support for this.
>
>He also asked why I was not currently contributing to the Internet
>dialogue,
>and implied to our friend that he had a lot of documentation about Jobe
>which he would be keen to share with me for publication on the Internet.
>He
>told our friend that people like Baba Jobe had tried to "hijack the
>revolution", but that Jobe was now learning a bitter lesson.
>
>When the court case was instituted against Jobe (which Singhateh is
>following very closely indeed), Lawyer Ousman Sillah began to put up a very
>good defence of his client.  He began to differentiate between the YDE
>Company and between Baba Jobe the individual.  Any hint that the court case
>against Baba Jobe personally would be dropped in favour of a charge against
>the YDE company was something which Edward Singhateh could never
>countenance.  Had Lawyer Sillah been left to defend Baba Jobe, then there
>was a possibility that Jobe would walk free from the courts, whilst only
>the
>YDE Company would be taken to task and penalised
>
>Edward Singhateh could never allow this to happen.  He has vowed to destroy
>Baba Jobe, and that is what he intends to do, no matter what it takes.
>
>My own belief, based on my long knowledge of Singhateh together with other
>informed source material, is that Edward could well be the brains behind
>the
>Ousman Sillah shooting.  The bullets which entered Lawyer Sillah’s body
>could well be clear signals to other lawyers to keep clear of the case.
>Any
>lawyer thinking about defending Baba Jobe would need to think very
>carefully
>about taking the case on.  Singhateh is well aware that an accomplished
>lawyer could ensure the release of Jobe, and he in my view, will do all in
>his power to prevent that happening.  Until Jobe is charged and pilloried,
>Singhateh will not rest.
>
>I therefore urge the Gambian police to investigate Edward Singhateh.
>
>I urge Ousman Sillah’s family to press for a thorough investigation of
>Singhateh.
>
>I urge the Opposition parties, the Bar Association and Civil Society in The
>Gambia to press for a complete investigation into the shooting.
>
>Let all Gambians be well aware that Edward Singhateh is as much a threat to
>decency and the rule of law in The Gambia as is his boss, Yahya Jammeh.
>
>Edward Singhateh has promoted an image of himself as a straight,
>right-talking, right-thinking, reliable kind of guy.  When the truth is
>known, it will become clear that Singhateh’s heart is as black as Jammeh’s.
>He is the person who has been behind the sacking of so many civil servants
>and government officials – even ironically enough, Yankuba Touray.
>
>One day, and very soon enough, Edward Singhateh will be called upon to
>account for all his actions.
>Let us Gambians who believe in truth and integrity, work together to get
>rid
>of villains like Singhateh and Jammeh.
>
>Let us work together to ensure a bright and honest future for our beloved
>homeland, The Gambia.
>
>May Almighty God bless our struggles for decency, justice and the rule of
>law.
>
>Ameen.
>
>
>Ebrima Ceesay,
>Birmingham, UK
>
>_________________________________________________________________
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