----- Original Message -----
Subject: ***UGANDAFw: Basita Master Plan
1)
After first agreeing that the ICC would investigate the UPDF for war crimes, Lt. Gen. Museveni announced at a news conference on 04 March 2004 that whoever wants the UPDF investigated for war crimes should first go to Geneva and specifically request the ICC so that it may come and investigate the UPDF army (i.e. the government army).
2)
He therefore would not allow the current round of investigations to come anywhere near the UPDF (i.e. the government army)
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----- Original Message -----
THE ECHO
NORTHERN NEWS EXTRA
For un-censored news from Northern Uganda
ISSUE No. 6
March 2004
Introduction…
Following the Barlonyo massacre, Ugandans are still awaiting the truth about what actually took place. If this wasn't Uganda i.e. if this was any other African country where democratic norms are in place or taking root, branches of society would have already launched an independent inquiry (even a judicial enquiry of some sort would have taken place). But then again this is Uganda. The NRM/UPDF are the law - what they say, simply goes. It is for this fact that, not even parliament can suggest to the NRM government that there should be an independent investigation to answer the so many unanswered questions surrounding the massacre. A meek attempt by parliament to declare Northern Uganda a disaster zone, was quickly put down by the commander in chief of the UPDF, Lt. Gen. Museveni himself. Ugandans are therefore left to draw up their own conclusions about what actually happened. In this issue we pose some of the unanswered questions and try and find some answers. For the record ever since the NRM/UPDF government came to power, civilian massacres have taken place at Corner Kilak, Bucoro, Atiak, Agago, Mukura to name but a few. Never on one occasion have there been an independent look at what actually took place. Rather Ugandans have had to make do with whatever the UPDF tells them.
On the 04 March 2004 the NRM military dictatorship revealed through the government mouthpiece - the New Vision that they had received information that the LRA were planning another massacre, on a similar scale to Barlonyo. This latest claim by the UPDF has to be seen in light of a similar claim made in September 2003. At that time the UPDF reported that it had received information to the effect that the LRA were planning to kill Acholi religious leaders (religious leaders engaged in trying to find a peaceful resolution to the Northern conflict). It took an emphatic denial by the LRA on an international media that saved the lives of the religious leaders. For it seemed the UPDF were already at an advanced stage in planning the assassination of these very leaders, some of whom it perceived as going against its designs for Northern Uganda.
The latest claim by the UPDF therefore can only but suggest that whatever it hoped to achieve through the Barlonyo massacre, were not all fully achieved hence it is the UPDF's desire to plan another, perhaps even more horrific killing of civilians. Many people would speculate that amongst many of the UPDF's unpalatable designs for Northern Uganda, is its desire to see that the Acholi and Langi people get involved in a full scale war against each other (just like the UPDF managed to achieve in Eastern Congo where the Lendu viciously fought the Hema). It is for this reason and the ones mentioned before that indeed we'll see more massacres occur in Northern Uganda.
On behalf of the team, I bid you a good read.
UPDF mutilates suspect, throws his body through window...
On the 30 October 2003, a civilian by the name of Mr. Komakech came to Gulu town to do some shopping. He was from Lukome, in Gulu district. It was after he had completed his shopping and on the way back to his home, that he was stopped by soldiers belonging to the UPDF's Internal Security Organisation (ISO). These UPDF soldiers were from their branch office next to Acholi Inn i.e. former office of the governor of Northern Uganda during Iddi Amin's time. Komakech was led upstairs where ISO soldiers subjected him to severe torture including cutting bits of his body off. Later on gunshots were heard coming from the direction of the building and shortly afterwards people saw a human body falling down from the window upstairs. ISO officers had shot Mr. Komakech dead and threw his body out of the building through the window. It is believed the UPDF officer who led the execution of Mr. Komakech is called Mugisha and he is well known in Gulu area for his brutality (including killing of civilian suspects).
Mugisha and his troops told people who later arrived at the scene that they had killed Komakech because he had tried jumping through the window. They also said they arrested Komakech because he was a rebel suspect who tried to bomb the GUSCO centre in September 2003 and all along they had been searching for him.
Komakech's body was later taken to Gulu main hospital mortuary using a ministry of work's (government department) tipper lorry for his relatives to come and collect. His relatives never came because they too feared that they would be arrested and suffer the same fate. Komakech's burial was undertaken by Gulu municipal council (through the hospital officials).
UPDF loots home, rape owner..
On 4 January 2004, Jennifer Lalam, a breast-feeding mother, went to her home at Lagwing in Aswa County to harvest potatoes. Lagwing is 6 kms from Gulu town. Upon reaching home, she found Kiswahili speaking UPDF soldiers helping themselves to her property including foodstuff. At first when she saw them, she wanted to run, but then she changed her mind. She proceeded and enquired who they were. The UPDF soldiers explained that they needed just a few things of hers and that they were not interested in harming her. Lalam knowing that she was powerless and with much fear, proceeded to the garden to harvest potatoes. Before she left, the UPDF soldiers told her that she should be very careful as rebels had been reported in the area. Shortly afterwards, the same group of UPDF soldiers, followed her to the potato field, put her at gunpoint and raped her. They then threatened her that if she reported the matter to anybody, they would return and kill her.
After her ordeal, Lalam, went straight to the home of the LC1, a gentleman by the name of Daniel Opige, who unfortunately wasn't at home. Together with a few civilians, she then proceeded to the Detach unit and reported what had happened to the UPDF commander in the area, Captain Ali. At the UPDF detach she was asked to return the following day, where a parade of soldiers would take place. Unknown to the civilians, what the UPDF really wanted was to "whisk" the guilty soldiers away from the area so that when an identity parade took place the UPDF soldiers would not be present. The following day, when Lalam, her husband Lakony plus other civilians returned to the detach, they could not physically identify the guilty UPDF soldiers.
The UPDF commander then offered to pay Lalam an equivalent of what he said was his one-month's salary. When Lalam refused to accept the offer of money, Capt. Ali ordered that the civilians should leave immediately. The UPDF soldier told the civilians that should they return to his unit again, he would have them locked up.
Observers note that given the high level protection given to the guilty UPDF soldiers, this confirms what many people in Northern Uganda believe, and that is that rampant rape and attacks against the civilian population are infact official UPDF policy.
UPDF shoots civilians in Opit...
That the populations of Northern and Eastern Uganda are in displaced people's camps is not as the UPDF would make the world believe, for their own protection. The reasons the people of these areas face the dire conditions they face in the camps are for military reasons thought of by the UPDF. How else could the UPDF explain bombing raids carried out simply to drive people away from their homes into the camps. And the fact that in so many cases, the physical layout of the camps are such that it is the civilians whose dwellings are on the outside, whilst the UPDF barracks are on the inside of the camps i.e. the civilians protecting the UPDF. Observers believe some of the reasons why the UPDF forcibly removed people from their homes in Acholiland were principally to deny the LRA of much needed food, intelligence and recruits. In the camps, the civilians face death from starvation if not disease. Not to mention the fact that it is common practice for UPDF soldiers to move from door to door at night demanding people's wives and or daughters to sleep with.
It was against this background of dire conditions in the camps that the people of Opit camp decided to venture out to their former homes seeking food and firewood so that they could eat.
On 2nd January 2004 a large number of civilians went to the LC1 of the area Mr. Okwera requesting him to go and get permission from the UPDF commander in charge of Opit camp, Lt. Katongole so that they could go back to their former homes to collect some food if not firewood. The UPDF flatly refused the civilians request. It was then that some people decided that rather than die the slow painful way from starvation, they would rather face what may and return to their homes.
On getting information that some civilians had decided to go home, Lt Katongole despatched a large contingent of UPDF soldiers to follow the people to where they had gone. According to one of the civilians, a gentleman by the name of Sam Onen, when the UPDF caught up with them, they shot directly at them with the intention of "teaching them a lesson"/killing them. Several civilians were seriously injured in the incident, and it is unclear how many died as a result of their injuries.
UPDF ambush more civilian vehicles...
In its attempt to see the Acholi and Langi peoples of Northern Uganda at war with each other, the UPDF have made business trips between Kitgum, Pader and Lira one of the most risky journeys ever in Uganda. It was against this background that on 07 February 2004, the UPDF arranged for an ambush of a civilian vehicle in Lira district close to Aswa brigade, just opposite a UPDF detach. Like all UPDF crimes against the civilian population, whether be it by UPDF regular soldiers or the psuedo-LRA outfit, the UPDF blamed the attack on the LRA. When pressed further that the ambush took place just opposite a UPDF detach, the UPDF pointed the finger of blame at the Amuka militia. This is convenient, because it would appear the sole purpose of the ambush was for the UPDF to send a message out that the Amuka are targeting business people from Pader and Kitgum districts and further create tension between the Acholi and Langi.
During the attack of the 07 February 2004, 10 civilians were seriously wounded having sustained bullet wounds (it is unclear what became of the civilians who sustained life threatening injuries). For the record, survivors of the attack confirmed that the ambush was the work of the combined forces of the UPDF and Amuka militia. The merchandise, which the vehicle was carrying like crates of beer, cartons of cigarette, bags of cement, etc., was all looted by the UPDF.
Barlonyo, the unanswered questions....
According to Lt. Gen. Museveni, Barlonyo like Abia, was not a massacre. Civilians simply died as a result of being caught up in a cross fire between the UPDF and the LRA. The LRA spokesman (Brig. Sam Kolo) speaking on the BBC Focus on Africa service said thus in summary: "We were attacked at our bases by the UPDF and we drove the UPDF back to Barlonyo camp. If death occurred at Barlonyo, then it could only have come as a result of a crossfire between our forces and the UPDF. We would like the world to know that the civilians at Barlonyo were our fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, uncles, sons and daughters. The LRA therefore would NEVER do anything intentionally to harm them." No matter what the parties in the conflict say, there was a massacre at Barlonyo in which over 200 innocent civilians died. And here are the unanswered questions, which raises some telling questions whether the massacre was indeed carried out by the UPDF:-
Firstly, according one of the Amuka militia soldiers this is what happened; "While we were fighting the main group, another group who were wearing [militia] uniforms went round the back and they were telling people, 'don't worry - stay calm. Just go inside your homes and we will protect you.' Then they started shooting and burning people alive in their huts."
In other words, the massacre was carried out NOT by the main group they were fighting (which supports Kolo's claim that they drove the UPDF back to Barlonyo camp and the UPDF therefore would have been keeping the LRA at bay), but by those other soldiers wearing militia uniform. That the UPDF would allow "those other soldiers wearing militia uniform" to kill over 200 people can only suggest they either knew exactly what these other soldiers were upto or in the very least they were absolutely certain that those "other soldiers" were UPDF soldiers.
Secondly, according to the UPDF, there were only 37 soldiers at Barlonyo. This clearly is a lie. 37 UPDF soldiers could not have attacked a well fortified LRA base and according to the LRA spokesman which resulted in many UPDF soldiers killed and captured. The fact is there was a substantial UPDF force at Barlonyo. Enough force therefore to intervene and confront "those other soldiers wearing militia uniform" who were carrying out the massacre. That they didn't could not have been for lack of numbers. Besides, Barlonyo is only 8 kilometres away from Oger where there is a substantial UPDF barracks. How long could it have taken those at Oger to rescue Barlonyo? 10 minutes? Certainly not more than 30 minutes. The fact is for 3 hours a massacre took place at Barlonyo and the UPDF forces at Oger stayed put. That the UPDF allowed Barlonyo massacre to take place could only have been for their prior knowledge of exactly what was going on.
Thirdly, when "those soldiers wearing militia uniform" came across the UPDF camp commander, they simply let him go. This was the same force that was not sparing the lives of women and children. But they had the "kind heart" to spare the live of the UPDF camp commander. Taking him alive as prisoner of war was also too much, they simply undressed him of his UPDF uniform and let him go. One can only but deduce that, those who carried out the massacre were from the same side as the camp commander, which explains why they were prepared to let him go. More specifically, it would not be too surprising if it turns out that the camp commander was from Uganda`s "executive tribe." Therefore too important to be killed by the psuedo-LRA.
Fourthly, the force that carried out the massacre at Abia were wearing the latest UPDF uniform. Those that carried out the massacre at Barlonyo were wearing the latest Amuka militia uniform. The latter had been commissioned for not more than a month. That the same LRA who have got NO contact with military equipment suppliers should therefore turn out in the latest UPDF/militia combat gear, simply beggars believe.
Fifthly, as any one from the North would testify, every sub-parish in the region has got an element of a UPDF security apparatus in place. It therefore goes that whilst battle and massacre was taking place at Barlonyo, it is inconceivable that the UPDF regional headquarters in Lira would not have been informed. Lira town which is only a 45-minute drive from Barlonyo is also where thousand upon thousand of UPDF soldiers are stationed, with an array of heavy military equipment including helicopter gunships. None of which was ever used to intervene at Barlonyo. The UPDF commander in Lira, who is described by Lt. Gen. Museveni as a very good soldier saw it as not necessary to intervene in Barlonyo. One can only assume that he too had prior knowledge of what was about to happen. And to ensure he doesn't answer anymore awkward questions he has since been posted abroad for further training. The latter in Ugandan society, especially further training abroad, is seen as a reward for a job well done.
Sixthly, the UPDF arranged for such a hurried burial of the dead that raised alot of questions. It was reported that some people who tried recording of what had happened were shot at by the UPDF and were quickly arrested. Whatever it was, the UPDF were on a mission to conceal vital and implicating evidence.
Seventhly, villagers who fled Barlonyo and landed at a nearby UPDF detach, testified to seeing some of the people involved in the massacre at the very same UPDF base they sought refuge in i.e. the people who where hacking off people shortly before, were the same people they met at the UPDF base. This confirms if ever confirmation were needed that the UPDF killed people at Barlonyo.
Eighthly, locals reported of no rebels ever having entered the county at anytime before the massacre. Therefore those who carried out the atrocity could only have been people who were already in at the county i.e. the UPDF.
Finally, the list of questions could go on forever. The answer though, has not been long in coming. Sources within the UPDF have revealed and it has been reported in some sections of the media that Barlonyo and Abia were the works of the UPDF controlled KAP death squad. It is the same force we at the Echo have from time to time referred to as the psuedo-LRA outfit. The same source of information have revealed that those who carried out the massacre belonged to a section of the KAP group calling itself the Wobulenzi mobile brigade. This piece of information is supported by the fact that a few days before the Barlonyo massacre more than 20 truckloads of UPDF soldiers arrived in Lira and seemed to vanish without anybody ever knowing where they might have ended up. The fact that civilians fleeing from Barlonyo met up with their "slayers" at neighbouring UPDF detach centres, answers the riddle of where these "new arrivals" ended up i.e. at UPDF bases bordering Barlonyo.
And on the war front...
On 30 November 2003 6 UPDF soldiers were ambushed and killed by a group of LRA rebels in Atanga, Pader district. The UPDF soldiers were on their way from Atanga to Lutanya military detach in Pader district.
On 02 December 2003, a UPDF soldier shot 2 colleagues and later took his own life in Pader army barracks. The incident was put down to battle fatigue. This also followed an attack by the LRA on Pakelle sub-county headquarters on the same day.
On 13 December 2003, the LRA ambushed a truck carrying UPDF soldiers along Patongo-Adilang road in Agago county Pader district. 9 UPDF soldiers lost their lives.
On 17 December 2003, in Lukile village, Paimol sub-county in Agago, the UPDF turned gun against each other. In a thirty-minute battle, pitting UPDF against UPDF, 5 UPDF soldiers were killed with dozens injured. The reason for the firefight amongst UPDF soldiers was put down to battle fatigue and a quarrel amongst UPDF commanders. A number of civilians were also caught up in the cross fire, with many sustaining life threatening injuries. The civilians were eventually rushed (by their relatives) to Kalongo hospital.
On 25 December 2003, in a serious battle in Omiya Nyima, Kitgum district the LRA killed several UPDF soldiers including the regional ISO boss, Lt. Kibrai Ambako and 3 other senior intelligence officers.
On 6 January 2004 in a serious battle in Abako sub-county in Lira district, the LRA killed 30 UPDF soldiers. We are reliably informed that January was a very bad month for the UPDF in Lango. In all their encounters with the LRA, the UPDF suffered heavy casualties. For instance, on all occasions, when UPDF soldiers leave their barracks to go out on an operation, only half ever return back alive.
Conclusion:
It was reported in the Ugandan press that the ICC investigators may have finally arrived in Northern Uganda. It is our sincere hope that the team do carry out their duties in an impartial manner. Ugandans however have to be forgiven for over the last 18 years they have seen whatever faith they've had in foreign reporters, completely eroded. Here are 2 examples why: Firstly in the early 1990's when the UPDF invaded Rwanda, under the guise of the RPF, the BBC team stood at the Ugandan border and reported thus: "as you can see, we are standing at the Ugandan/Rwandan border, and from what we can see, there is no evidence of Uganda having invaded Rwanda". The fact of course was that even the road sweepers on the streets of Kampala knew very well that Uganda had indeed invaded Rwanda. Secondly, in 2001 at the time of the Besigye/Museveni elections - the vote rigging was so blatant that most newswire services were full of stories of their reporters having visited polling stations where votes had already been cast for voters by UPDF soldiers (and in favour of Museveni). The EU's verdict on the elections were as follows; although we have received many reports of vote rigging and visited polling stations where vote rigging actually took place, because we did not visit every single polling station in the country, we cannot tell whether the same practice occurred in all the other polling stations we did not visit. We therefore pronounce the elections as having reflected the will of the Ugandan people. It is for this sort of behaviour that Ugandans have got very little faith in what the ICC may or may not find.
But despite the above, the commander in chief of the UPDF is taking little chances. More so after Ugandans have reacted not in the way he had expected after the Barlonyo massacre. After first agreeing that the ICC would investigate the UPDF for war crimes, Lt. Gen. Museveni announced at a news conference on 04 March 2004 that whoever wants the UPDF investigated for war crimes should first go to Geneva and specifically request the ICC so that it may come and investigate the UPDF. He therefore would not allow the current round of investigations to come anywhere near the UPDF. The recalcitrant attitude by the General suggests that whatever conclusions the ICC may arrive at would be one sided or in the eyes of Ugandans, simply yet another "white wash" by the international community.
Until next time Jok Joka malo.
© The Echo 2004
"The lie can be maintained only for such time as the State can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie. It thus becomes vitally important for the State to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth becomes the greatest enemy of the state."
- Dr. Joseph M. Goebbels - Hitler's propaganda minister
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