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Just to be a little  clearer/fairer about the situation in the  Middle  
East....

Begin forwarded message:


_http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=2928_ 
(http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=2928) 

Media  Advisory
Down the Memory Hole
Israeli contribution to conflict is  forgotten by leading papers
7/28/06

In the wake of the most serious  outbreak of Israeli/Arab violence  
in years, three leading U.S.  papers—the Washington Post, New York  
Times and Los Angeles Times—have  each strongly editorialized that  
Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in  Lebanon were solely responsible for  
sparking violence, and that  the Israeli military response was  
predictable and unavoidable. These  editorials ignored recent events  
that indicate a much more complicated  situation.

Beginning with the Israeli attack on Gaza, a New York  Times  
editorial (6/29/06) headlined "Hamas Provokes a Fight"  declared  
that "the responsibility for this latest escalation rests  squarely  
with Hamas," and that "an Israeli military response  was  
inevitable." The paper (7/15/06) was similarly sure in  its  
assignment of blame after the fighting spread to Lebanon: "It  is  
important to be clear about not only who is responsible for  the  
latest outbreak, but who stands to gain most from its  continued  
escalation. Both questions have the same answer: Hamas and  Hezbollah."

The Washington Post (7/14/06) agreed, writing that "Hezbollah and   
its backers have instigated the current fighting and should be held   
responsible for the consequences." The L.A. Times  (7/14/06)  
likewise wrote that "in both cases Israel was  provoked." Three days  
and scores of civilian deaths later, the Times  (7/17/06) was even  
more direct: "Make no mistake about it: Responsibility for the   
escalating carnage in Lebanon and northern Israel lies with one   
side...and that is Hezbollah."

As FAIR noted in a recent Action Alert  (7/19/06), the portrayal of  
Israel as the innocent victim in the Gaza  conflict is hard to  
square with the death toll in the months leading  up to the current  
crisis; between September 2005 and June 2006, 144  Palestinians in  
Gaza were killed by Israeli forces, according to a  list compiled by  
the Israeli human rights group B'tselem; 29 of those  killed were  
children. During the same period, no Israelis were killed  as a  
result of violence from Gaza.

In a July 21 CounterPunch  column, Alexander Cockburn highlighted  
some of the violent incidents  that have dropped out of the media’s  
collective  memory:


Let's go on a brief excursion into pre-history. I’m talking  about  
June 20, 2006, when Israeli aircraft fired at least one missile  at  
a car in an attempted extrajudicial assassination attempt on a  road  
between Jabalya and Gaza City. The missile missed the car.  Instead  
it killed three Palestinian children and wounded  15.

Back we go again to June 13, 2006. Israeli aircraft fired  missiles  
at a van in another attempted extrajudicial assassination.  The  
successive barrages killed nine innocent Palestinians.

Now  we're really in the dark ages, reaching far, far back to June  
9, 2006,  when Israel shelled a beach in Beit Lahiya killing eight  
civilians and  injuring 32.

That's just a brief trip down Memory Lane, and we trip over  the  
bodies of twenty dead and forty-seven wounded, all of them   
Palestinians, most of them women and children.

On July 24, the day  before Hamas' cross-border raid, Israel made an  
incursion of its own,  capturing two Palestinians that it said were  
members of Hamas  (something Hamas denied—L.A. Times, 7/25/06). This  
incident received  far less coverage in U.S. media than the  
subsequent seizure of the  Israeli soldier; the few papers that  
covered it mostly dismissed it in  a one-paragraph brief (e.g.,  
Chicago Tribune, 7/25/06), while the  Israeli taken prisoner got  
front-page headlines all over the world.  It's likely that most  
Gazans don’t share U.S. news outlets' apparent  sense that captured  
Israelis are far more interesting or important  than captured  
Palestinians.

The situation in Lebanon is also more complicated than its   
portrayal in U.S. media, with the roots of the current crisis   
extending well before the July 12 capture of two Israeli soldiers   
by Hezbollah. A major incident fueling the latest cycle of violence   
was a May 26, 2006 car bombing in Sidon, Lebanon, that killed a   
senior official of Islamic Jihad, a Palestinian group allied with   
Hezbollah. Lebanon later arrested a suspect, Mahmoud Rafeh, whom   
Lebanese authorities claimed had confessed to carrying out the   
assassination on behalf of Mossad (London Times, 6/17/06).

Israel  denied involvement with the bombing, but even some Israelis  
are  skeptical. "If it turns out this operation was effectively  
carried out  by Mossad or another Israeli secret service," wrote  
Yediot Aharonot,  Israel’s top-selling daily (6/16/06; cited in AFP,  
6/16/06), "an  outsider from the intelligence world should be  
appointed to know  whether it was worth it and whether it lays  
groups open to  risk."

In Lebanon, Israel's culpability was taken as a given. "The   
Israelis, in hitting Islamic Jihad, knew they would get Hezbollah   
involved too," Amal Saad-Ghorayeb, a professor at Beirut’s Lebanese   
American University, told the New York Times (5/29/06). "The   
Israelis had to be aware that if they assassinated this guy they   
would get a response."

And, indeed, on May 28, Lebanese militants in  Hezbollah-controlled  
territory fired Katyusha rockets at a military  vehicle and a  
military base inside Israel. Israel responded with  airstrikes  
against Palestinian camps deep inside Lebanon, which in  turn were  
met by Hezbollah rocket and mortar attacks on more Israeli  military  
bases, which prompted further Israeli airstrikes and "a  steady  
artillery barrage at suspected Hezbollah positions" (New  York  
Times, 5/29/06). Gen. Udi Adam, the commander of Israel’s  northern  
forces, boasted that "our response was the harshest and most  severe  
since the withdrawal" of Israeli troops from Lebanon in  2000  
(Chicago Tribune, 5/29/06).

This intense fighting was the  prelude to the all-out warfare that  
began on July 12, portrayed in  U.S. media as beginning with an  
attack out of the blue by Hezbollah.  While Hezbollah's capture of  
two Israeli soldiers may have reignited  the smoldering conflict,  
the Israeli air campaign that followed was  not a spontaneous  
reaction to aggression but a well-planned operation  that was years  
in the making.

"Of all of Israel’s wars since  1948, this was the one for which  
Israel was most prepared," Gerald  Steinberg, a political science  
professor at Israel's Bar-Ilan  University, told the San Francisco  
Chronicle (7/21/05). "By 2004, the  military campaign scheduled to  
last about three weeks that we’re  seeing now had already been  
blocked out and, in the last year or two,  it’s been simulated and  
rehearsed across the board." The Chronicle  reported that a "senior  
Israeli army officer" has been giving  PowerPoint presentations for  
more than a year to "U.S. and other  diplomats, journalists and  
think tanks" outlining the coming war with  Lebanon, explaining that  
a combination of air and ground forces would  target Hezbollah and  
"transportation and communication  arteries."

Which raises a question: If journalists have been told by  Israel  
for more than a year that a war was coming, why are they  pretending  
that it all started on July 12? By truncating the  cause-and-effect  
timelines of both the Gaza and Lebanon conflicts,  editorial boards  
at major U.S. dailies gravely oversimplify the  decidedly more  
complex nature of the facts on the  ground.

Norman Solomon on Mideast War, Jamal Dajani on Mosaic/LINK  TV  
(7/28/06-8/3/06)

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