Hi Hamjatta!
There is a typing omission in my previous mail. A
sentence in paragraph 3 should read: "Even though the political option is
not the panacea to The Gambia's ills or some might even argue a likely
solution given Yaya's behaviour ..." Thanks and sorry for forgetting to
sign the earlier posting.
Buharry.
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From: MOMODOU BUHARRY GASSAMA <[log in to unmask]>
To: <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Thursday, August 10, 2000 4:17 AM
Subject: Re: Taking Stock
Hi Hamjatta!
When you wrote "over to you gentlemen", I assumed as one
of those who has recently praised Halifa and co. that your invitation
included me. Before going to the issues you raised, I don't think there is
anything wrong with expressing one's appreciation of the personalities
behind PDOIS and the personal sacrifices they have made for our country.
That is a prerogative we are within our rights to enjoy. I for one am truly
impressed by Halifa and co. and I take pride in making it known. In fact,
you impress me and I have made it known on a number of occasions on this
list and the first time I made it known was during your first debate with
none other than Halifa. I had and still have the prerogative to declare that
Halifa, you and anyone else impress me. Declaring such is in my opinion a
better alternative to what we have seen lately on the L.
That aside, you wrote: "Indeed, writer after writer merely
stresses the point the Geat Leader, Halifa himself, makes in his missives to
the Jammeh since the April murders. They claim there is no credible
alternative to the Great Leader sitting in his Churchill's Town HQs penning
letters which implore the dictator to have a rethink on his strangle hold on
the Gambian people and advocating that elections [even if as their
deliverance are being muddled by throw-away threats by the gov't which cast
question marks over them ever taking place] and the political process are t!
he only viable options existing to the Gambian people to deal with Jammeh."
Maybe other writers claimed that there is no other option to Halifa
penning letters. I can therefore not comment on that because I don't agree
with the statement. As to whether the political process is the only viable
option, I feel that the political process coupled with continuous internal
and external pressure is a much better alternative than the repeated calls
for violent means of bringing about change. Whereas change that is brought
about politically can offer tested leaders who have had a chance to explain
their policies and programs to the people, change that is brought about by
violent and sudden means offers a Russian roulette alternative. It is
granted that there is a possibility that such a change of government can be
effectively and efficiently executed without loss of life and destruction of
property and that such a change can produce a leader who has the interests
of the nation at heart. However, the dangers associated with that method are
plenty and cannot be ignored. Something can always go wrong even with the
most carefully planned operation and the result can be devastating for our
country. Another risk, given that the people executing such operations can
be any Tom, Dick or Harry, is that we might have someone who is worse than
Yaya. Much, much, much worse. What do we do then? Pray that someone else
violently removes him? Isn't that akin to creating a coup industry whereby
anyone with guts and the blessings of a marabout can attempt to overthrow a
government? What are the implications of such an industry on the stability
and security of our country? Another risk is that people propagating for a
violent change of government might be doing so out of a wish to revenge
personal wrongs meted out by the government or by Yaya. Instead of "praying"
Yaya to "Tan" (just joking) and getting on with it, they might use the
Gambian people as pawns in an endeavour that could go wrong with horrendous
consequences. What would happen if such people succeed? Would they kill and
imprison everyone associated with Yaya? Is that good for the continuity of
our country as a viable entity? Even though the political option is not the
panacea to The Gambia's ills or even a likely solution, the risks associated
with the violent option are many. (On a less related note, acquire IP
tracing software and trace some of the IP addresses of some of the people
propagating violent change in The Gambia and claiming to be in The Gambia,
"on the ground", "in the this" or "in the that" and you'll be really
surprised when you see some writing from Russia, England, US etc.)
You also wrote: "If as these Alumni of PDOIS/Foroyaa are
gloating about the success or inevitability of success of the strategy of
their party, surely it's about time one takes them to task and ask them to
empirically state how the aforesaid strategy has made any concrete
difference since the gruesome murders of April 10 and 11. It is time we ask
ourselves what is working or practically workable as we struggle with the
dictator."
It is empirically impossible to measure whether PDOIS' strategy
vis-à-vis the April massacre has had some effect just as it is empirically
impossible to determine if it didn't have an effect. Why? Because even if
one were to institute a study, the available variables would render coming
to a conclusion practically impossible due to, among other reasons, the
multi-pronged reaction and handling of the massacre. That aside, one can see
that the total and universal condemnation, including but not limited to
PDOIS' approach, has had an effect no matter how small. Yaya could have
reacted when he came back from Cuba in his usual fashion and picked up the
line of his officials, which so infuriated the Gambian people. He didn't. A
commission was instituted. That also is an indication of the effect the
pressures had. The Government's fear in releasing the Coroner's Report also
indicates a fear of the reaction of the people assuming that the report is
damning. I am not saying that all this is the panacea to the issue of the
April massacre. It might even be counter-productive to the desire to get to
the truth but at least giving in to the pressures levied by among others,
PDOIS, is an indication of the effect that penning letters at Churchill's
Town or strongly condemning brutal acts from Oxford can have. The letters of
PDOIS and the actions of others made it possible for the ban on the UDP to
hold rallies to be lifted. That also is testimony, no matter how small, that
the PDOIS strategy is having an effect.
On the issue of the political parties staging civil disobedience
measures, maybe all the political parties can give you an answer. I
personally respect the decisions of the parties to either engage in such or
not, given that they are more in tune with the realities on the ground than
I am. I respect the fact that such a move is a strategic one that has to
consider timing,practicability, risk not only to one's self but also to
supporters, resources and a host of other variables and has to be done after
the parties feel that they do not have any other option. Whilst I can see
the benefits of such a move, I can also see risks involved which include
giving Yaya the opportunity to declare a state of emergency, rounding up all
the political leaders and indefinitely postponing the elections. It has
happened in other countries.
Hamjatta, I have tried to deal with the issues you raised. I however
have some questions for you if you don't mind, given that you wrote: "It is
time we ask ourselves what is working or practically workable as we struggle
with the dictator." The questions are:
1.. What has been your strategy since the April massacre as a concerned
citizen to ensure that justice is served?
2.. How is it different from PDOIS'?
3.. How have you implemented the strategy or how do you intend to
implement the strategy?
4.. Can you guarantee or at least gauge whether the results of your
strategy will have a higher success rate than PDOIS'?
5.. What do you base such predictions or pronouncements on?
6.. What alternative approach can you proffer to deal with the current
political impasse in The Gambia given that PDOIS' approach is not, in your
opinion, working?
7.. How do you intend to institute your alternative?
8.. What do you expect PDOIS and the other political parties to do in the
meantime?
9.. Given that you feel that the political process is not a workable
alternative, do you believe that the only available or workable option would
be a violent overthrow of the Government?
10.. When? What if that is not possible in the next one, two, five, ten
years?
11.. Should the political parties stop all operations and wait for the
alternative you propose or do you believe that they are obliged under the
Constitution of The Gambia and their own to propagate by lawful means their
beliefs?
Sorry for the long list of questions. Anyway, The Gambia is in a
quagmire and I don't think that PDOIS or their supporters claim to have the
universal remedy for the country's woes. What they claim is to have small
steps which are pursued through pressure be it in the form of letters or
otherwise. PDOIS and their supporters are however not the only people to
have a claim to The Gambia. If the other stakeholders, in the form of
political parties and concerned citizens, contribute in their small ways a
cure will eventually be found when all adds up. Thank you and have a good
evening.
Buharry.
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