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From:
Kabir Njaay <[log in to unmask]>
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The Gambia and related-issues mailing list <[log in to unmask]>
Date:
Sun, 13 May 2007 10:44:08 +0200
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Pan-African Postcard

Don't let them shave our heads from behind

Mobilise for May 25th

Tajudeen Abdul Raheem (2007-05-11)

Two very important meetings that will fundamentally affect the lives of all
Africans, alive and those yet to be born, took place this week. Both
meetings took place in South Africa. One in Durban and the other in the
affluent suburb of Midrand, near Pretoria.

The first is a meeting of the Executive Council of the African Union, which
consists of all the Foreign Affairs Ministers of the 53 Member states. The
other is the 7th Session of the Pan African Parliament.

What is most significant about the two meetings is the agenda before them.
Foreign Affairs Ministers met for final deliberations on the agenda for the
forthcoming Summit of Heads of State and Governments of the Union in the
first week of July in Accra, Ghana. The Summit has a one-item agenda: the
United States of Africa.

In addition to other items on the agenda of the Pan African Parliament was
the only chance it would have to discuss and pronounce itself on the matter
before the Summit – namely, the United States of Africa.

But how many Africans know about these meetings? Of those who know how, many
care? And among those who care, how many can influence the process?

It is not too late to inform yourself and also to influence the process
because, whether we like it or not, their decision or non-decisions will
impact on our lives and the future of our children.

There is no longer a debate about the desirability of full integration of
Africa. The powerlessness of most of our states, our marginalization in
global trade, finance, the shame of our states competing for who is lowest
at the bottom of most human development indexes have won the argument in
favour of unity.

However, as in the anti-colonial and immediate independence struggles
leading to the formation of the OAU, there are disagreements about how far
and how fast we should move on the road to unity. One would have thought
that these debates were settled in the process leading to the restructuring
of the OAU and its transformation into the African Union. But these
divisions have continued to rear their heads and undermine the capacity of
the states to fast track unity.

What are these positions? The first group is led by Libya and Brother Leader
Muammar Gaddafi, who has been the driving force behind the fast tracking of
the United States Of Africa project since 1999. This group wants the
immediate union of the states with one government, common citizenship,
common defence, a standing Army, Foreign Minister and a president for
Africa, etc.

The Second group consists of states opposed to what they consider to be
Libya's haste and argue for gradual integration through consolidation of
existing regional economic communities as the key building blocs of the
Union. Initially they did not have a clear leader (since most of them could
not withstand the roller coaster diplomatic, political and economic
pressures from Tripoli) but carried out their anti-Libya manoeuvres through
bureaucrats, ambassadors, foreign ministers and the committee systems at
which Libya's proposals are watered down and bogged down in procedural
politics. And since the Libyans are not known for paying attention to
details they often lose out but take consolation in all kinds of phyrhic
victories.

A third group consists of those states who share many of the concerns of the
cautious path of the second group, but now say that the AU is there and has
enough in its Act of Union, enough authority and consensus to fast track
therefore let us consolidate it before going further. This 'AU is enough'
group is now led effectively by President Thabo Mbeki and Prime Minister
Meles Zenawi. Other important key players like Nigeria, Egypt, Algeria are
basically either standing on the fence or trying to hold a dubious half-way
house between Gaddafi's enthusiasm and Mbeki's cynicism. Other countries are
hiding their indecision, ambiguities, hostilities or biases behind the
protagonists. But this is an issue that cannot be fudged anymore.

The Durban meeting of Foreign Ministers is basically Thabo Mbeki's fight
back on the road to Accra, juxtaposing his vision directly to Gaddafi's. The
ways in which the South Africans have tabled the matter has already made
this clear. Instead of the official UNITED STATES OF AFRICA they are saying
AFRICAN UNION GOVERNMENT.

Personally I think we should be more original than just copying USA. But
re-branding as Union Government also is neither here nor there. What is it
that we expect the government, whether as a Union Government or as a United
States of Africa to do?

In spite of the intrigues and manoeuvres by the various camps they share a
basic weakness: they are state led and are projecting this vision without
the involvement of the broad masses of their own peoples. They do not even
involve their own parliaments let alone ordinary citizens. In many cases it
is only the Presidency that is involved with Foreign Affairs Ministers
playing guessing games.

There are already enough agreements, protocols and statutory instruments to
fast track the unity project. What has been lacking is the political will by
the leaders to put their money where their mouth is; and what has also been
lacking is fully involving the masses. Without both of these, the grand
debate will only be another sham executive posturing, which drive our
peoples into inertia and cynicism.

It is not too late to reverse this wagon-less executive train threatening to
run into each other from Tripoli to Pretoria. The business of Unity is too
important to be left to Thabo and Gaddafi, even too important to be left to
the 53 heads of state and government the peoples of Africa must have full
say in it.

It is not a privilege to demand to be consulted. Rather, it is their
democratic right. Otherwise the leaders are engaged in yet another futile
attempt to try and shave our heads behind our backs.

In many countries people are organising to have discussions on this matter
on Africa day this year: MAY 25. Join one or start one where ever you may be
and demand of your president or Foreign affairs minister to debate the
options and which side of the debate they are on.

* Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem is the Deputy Director for the UN Millennium
Campaign in Africa, based in Nairobi, Kenya. He writes this article in his
personal capacity as a concerned pan-Africanist.

* Please send comments to [log in to unmask] or comment online at
www.pambazuka.org
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