Gambia-L:

Due to two typographical errors, I am re-sending my posting of yesterday
entitled "A note to the DC ALD Conference", just for the record.

I did mistakenly write that "the Military is always expected to be INSULTED
from politics and civil society in general. The word should have been
INSULATED, and not INSULTED.

So, the sentence should have read as follows: "The Military is always
expected to be INSULATED from politics and Civil Society in general"...

Anyway, I am sure Dr Janneh must have spotted the mistake (laugh!). Dr
Janneh, I enjoyed reading your piece on Fatou Jahumpa and the Jammeh regime!

Thanks!

Ebrima Ceesay

______________________________________________________________________

Latjorr and Colleagues:

A conference on the "Democratic Challenges" facing our Nation in the wake of
the student killings of 10 & 11 April, could not have been organised at a
more appropriate time.

In fact, just the other day, a leading African Political Scientist painted a
very gloomy picture of Africa, and then went on to predict that the
collapse, or near collapse, of African States would be one of the more
prevalent developments in our Continent, in the 21st Century, IF the
repressive nature of African governments was anything to go by.

The task of maintaining law and order within African states, he predicted,
will be one of main challenges of the 21st Century, except if genuine
democracy was to be given a chance in our respective countries.

In other words, he is arguing that long-term stability in our respective
countries is actually dependent on the building of strategies and policies
that can consolidate Democracy and Development.

Therefore, in his view, our challenge as Africans - which is also the only
route to eternal peace and stability - is really how to build sustainable
democracy and development in our various countries. Democracy, he warned,
was too important to be left in the hands of our leaders alone.

Anyway, that aside, what is an undisputable fact is that building democracy
is a collective responsibility. It requires the right mix of enlightened
leaders, but, more importantly, it also requires an active Civil Society
plus, of course, institutions that work.

And, needless to say, the hallmark of a free society is the ability of
individuals to associate with like-minded individuals to express their views
publicly; to openly debate public policy and petition their governments if
need be.

Therefore, the convening of your conference, especially given its relevant
theme, is indeed very timely, and I am sure that at the end of your
deliberations, some very useful lessons would have been drawn/learnt.

Having said that, let me now share some thoughts with you, on the theme of
your conference: "Democratic Challenges in the Wake of the Student
Killings."

Gambians, in my view, are confronted with a number of challenges - economic
and political - but the most important of all the challenges facing us as a
people right now, is to try and work out effective ways and means of
bringing about a permanent end to Mr Jammeh's dictatorial rule, and put in
its place, a progressive and sustainable democratic governance.

So, the starting point, without beating about the bush, is that Yaya
Jammeh's rule has got to end, and then in its place, a civilian democratic,
accountable modes of governance needs to be institutionalized. Yaya Jammeh's
rule, so far, as we all know, has constricted the democratic space,
entrenched authoritarianism and nurtured militarism to point that even the
continued existence of the Gambia, as a Nation, is now under threat if such
a trend continued.

So, our main task, or challenge, as it were, is to try and bring about an
end to Yaya Jammeh's undemocratic rule, once and for all, and then
institutionalise credible and accountable civilian democratic modes of
governance.

In fact, in my view, the need to unseat Yaya Jammeh from Public Office
becomes all the more urgent, if we consider the fact that all the
characteristics associated with genuine democracy - ranging from
transparency, accountability, good governance to human rights - are  missing
elements in Yaya Jammeh's Gambia.

Perhaps, it is necessary for me to attempt a brief conceptualisation of
these terms, so that we can judge for ourselves, whether or not, these
components are present/found in Yaya Jammeh's Gambia.

* Transparency refers to openness in the process of governance in the
election process, policy/decision making/implementation and evaluation - at
all levels of government (Central and Local) and in all branches (Executive,
Legislature, and Judiciary)

* Accountability refers to the ability to determine who in the government is
responsible for a decision or action and the ability to ensure that
officials in government are answerable for their actions.

* Good Governance presupposes a government which has the ability to maintain
social peace, guarantee law and order, protect individuals' fundamental
rights and freedoms, and promote or create conditions necessary for economic
growth.

So, based on these definitions, it is clear that what we have in place in
the Gambia of today, is in fact the complete opposite: We have got a regime
which is autocratic and corrupt, seated in the Gambia, period.

In short, Yaya Jammeh's five years of (mis)rule has only resulted in a total
loss of respect for the rule of law; a psyche of militarism that has
developed; rampant corruption and a lack of probity in public life; the
devastation of our economy and, of course, the destruction of our Civil
Service.

This is why the Military is always expected to be insulated from politics
and civil society in general. The Military in power will only bring more
poverty and misery to doorsteps of the people.

The question now arises: How do we unseat Yaya Jammeh and his gory regime?
Well, in order to achieve this goal, it surely requires the input of all
concerned about and committed for a better future for the Gambia.

In my view, strategies to organise ourselves more effectively so as to
unseat Yaya Jammeh can be discussed at the Macro and Micro levels. At the
Macro level, it is imperative, in my view, that the political forces in the
Gambia (try) and form a tactical alliance, especially given the fact that
the elections are now fast approaching.

And the Civil Society in the Gambia - ranging from Civic Associations,
Professional Bodies, Religious Bodies, Trade Unions - must also become more
active in the process.

The Gambian Civil Society, I have to say, is already playing a very crucial
role in this regard, but it could even play a much more greater role in the
promotion of accountability and transparency for good governance.

To this end, the Independent Media in the Gambia must be sustained at all
cost, and empowered, as it were, to play a more forceful role in public
life. In particular, the media's ability to play its watch dog role must be
strengthened by helping it to train and develop the investigative reporting
skills of its reporters. However, it needs to be again stressed that the
Civil Society in the Gambia is very active nowadays, and, consequently,
every effort must be made to encourage its proactive role.

At the micro level, there is need for effective mass mobilisation at the
local levels. There is need to relate properly and effectively at the grass
roots communities.

But, meanwhile, our task really must be to try and open up the political
space in the Gambia, pending the unseating of the Yaya Jammeh regime. So,
these are some of the challenges confronting us, in my view:

* PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY is indispensable to democratic governance. So we
need to ensure that measures that can guarantee this are taken by the
Government. For instance, the establishment of an impartially-selected
Ombudsman is crucial. And members to such an important institution shouldn't
be hand-picked, as Yaya Jammeh did. Rather, the members to such a vital body
must selected by a neutral team of respected Gambians.

And, in the light of the massive corruption rampant in the Yaya Jammeh
government, I have to say that the establishment of an independent auditing
and accounting entity with powers (to be guaranteed by the Our Constitution)
is all the more necessary.

The Civil Service also should no longer be allowed to operate as a branch,
or a part, of Mr Jammeh's Kanilal home. Efforts must therefore be made to
make sure that the Civil Service is an entity that will efficiently and non
discriminatingly perform public services. It should not be allowed, any
more, to be an instrument of manipulation available to  monster Yaya Jammeh.

* THE JUDICIARY: A legal system with fair, transparent and effective
judicial institutions is essential to the protection of citizens against the
arbitrary use of State authority and lawless acts of both organisations and
individuals.

So, we are also challenged to ensure that judicial independence is never
compromised in the Gambia. Consequently, laws that are in consistent with
the Provisions of the Constitution such as Decrees 45, 57, 70, 71, and 89
must be repealed instantly.

* ELECTIONS: Free and fair elections are integral to a functioning
democracy. In fact, free and fair elections are keys to any democratic
process. So there is need to ensure that the electoral process and the
actual election - the voting and the counting of the votes - are free and
fair come November 2001.

We have to demand that equal access to the National Media be given to all
the political parties in the forthcoming elections. And that reputable
election observers be invited. And, of course, there is need to train
election officials.

* 1997 CONSTITUTION: The new Constitution needs to be revisited to make sure
that it suits our needs and aspirations. In particular, there should be a
term limit to the Presidency. Most Constitutions that are designed to
promote democratic government must provide a term limit for the presidency;
so that aspect has to be addressed.

We also have to make sure that the Government is forced to adhere to the
provisions of the new Constitution. For instance, while the new Constitution
clearly states that "no one should be subjected to arbitrary arrest and
detention," the security forces in the country, however, have continued to
arrest and detain persons for days, without charge. A case in point was that
of the detention of the GAMSU leaders.

They were detained for more than 72 hours without any charges being
preferred against them. The Constitution clearly states that no one should
be detained for over 72 hours without being charged.

* TRUTH TELLING & RECONCILIATION: As already well-argued by Dr Saine in the
Gambia-L position paper, there is also the need to establish a Truth and
Reconciliation Commision to investigate past human rights so as to
facilitate truth telling, national healing and reconciliation.

The five years of Yaya Jammeh's (mis)rule has been marked by violence, gross
abuses, killings and brutal repression to the extent that a process of truth
telling and accountability for sins of the past, becomes necessary if we are
really interested in seeing our country return to the path of genuine
democracy and sustainable development.

Yaya Jammeh's five years, at the helm, clearly points to the need for a
process of accountability to address past violations and put an end to
impunity on the part of government leadership. Serious efforts must
therefore be made to heal the wounds brought about, in the country, as a
result of Yaya Jammeh's (mis)rule; and, in so doing, genuine reconciliation
could be achieved.

*CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS: Central to democratic theory and politics is the
question of the supremacy of civil governmental authority over the Armes
Forces. So, at any rate, the demilitarisation of politics in the Gambia is
significant. The military must be told/reminded that it is expected to be
insulated from politics and civil society in general.

There must be recognition on the part of the military that it is accountable
to the Rule of Law (not to Yaya Jammeh), and must also be obliged to respect
civilian authority. The Armes Forces should be non-partisan and remain above
politics at all times. In my view, the Gambian Army needs to be educated to
understand that it is an institution geared at defending the State against
external threats.

Therefore, our challenge, which I must say is an onerous one, is to make the
Military politically neutral. Therfore, any future leader of the Gambia must
initiate programmes in Civil-Military relations that will address ways in
which the right balance can be achieved/struck so that freely elected
civilians can regain control of their country.

Such a Gambian leader will also have to initiate programmes to educate the
public on the activities of the Army so as to dymystify their (army's) role
in society and mitigate the fear and feeling of mistrust and hostility by
civilians. The Gambian army, in a post Jammeh era, will have to be reformed
and given a new mission. The reforms, of course, must include the
restructuring, downsizing and streamlining all the forces.

The new-look Gambian Army must be trained - through seminars, workshops and
specialised courses - to maintain professionalism and positive neutrality in
national politics. And, needless to say, the new-look army must also be an
ethnically-diverse armed forces.

In a post Jammeh era, in my view, the creation of healthy civil-military
relations becomes imperative, because stable and healthy civil-military
relations are not only necesary to sustain democratic governance, but they
are also necesary for economic development.

                IMMEDIATE TASK

But our immediate task right now, is to continue the struggle for greater
opening up of the political space in the Gambia. The extent to which genuine
democracy will be restored back in the Gambia is dependent, to a large
extent, on the efficacy of the Gambian Civil Society.

So, in other words, the continuation of an effective civil society in the
Gambia is paramount. Mr Jammeh must be taught to understand that governance
is actually a partnership between the government and civil society. For
democracy to function properly anywhere in this world, the forging of a
partnership between government and civil society is required; and Mr Jammeh
must be taught that fact.

Meanwhile, it needs to be underscored that in the final analysis, it is only
us (Gambians) who can succeed in uprooting Yaya Jammeh's despotic regime.
External influences would be most welcomed, but Mr Jammeh's removal from
office, primarily, must be brought about by Gambians themselves.

And yes, the task of bringing about a credible democratic change is not
going to be an easy one, but it can surely be accomplished with proper
tactics and strategies of strengthening our organisational capacity and
mobilisation.

In a post Yaya Jammeh era, we must put in place, a liberal democratic system
in which there are not only regular free, fair and competitive multi party
elections, but also an effective rule of law to protect individual freedoms
of belief, opinion, speech, publication, assembly, petitions and so on.

Another point to note is that democratization and development are actually
mutually supportive. They go hand in hand. In fact, there are growing doubts
nowadays as to whether democratic structures can survive amid prolonged
economic suffering, severe inequality and rampant crime.

So, the issue of combating poverty must be addressed simultaneously if we
really want to consolidate democracy in the Gambia. We MUST address the
poverty gripping our country. For instance, in Africa, the countries with
highest long term growth rates have been Botswana and Mauritius, which also
have the longest record of democratic rule on the Continent.

Africa's worst performer - in economic terms during the 1990s - Kenya,
Nigeria, Zaire - are cases, if you will, of not failed democratisation, but
failed authoritarian rule.

And by the way, with all his (Jammeh's) bluff, the reality on the ground is
that the Gambia is still ranked among the least developed countries in the
world, with a meagre GNP per capita income of US$350 dollars. The ratio of
the population living under the poverty line is 64 per cent, while 40 per
cent live under the food poverty line. About 20 per cent of the population
is in fact categorized as extremely poor.

So, in terms of Human Development Index, the Gambia is ranked among the
poorest countries in the world. Malnutrition, needless to say, is
widespread!! And in both the rural and urban areas, about half of households
and 50 per cent of the entire population fall below the overall poverty
norms.

Life expectancy at birth is 55 years, but 34 per cent is likely to die
before reaching 40 years. The illiteracy rate remains high, at 61 per cent
as against the African average of 44 per cent.

And a large number of the population also lacks access to health services,
while 50 per cent of the entire population lack access to safe drinking
water. In fact, 56 per cent of births are still not attended by trained
personnel; and 12 per cent of the children under 5 years are reported to be
malnourished.

The fertility rate, as we all know, is quite high, 6 births per woman; and
this is even higher for rural women, 7 births per woman, than for urban
ones. Infant mortality is 92 deaths per 1000, while under 5 years mortality
is 180 per 1000 children. Maternal mortality is 1,050 per cent 100,000.

So, in conclusion, I have to argue that our challenges, as Gambians, are
both political/democratic and economic in nature. Meanwhile, I wish you a
very successful deliberations.

Ebrima Ceesay
Birmingham, UK.
________________________________________________________________________
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