Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue
Issue No. 003/2007, 8-9 January, 2007
EDITORIAL
DR NJIE RVTH Vs FOROYAA
Foroyaa published the state of the mortuary in its issue of 5th – 7th
January 2007. Dr. Malick Njie, Acting Director of Medical Servces, called the GRTS
TV to try to refute what Foroyaa wrote and called for an apology.
When his views were broadcast by GRTS, Foroyaa approached Halifa Sallah who
gave us the story. Halifa indicated to us that any official who claims that
the mortuary was not in the state Foroyaa reported is grossly irresponsible.
When asked whether Foroyaa should apologise, he asserted that any official
who called for such an apology is not only arrogant but also uncaring and
unrepentant if he was indeed in a position to prevent such a state of affair.
Halifa indicated that he accompanied people to collect deceased persons bodies
twice; that on the first occasion he was concerned with the fact that the
mortuary was warm and that blood was dropping from one of deceased persons.
He was concerned with those who wash dead bodies. He said such people do not
wear gloves or protective gears to cover their nostrils. He even went
further to indicate that one of the women who washed a dead body had to go to the
BCC premises to look for a place to wash herself. The people consulted could
not provide her a place to wash herself; that she had to join the transport to
go home without washing herself.
Halifa said that he became alarmed when he appeared on the second occasion
and was struck by the offensive ordour. He said that one of the dead persons’
bodies belongs to the Christian faith. Halifa said that he wanted to call the
Secretary of State to come and witness the situation after some people began
to query. He said that he over heard a young man, whom he recognised during
his detention to be an NIA officer, stating that the situation was bad. He
said he is not sure whether the man is still in the NIA but that if he is he
should contact Dr. Njie or SoS for Information to tell them that he Dr. Njie and
the GRTS crew are engaged in a cover up exercise by castigating a truth that
was evident to those who wore APRC caps while tendering their loved ones at
the mortuary. This will help to stop GRTS being used to cover up the
shortcomings of institutions.
Asked for his final remarks, Halifa said that it is sad that GRTS which has
the constitutional duty to publish divergent views is engaged in propaganda
journalism. He said both Dr. Njie and GRTS owe Foroyaa an apology.
NOMINATION IN KANIFING ADMINASTRATIVE AREA
By Bubacarr K. Sowe & Amie Sanneh
Halifa Sallah, the Minority Leader, was nominated on Friday by NADD to
contest the Serrekunda Central Constituency seat. Speaking to reporters shortly
after his nomination, Mr. Sallah said he had not been serving The Gambian
people alone, but Africa in general, as a member of the Pan African Parliament. He
said that he had been an asset for the African continent by contributing on
every issue raised at both parliaments, writing reports and visiting places
of conflict such as Darfur and Chad.
Sallah said he had been sacrificing for the past twenty years, during which
he has not benefited anything personally. Instead, he had used his meager
resources on the welfare of his community. He claimed that parliamentarians need
to be academically mature, giving reference to the Telecommunication Bill
brought to the Assembly with errors. He said that without the criticisms he and
Sidia Jatta made which led to its withdrawal; it would have been passed as a
faulty law.
On the role of the state media during elections, he recalled the Malicious
Broadcast the GRTS made about his party and him, which he said has nullified
his trust in the whole electoral process. Sallah concluded by saying that as
an academician, if not voted in again, he would continue with his academic
life, noting that his service for the people is not only at the National
Assembly.
Pa Sainey Jallow, an Independent Candidate, was the next to be nominated at
the IEC Regional Office at Kanifing to contest the Serrekunda East
Constituency seat. Mr. Jallow told journalists that he would not condition people to
vote for him. “This seat belongs to Serrekunda East, and it is the people who
will do what they want,” Jallow said.
Jallow said it is his manifesto which he will use to convince people, but
not impossible promises.
“During the rainy season you can see how people are suffering there. People
need good drinking water, there are less taps. The population is so dense,
water is a problem. This will be one of my priorities,” he said.
AT THE COURT MARTIAL
RULING ON CAPTAIN DARBOE’S STATEMENT
By Bubacarr K. Sowe & Abdoulie Dibba
Justice Akomoye Agim, the judge advocate at the General Court Martial on
Saturday ruled on the ‘Voir Dire’ (trial within a trial) of Captain Bunja D
arboe, first accused person in the treason trial on the March 21st 2006 coup
plot. The judge advocate held that the cautionary statement made by Captain Bunja
Darboe was not made under threat or duress. He accordingly admitted his
statement in evidence.
In his judgment the judge advocate noted that the legal burden at all times
lies on the prosecution which must prove its case beyond reasonable doubt. He
said the trial within a trial arose from two contentions by the defence,
that the entire evidence relating to the statement of Captain Bunja Darboe is
riddled with contradiction and that it was made out of threat or duress.
He further stated that a conflict is only material when it affects the main
issue. Justice Agim described the testimony of the prosecution witnesses as
consistent and credible, and therefore clear. He found that Bunja Darboe’s
statement was made in the presence of an independent witness. He also found that
the independent witness was not a member of the police force.
The judge advocate maintained that he had seen no material contradiction
between the evidence of the first and second prosecution witnesses. He expressed
satisfaction with the testimony of the first witness under cross
examination.
According to the judge advocate, what is material is whether the independent
witness was present when the statement was being made.
He indicated that even where the fracture on Captain Darboe’s left hand
could be attributed to his falling down, nothing on record shows that the acts of
torture took place in June 2006 and that it took place soon after the
statements had been obtained.
Below is a report on submission by counsel in the trial within a trial which
took place before the ruling.
Submission by Defence Counsel
In his address to the court martial on the trial within trial regarding the
voluntariness of the cautionary statement (TWT1) of the first accused person
Captain Bunja Darboe, Defence Counsel Lamin Camara told the court that in the
prosecution’s drive to prove that TWT1 (the cautionary statement of Captain
Bunja Darboe) was taken voluntarily, they (the prosecution) have called two
witnesses, Boto Keita and the purported independent witness Babou Loum.
Counsel Camara indicated to the court that the burden of proof on the voluntariness
of TWT1 (the statement) lies squarely on the prosecution, and they have
woefully failed to prove their case. Counsel Camara posited that the prosecution
failed to meet this obligation for the simple reason that the witnesses were
inconsistent and unreliable in their evidence and as such, the court should
not believe them. He pointed out that these are witnesses who have come to
testify on what has transpired before them vis-à-vis the first accused person
(Captain Bunja Darboe). He asserted that Boto Keita said in court that the
cautionary statement of Captain Bunja Darboe was taken in the presence of the
independent witness Babou Loum, but that Babou Loum told the court that he does
not know the language Boto Keita and Bunja Darboe were using.
Counsel Camara pointed out that Boto Keita told the court during
cross-examination that he (Boto) knew Babou Loum in 2004 when he joined the same office
with Sergeant Ndure in Banjul and that Babou Loum lives in Barra, North Bank
Division. Camara said Babou Loum told the court that he knew Boto Keita at
the NIA when he was called to be an independent witness and that was the first
time he met Boto Keita. Counsel Camara pointed out to the court that all the
inconsistencies led to one equation and that is none of the witnesses (Boto
Keita and Babou Loum) is speaking the truth. Camara said that another
inconsistency on the part of the witnesses could be seen as to who and who were
present when the (TWT1) the statement was taken. He said Boto Keita told the court
that those present were himself, Babou Loum and the accused person (Bunja),
while Babou Loum told the court that those present were himself, Boto Keita,
the accused person and Sergeant Ndure but that Sergeant Ndure left after the
introduction of the independent witness. Counsel Camara asserted that if Boto
Keita knew Babou Loum since 2004 as he (Boto) claimed then there would not
have been any need for Sergeant Ndure to introduce Babou Loum to Sergeant Boto
Keita.
Camara told the court that another inconsistency could be found in Boto Keita
’s evidence-in -chief. He said Boto told the court in his evidence-in-chief
that the independent witness was Tijan Bojang but later changed his mind when
he was given TWT1 (the cautionary statement) of the accused person. Camara
said the independent witness could not corroborate anything that Boto Keita
has said. He recalled that Boto said the accused person wrote everything in the
cautionary statement (TWT1) except the name of the independent witness,
Babou Loum, Barra Village North Bank Division, while Babou Loum said that the
accused person wrote everything in the statement (TWT1) in his presence except
his (Babou’s) signature.
Counsel Camara told the court that the prosecution witnesses have not proved
the voluntariness of the cautionary statement (TWT1) of the accused person.
He said when Babou Loum was asked under cross examination why he signed
without dating it, he (Babou) said he was only made to sign it. Counsel Camara
told the court that the defence called two witnesses to prove that TWT1 (the
statement) was not voluntary, but was taken under severe duress when the accused
was under custody and denied his constitutional right; a fundamental right,
to consult a lawyer. Continuing his address, counsel Camara told the court
that TWT2 (the medical report) TWT2A, 2B, 2C ( three X-Ray films) have attested
documentarily the physical state of the accused person before TWT1 (the
statement) was taken. He said TWT2 (the medical report) TWT2A, 2B and 2c (X-Ray
films) re-enforce to corroborate the accused person’s testimony of the
catalogues of torture prior to TWT1 (Statement) of the accused person. Camara
posited that TWT1 which was undated was copied from TWT3 which was dated the 27th
of March 2006 and was signed by the independent witness on the 25th of March
2006. He said the accused was compelled to write the statement and that TWT4
and TWT5 (a torn shirt and trousers) have proven the involuntariness of the
statement eventhough the burden of proof does not lie on the defence. Counsel
Camara concluded by urging the court to reject the statement and confine it to
the dustbin.
The Prosecution Address
Addressing the general court martial on Thursday 4th January 2007, DPP
Fagbenle said the burden that lies on the prosecution has been proven beyond
reasonable doubt but that this does not mean to prove beyond any iota of doubt.
Regarding TWT1 (the statement) Fagbenle said the prosecution has called two
witnesses and the first witness Boto Keita, a Police, officer has narrated the
procedure in obtaining the statement and not only that, but also that the
statement was obtained in the presence of an independent witness who also
testified in court as prosecution number two in the trial within trial. Fagbenle
said that in the testimony of Boto Keita, he (Boto) said that the accused person
(Bunja) appeared before a panel of which he (Boto) was a member and after
which he was asked to obtain a statement from the accused person. Fagbenle
posited that TWT1 (the statement) was obtained in May 2006 and that there was no
inducement, torture, harassment or intimidation on the accused person. This
was said by Boto Keita and even during cross examination, he was unshaken.
Fagbenle pointed out that the accused person did testify that there was no
torture, inducement, harassment or promise of any kind on May 2006 under cross
examination. Fagbenle told the court that during his testimony, the accused
person stated that on the 6th of June he did not make any statement and that on
the 22nd of June 2006 he (the accused) had no disagreement with any of the
investigation team. Fagbenle said that the accused person has indicated that he
has not included anything new on TWT1 on the 22nd of June 2006 and that he
had no quarrel with anybody in the investigation team. Fagbenle then indicated
that “If it is true as submitted by the prosecution that the statement was
taken in May 2006, then from the record before the court, there is no evidence
of torture, inducement, harassment, or intimidation. “Assuming that the
statement (TWT1) was taken on the 22nd of June, 2006, there is no evidence before
the court that there was torture, intimidation harassment or inducement.”
Fagbenle pointed out that between 25th March 2006 the day when the accused person
alleged that his left wrist was broken and 22nd June 2006 when the TWT1 (the
statement) was taken was a long period of time. He pointed out that the
testimonies of Boto Keita and Babou Loum were consistent when TWT1was taken. “
There is no contrary evidence before this court that the independent witness was
not present when Boto Keita was taking TWT1 (the statement).”
Fagbenle asserted that the evidence before the court is consistent and
overwhelming and is worth believing as compared to the evidence of the accused
person. Going further, Fagbenle said that the last paragraphs of TWT1 was
crossed and is not in TWT3 which is an indication that the accused person has an
unfettered control over the statement. He indicated that Boto Keita, by the
nature of his job, is not expected to be known by anybody he has known whether
at the same level or at all. He said the submission of the defence that Boto
said he knew Babou since 2004 and that Babou said he knew Boto when they met
at the NIA does not hold water. He said the fact that Boto and Babou did not
know each other at the same time, does not amount to contradiction. Fagbenle
indicated that the accused person was taken to hospital on the 4th of April,
the last one was on the 21st of April 2006 and that he said he suffered the
broken wrist on the 25th of March. He said this record is in agreement with the
evidence of Bakary Kujabi (Wharf). Fagbenle said that the medical report and
the testimony of Wharf are consistent, that the injury was on the 2nd of
April. “The evidence of the accused person that he broke his wrist on the 25th
of March 2006 at the NIA office is not supported by the medical report which
was produced by the defence,” Fagbenle said. He continued to say that the
logical conclusion is that the accused person did not suffer any broken wrist at
the NIA as alleged. He also submitted that the claim that the pain was a
psychological damage which may affect any statement obtained thereafter cannot
stand. Fagbenle concluded by saying that the statement was not obtained by
way of any psychological torture or whatever. At this point the case was
adjourned till on Friday 5th January 2007 for ruling.
HALIFA ON TRANSPARENCY AND DEBT REDUCTION
By Abdoulie G. Dibba
In his budget speech the Secretary of State for Finance and Economic
Affairs, Honourable Bala Gaye, had pointed out that to achieve macroeconomic
stability the following objectives are needed, among others: making the budget
process more transparent and reflective of government priorities and reduce
government borrowing requirements and the domestic debt by maintaining a primary
surplus.
Honourable Halifa Sallah asserted that they were promised last year that the
government would reduced its domestic borrowing to D200 million but in
actual fact we are being told that it is above D600 million in 2006. Halifa ass
erted that what they were promised is actually not being achieved. He then
questioned the SoS for Finance whether that would continue? “What is the actual
explanation for that because we were told that that was part of the staff
management program,” he asked.
Halifa argued that as far as he is concerned, they cannot talk about
transparency and the budgetary process reflecting the government priority and that
he would give reason for that. Referring to the 2007 Estimate under subhead
1502, item 9500, he said one would discover D50 million and D20 million being
settlement of outstanding debt. Under item 9503, one would discover D20 million
respectively being settlement of the Continent Bank depositors. Halifa
asserted that the Continent Bank has become bankrupt and it is government that
ultimately took responsibility for the payment.
“Now what happen after that?” Halifa asked, continuing his scrutiny. He
said under subhead 9506, one would discover debt liquidation, foreign mission
and settlement of confirmed debt for vehicle D4 million under subhead 9507. He
said, “What is amazing Honourable Speaker, is subhead 9519, Standard
Chartered Bank, repayment of Loan Premier Agro D10 million. This is what government
is paying. These are the things that we need to scrunitise and get clear
explanation of.” Without that he said, we would be misrepresenting the people. He
asserted that there is absolutely no doubt that under the Constitution and
the Budget Management Act, it is not possible to have outstanding confirmed
debt being paid. It also emphasises under the law that since what the National
Assembly approved is what be spent, it is not possible also to have
outstanding confirmed debt. What exists under the law is the possibility of
supplementary appropriation wherever a budget becomes exhausted, he added Halifa
concluded by saying that “it is essential when we look at the fiscal management, we
must continue to scrutinize that those outstanding debts, must be paid for by
those who have taken them without being authorised to do so. That is
essential,” he said.
5 UDP CANDIDATES, 1 INDEPENDENT NOMINATED IN KANIFING MUNICIPALITY
By Amie Sanneh
The nomination of five candidates of the United Democratic Party, UDP, in
the Kanifing Administrative Area who are contesting in the forthcoming National
Assembly Elections set for January 25th 2007 were on Saturday confirmed by
the IEC Returning Officer for the administrative area.
The candidates are Baboucarr K. Nyang – Serrekunda West, Bunambass Kongira –
Serrekunda East, Alagie Fatty – Serrekunda Central, Famara S. Bojang –
Bakau, and Jungkungba Dukureh – Jeshwang constituencies. The first to be
nominated was Baboucarr K. Nyang. He told reporters shortly after his nomination
that he is ready to participate in all forms of development most especially in
the Kanifing Municipal area. He said he is not a stranger in the country and
has the interest of Gambians.
The person nominated for Serrekunda East, Buna Bass Kongira, told
journalists that Serrekunda East is faced with lots of problems which needs to be
addressed such as water, electricity, roads, etc. “I will make sure that I deliver
their problems to the National Assembly” he told reporters.
Alagie Fatty, UDP nominated candidate for Serrekunda Central, said that if
he is elected, he will address the development concerns and livelihood of the
people, sanitary problems and also the development of the youths.
The last candidate to be nominated under UDP, Jungkum Mba Dukureh for
Jeshwang Constituency, said his developmental plans are in the market, water,
electricity, roads, etc.
The last nomination for the day was Modou I. Cham, an independent candidate
for the Jeshwang Constituency. He said when elected, he as a youth in the
assembly, will concern himself with the plight of youths such as unemployment;
etc.
The nominations of candidates for the January 25th, 2007 National Assembly
elections is now concluded and campaigning is expected to commence in earnest
on Wednesday 10th January, 2007 until the 23rd. Polling day is scheduled for
Thursday 25th January, 2007.
THREE UDP AND AN INDEPENDENT CANDIDATE NOMINATED IN BANJUL
By Annia Gaye
Three candidates for United Democratic Party (UDP) and one independent
candidate were duly nominated for the forthcoming National Assembly elections at
the IEC Regional Office in Banjul on Saturday 6th January 2006.
The three UDP candidates are Ebrima A.B. Njie alias (Pesseh) for Banjul
Central Constituency, Momodou A. Sarr for Banjul North Constituency and Aziz (Pa
Boy) Frazer for Banjul South Constituency. The independent candidate for
Banjul South is Njaga Jammeh.
Speaking to the press immediately after his nomination, Ebrima A.B. Njie,
alias Pesseh, said he has plans for the constituency. Mr. Njie said that
following his victory he will consider issues concerning electricity, drainage,
poverty, youth employment and democracy. He urged supporters to maintain peace
during election period. He concluded saying “Banjul Central is Pesseh and
Pesseh is Banjul Central, therefore I am sure that I will make it up.”
Momodou A. Sarr for Banjul North constituency told reporters that after the
election he would be called Honourable. “Nothing can stop it because I have
all the human resources (the support base) in Banjul North Constituency,
ranging from youths and women,” he said. He further said that he will not make any
promise. He urged supporters to maintain peace.
For his part, Aziz Frazer, alias Pa Boy, for Banjul South explained that his
aim is to get rid of malaria in Banjul and the entire Gambia, provide
sanitation, and facilitate travelling for youths. “If I’m elected, I will deliver,”
he said.
The independent candidate for Banjul South, Mr. Njaga Jammeh also talking to
the press noted that in the last council election he narrowly lost to his
opponent by only three votes; that this time round he desires to stand as
national Assembly member to serve the people. Mr. Jammeh said that when elected he
will challenge all bills that are not in the interest of the people. He
complained that in the last five years the APRC NAMs were not delivering
accordingly. “I have many things for my people e.g. providing a Nursery School from
Njag’s Promotion Funds. He urged voters to exercise restraint and maintain the
peace.
The Independent Electoral Commission Returning Officer for Banjul
Administrative Area Mr. Seedy K. Jobe described the nomination process as hitch free
for all the parties and candidates as everything proceeded in accordance with
the Elections Decree and the law.
He finally called on the parties to campaign and vote peacefully.
NOMINATION FOR WESTERN
REGION CONSTITUENCY
By Modou Jonga
On the 2nd day of nominating candidates for the forthcoming National
Assembly Elections, no candidates from the opposition National Alliance for
Democracy and Development were present to be nominated at the IEC regional office in
Brikama.
According to reports, this move by NADD not to put up candidates in the
whole Western Region is meant to facilitate and enhance the spirit of tactical
opposition alliance in the forthcoming parliamentary elections scheduled for
January 25th 2007, in order to ensure a critical and stronger opposition voice
in the National Assembly.
However, Mr. Ebrima Solo Jammeh, an Independent candidate was duly nominated
to contest in the Foni Bintang constituency. The independent candidate is to
run against an APRC sponsored candidate, Ebrima Janko Sanyang, who was
nominated on 4th January. After the nomination of the said independent candidate,
the presence of some APRC bigwigs (stalwarts) and high ranking security
personnel was noticed outside the I.E C regional office. Speaking to the press,
Mr. Jammeh lamented about loopholes in the APRC selection process, a complaint
that was further supported by his large supporters who accompanied him to the
nomination ground. The supporters turned hostile when their candidate was
led to the Governor’s office by some APRC stalwarts and security personnel,
among them was the Governor of the Western Region. According to his supporters
their candidate was taken to the Governors office in order to convince him to
withdraw his candidacy.
However at the time of writing this story, no compromise was reached between
the said independent and APRC candidate.
On the third day of nomination, four candidates of the Opposition UDP/NRP
Alliance were on Saturday 6th January 2007 nominated. The nomination was held
at the IEC Regional Office in Brikama. The nominated candidates are Mr. Ousman
G.A Kebbeh for Kombo Central Constituency, Lamin R. Darboe for Kombo East
Constituency, Mr. Alasan Bojang for Kombo South Constituency and Ismaila Sanneh
for Kombo North Constituency.
Speaking to the press after their nominations the candidates expressed
optimism that they will emerge victorious in the parliamentary polls. However,
both Mr. Ousman G.A Kebbeh and Mr. Lamin R. Darboe candidates for Kombo Central
and Kombo East Constituencies, respectively, have commended the I.E.C for the
orderly and efficient manner in which the nominations were conducted. The
duo urged the Independent Electoral Commission to be impartial and be vigilant
in the performance of its duties in the forthcoming parliamentary elections.
The nomination process was presided over by Mr. Malleh Sallah, the returning
officer for the Brikama Administrative Area.
WOMEN RIGHTS, INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS AND LOCAL INITIATIVES
Presentation At The Evaluation Seminar Of The End Of The
Adult Literacy Project 2001-2006
By Amie Sillah
Partners ABFZ/WODD/People centre/S-Women
Date: 9 and 10 December 2006
Place SIMMA Vocational Training Centre
Bundungka kunda
Women had been developing power throughout the ages. They have been in local
and international development and women had helped to transfer power from
National to International development. The 1970s were heady days for the
incipient global women’s movement. The energy and turmoil fueling the reassertion
of women in the US provide greater visibility to the growing demands for
equality by women around the world. The women in the Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe had some forms of legal equality but they were still fighting the vestiges
of patriarchy. Women at the UN struggled to be heard in patriarchy
institutions. Women in newly independent countries challenged male predominance, and
women scholars challenged the assumptions that international development
benefited everyone. Instead of reversing the inroads that colonialism had made on
women’s traditional rights, the new economic development programs were infact
reinforcing women’s subordination. Resistance to these polices grew as women
put their ideas into action.
Individual women wielded great influence through their ideas. But the
upheaval of gender relationships globally has been the result of women becoming
organized at every level. The paradigm shift in development aid was precipitated
by efforts of women’s groups in Washington to ensure that the flow of
funding to developing countries and their rural poor also reached women. UN women
organised to demand greater equity in pay and assignment for themselves while
working for women’s equality abroad. Around the world, organized women
protested against laws that enshrined prevailing roles assigned to women. Brought
together through the series of UN World Conferences on women and the parallel
NGOs Forums, these women have coalesced into the global women’s movement
which has changed the lives of women and men throughout the world
Global networking and organizing were greatly enhanced by the four UN World
Conferences, which were held in Mexico City in 1975, Copenhagen in 1980, and
Nairobi in 1985, and Beijing in 1995. The most famous international
convention is the CEDAW otherwise known as the women’s Bill of Rights. It stipulates
women’s Rights in every facet of human life.
The protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the
Rights of women in Africa known as the Women Protocol is also formulated by the
African continent through men and women of good will at the AU. The women
protocol is Africa context specific. It deals with the specificities of African
women.
The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (The Charter) was adopted
in June 1981 and entered into force on October 21, 1986. It is a regional
human right instrument, which seeks to combine African values with international
norms by promoting individual duties and collective rights in addition to
internationally recognized individual rights. It reflects the history, values,
traditions and development of Africa.
Article 66 of the Charter provides for the establishment of protocols and
agreements to supplement its provisions and gave impetus for the consideration
and subsequent formulation of the women’s protocol. It was therefore
gratifying when on 11July 2003, the Assembly of Head of States and Governments of the
African Union (AU), at its 2nd summit in Maputo, Mozambique adopted the
protocol to the Africa Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of
Women in Africa. Furthermore, as a mark of their commitment the AU Assembly at
its 3rd Ordinary session held in Addis Ababa from July 6-8 2004 undertook to
sign and ratify the protocol by the end of 2004. The AU also undertook to
support the launching of public campaigns aimed at ensuring its entry into force
by 2005. Women are optimistic that the AU leaders as men of honour will keep
to their word and meet the deadline they have voluntarily set for themselves
and the continent of Africa will be better.
The protocol is in three sections. The first section covers rationale behind
its elaboration, making reference to both regional and international
commitments regarding women’s human rights. The second section outline the rights to
be upheld by the protocol, whilst the third section covers implementation by
addressing the manner in which it is to be adopted and monitored, as well as
the process through which it may be amended. The protocol affirms the
following broad categories of rights. Civil and political rights, economic, social
and cultural rights, the rights to development and peace and reproductive and
sexual rights.
The adoption of the protocol is not an end to the problems of gender
discrimination and inequality, as laws cannot be self enforcing. The protocol is now
ratified and has come into force. It is a new dawn for African women and
girls. The African continent is celebrating its 1st anniversary for entering
into force. Now the main challenge is ratification and domestication. Men and
Women should be able to live in harmony. African women now have a legal
instrument to claim for justice but this can only be done if the protocol is
domesticated.
The Gambia has ratified the protocol in September 2005 with reservations but
with the engagement of civil society groups in the dissemination of its
contents the reservations were withdrawn in May this year. However 20 countries
out of the 53 member states of the Africa Union have ratified the protocol. It
came into force 25th November, 2005.
The commemoration of the coming into force of the women’s protocol coincides
with the commemoration of the 16 days Activism against gender-based violence
which runs to the 10th of December. Our Evaluation seminar is in line. We
are evaluating women and Education which is an essential ingredient to women’s
empowerment.
There have been many local initiatives regarding women’s rights and women’s
empowerment. Women organizations such as SIMMA are in the fore front for
women’s rights and empowerment. WODD too is promoting the same ideas and is
formulating policies and programs to make it a reality. The literacy project is
one of such programs.
We would later engage in programs for economic empowerment whereby literacy
will be linked to economic ventures to keep intact the study circle
participants and their leaders. The study circles will promote democracy, human
rights, governance and economic prosperity.
Women have their commonality that’s why S-women Sweden and ABFZ Sweden
formed partnership with WODD and Peoples’ Centre to provide adult literacy to some
women in The Gambia. The effort is commendable. That is international
solidarity.
Women have their specificities. Some have disabilities and some have not. We
should give support to each other. We should not discriminate each other.
Women have their difference. Some are white, red, yellow and black. But we
are all women. We should love and respect each other.
Women have divergent views which should be respected. We should try to
reason and convince each other.
Women have their commonality. That is fighting patriarchy, the system of
exploitation,
oppression, subjugation,
discrimination and alienation.
Women and men of the world must forge partnership to fight these ills to
make the world a better place than we found it.
Amie Sillah WODD
ATTACK ON THE PRESS
A press release issued by Reporters without Borders has described 2006 as
the deadliest year for journalists. The release states that 81 journalists were
killed last year, making it the deadliest year since 1994.According to the
release, 56 journalists were kidnapped during the period, mostly in Iraq and
the Gaza strip. Below is the text of the release issued by RSF;
In 2006
- 81 journalists and 32 media assistants were killed
- at least 871 were arrested
- 1,472 physically attacked or threatened
- 56 kidnapped
- and 912 media outlets censored
In 2005:
- 63 journalists and 5 media assistants were killed
- at least 807 were arrested
- 1,308 physically attacked or threatened
- and 1,006 media outlets censored
The deadliest year since 1994
At least 81 journalists were killed in 2006 in 21 countries while doing
their job or for expressing their opinion, the highest annual toll since 1994,
when 103 died (half of them in the Rwanda genocide, about 20 in the Algerian
civil war and a dozen in former Yugoslavia). 32 media assistants (fixers,
drivers, translators, technicians, security staff) were also killed 2006 (only
five in 2005).
Iraq was the world’s most dangerous country for the media for the fourth
year running, with 64 journalists and media assistants killed. Since fighting
began in 2003, 139 journalists have been killed there, more than twice the
number in the 20-year Vietnam War (63 killed between 1955 and 1975). About 90% of
the victims were Iraqis. Investigations were very rare and none were
completed.
Unlike other organisations, Reporters Without Borders includes journalists
in its death count only when it is certain that their deaths are linked to
their work as journalists. Dozens of other cases have not been included because
investigators have not yet determined the motives or because it is clear that
they were not related to the issue of press freedom.
The second most dangerous country was Mexico, which also moved ahead of
Colombia as Latin America’s deadliest place for the media. Nine journalists were
killed there in 2006 because they were investigating drug trafficking or
reporting on violent social unrest. US cameraman Brad Will was shot dead in late
October in turbulent Oaxaca state, where strikes often degenerated into armed
clashes, and other journalists were injured there.
The body of journalist Enrique Pera Quintanilla, editor of the monthly Dos
Caras, una verdad, was found by a roadside in the northern state of Chihuahua
in August. The paper specialised in reporting on unsolved murders and drug
trafficking.
The situation in The Philippines was grim too, with six journalists killed
(compared with seven in 2005). Fernando Batul, a commentator with the radio
station dyPR, was shot dead in late May as he was going to work on Palawan
Island, southwest of Manila. The authorities said he was killed because he had
criticised a brutal policeman, who was subsequently arrested and will shortly
be tried. The March 2005 killers of anti-corruption columnist Marlene Esperat
were jailed for life. But those punished were only triggermen and those who
ordered the killings are still walking free. However, in a country where
impunity is the rule, the trial and sentences were a good precedent.
Three journalists were killed in Russia, making 21 since President Vladimir
Putin came to power in March 2000. The murder in October of reporter Anna
Politkovskaya, of the weekly Novaya Gazeta and a Chechnya expert, was a reminder
that even the best-known journalists with major international support do not
escape such deadly violence. Pressed by democratic countries to find and
punish the culprits, the government has assigned a team of 150 detectives to the
case.
Press freedom shrank further in neighbouring Turkmenistan, with the
crackdown on independent media reaching a peak in September when the family of Radio
Free Europe correspondent Ogulsapar Muradova announced she had died in
prison, three months after being jailed. Despite repeated demands by the European
Union, the authorities did not investigate her death.
In Lebanon, a photographer and a TV technician were killed by Israeli
bombing during the war with Israel. A dozen journalists were injured or wounded
during the fighting in the summer.
Violent election clashes
Over 1,400 physical attacks or threats were recorded by Reporters Without
Borders in 2006, which was another record. Many of them were during election
campaigns in various countries.
Attacks on journalists in Bangladesh, already routine, became daily at the
end of the year, a few weeks before key parliamentary elections, and were
carried out by security forces and political party supporters.
A dozen countries in the Americas held important national elections during
the year. Reporters Without Borders had registered more than a dozen physical
attacks on journalists and another dozen threats to them in Peru by early
March, a month before presidential elections,. In Brazil, a daily paper’s
offices were ransacked on election day by supporters of a local politician in the
southern town of Marilia.
Supporters of the two main presidential candidates in the Democratic
Republic of Congo - outgoing President Joseph Kabila and his rival Jean-Pierre Bemba
- regularly attacked journalists they accused of sympathising with the “
enemy camp.” A visiting foreign reporter was deported in both Uganda and Ethiopia
at election time.
Belarus cracked down on journalists and regime opponents a few days after
President Alexander Lukashenko’s reelection in March, and a dozen local and
foreign reporters were physically attacked, including Olga Ulevich, Russian
correspondent of the newspaper Komsomolskaya Pravda, whose nose was broken when
plainclothes police beat her up.
Censorship and arrests still very common
Cases of censorship were slightly down - 912 against 1,006 in 2005, when
Nepal had the worst record. The ceasefire there in mid-2006 gave the media a
break, with the release of imprisoned journalists and many local radio stations
able to freely broadcast again.
Thailand recorded the most cases of censorship. After a military coup in
September, more than 300 community radio stations were shut down along with
several Internet websites. Things returned to normal after a few weeks.
It was impossible to get exact information on censorship in China, Burma and
North Korea, countries where blanket measures were taken against the media,
affecting dozens and even hundreds of outlets at the same time.
The Internet was tightly controlled in some countries. Reporters Without
Borders issued a list in November of 13 “enemies of the Internet” (Belarus,
Burma, China, Cuba, Egypt, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia,
Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Vietnam).
Bloggers and cyber-dissidents in these countries were regularly thrown into
prison for expressing their opinions online. Websites were closed down, made
inaccessible or filtered and discussion forums had especially critical
messages deleted.
About 30 bloggers were arrested during the year and held for several weeks,
notably in China, Iran and Syria. Egypt appeared for the first time on the “
enemies of the Internet” list for its growing crackdown on bloggers who
criticised Islam or President Hosni Mubarak.
At least 871 media workers were detained around the world in 2006, some for
just a few hours and others sentenced to many years in prison.
The jailing in China of Zhao Yan (for three years) and Ching Cheong (for
five), both of them working for foreign media, drew strong international
protests. The appeals against their sentences were not even heard by a court,
depriving them of a chance to defend themselves.
The death of Turkmenistan’s “President-for-Life” Separmurad Nyazov in
December could end the repression of journalists and human rights activists. Two
of them, Annakurban Amanklychev and Sapardurdy Khajiev, were given prison
sentences of six and seven years in June for helping a foreign journalist doing a
report on the country.
Burma’s famous journalist and pro-democracy activist, Win Tin, began his
18th year in prison. He was awarded the 2006 Reporters Without Borders -
Fondation de France prize for his fight for freedom of expression.
An extra worry: journalists being kidnapped
For the first time, Reporters Without Borders recorded in detail the number
of journalists kidnapped around the world.
At least 56 were kidnapped in 2006 in a dozen countries. The two riskiest
places were Iraq, where 17 were seized, and the Gaza Strip, where six were
kidnapped. All those seized in the Palestinian Territories were freed, but six in
Iraq were executed by their captors.
Reporters Without Borders met Iraqi President Jalal Talabani at the end of
the year and urged him to put a stop to such incidents. A mission also went to
Gaza to ask Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas and leaders of the main
Palestinian factions to see that their supporters and the general population did
not interfere with media workers.
SECURITY OFFICER PUTS ON APRC BADGE
By Musa Barrow
A security officer dressed in plain clothes, was sighted putting on a badge
bearing the photo of the APRC leader with party name.
The said officer was among a group of security officers deployed at the IEC
office on Friday 5th January 2007 to maintain order while the NADD supporters
were there for the nomination of their candidate for Serrekunda Central in
the forthcoming National Assembly Election.
As the security officer in question approached NADD supporters, he was told
by some NADD militants that the badge he was putting on was not appropriate
for the occasion. They argued that he should not have displayed that badge
which they described as politically sensitive. NADD supporters further argued
that what the officer did was a clear violation of the Constitution and
Electoral Degree which demand impartiality.
As the exchange of words intensified between the NIA officer and some of
these NADD supporters, some uniformed security officers appeared and took away
the plainly dressed security officer. They also admitted that it was an error
on the part of the officer for such a display and urged the NADD supporters
to exercise restraint.
A NEW YEAR FOR SELF ‘REDISCOVERY’
By Baboucarr Ceesay
As the curtain of the year 2006 draws, we now enter into a new year full of
hopes for lofty blessings of prosperity. A new chapter is therefore expected
to open for our lives as we strive, work and pray. It can’t go without saying
that we are faced with the question of how to have one destiny as a people.
As citizens we should be able to ‘rediscover’ ourselves in politics and in
the political representatives we have elected.
Instead of being mere objects of state welfare, citizens and the society
should be subjects around which politics evolves. This needs the translation of
political conviction into practical politics by the leadership and any
alternative government.
Needless to say, the ruling party should create an order of peace and
justice, promoting solidarity, dialogue and social cohesion among people rather
than scouting for loyalists to kiss and identify opposition elements to hate as
eyesores.
A good political party or institution that aims at development must motivate
citizens to take a hand in shaping the political life of their society and
be ready to equip the people through political education that would contribute
towards the process of building and consolidating democracy instead of
capitalising on their poverty and ignorance to hoodwink them.
The mission of all political parties should be the establishment of
democratic ideas firmly in the minds of the population and educated democrats.
Since human beings are equal in value, different in nature and lacking
perfection, there is nothing wrong with accepting past mistakes and concentrate on
national development for the interest of all and sundry. There is no excuse
of failure of any leadership that drives its people through endless trials
and errors. If the government neglects the welfare of the people, then there is
also the right to sloganeer that there will be “NO TAXATION WITHOUT
DEVELOPMENT”.
People’s confidence in politics should be rebuilt. Not confidence as an
abstract but something to do with truth for trust.
To conclude, the present problems and the future challenges have made it
certain that the essence of the press as an important institution is not only
justifiable but remains indispensable in a democratic state. If freedom of
expression and the press is given a chance it would be easy to make strength out
of weakness by being tolerant to criticism, respect good analyses of
situations, keenly follow events and understand the realities of the time.
I hope this New Year will be an opportunity to turn over a new leaf where
attitudinal change is necessarily called for.
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