Malanding,

Thanks for your clarification.

Regards,

Kabir.


On 9/5/07, Malanding Jaiteh <[log in to unmask]> wrote:
>
> Kabir,
> As they say the computer is as fast as the slowest component. Gambia-l
> is limited by the technology used by our host.
> We will allow html as soon as it is acceptable.
>
> Malanding
>
>
> Kabir Njaay wrote:
>
> >I think it's high time Gambia-L takes another look at the policy on HTML.
> >Allowing only plain text is like holding on to the analogue in a digital
> >age.
> >
> >Regards,
> >
> >Kabir.
> >
> >
> >Why Africa finds it hard to support MDC
> >
> >*By Reason Wafawarova*
> >*
> >September 04, 2007*
> >
> >The March 31 2007 Sadc Dar-es Salaam communiqué on Zimbabwe; the July
> 2007
> >Accra AU Conference's position on the same; and the reaffirmation of the
> >African stance at the 27th Sadc Summit in Lusaka, Zambia; have all but
> sent
> >one clear message to the MDC:
> >
> >Africa stands by Zimbabwe.
> >
> >These three gatherings unanimously expressed solidarity with the position
> of
> >the Government, officially (and maybe rightly) stated as the "people of
> >Zimbabwe". Africa has, three times in a row; in a period of five months,
> >unequivocally and solidly stood by Zimbabwe in relation to the illegal
> >sanctions regime, the land reform programme as well as the validity of
> the
> >last three national elections in which the MDC participated and lost.
> >
> >That solidarity has expressed condemnation of the Western-administered
> >economic sanctions on Zimbabwe, supported the land reform policy and
> >validated the election results for 2000, 2002 and 2005 as free and fair.
> >
> >The solidarity has gone further and proposed packages to rescue Zimbabwe
> >from its current problems.
> >
> >All this has been against expectations of a heavy-handed approach and
> >hard-line stance on Zimbabwe from the Western ruling elite and members of
> >their MDC political project.
> >
> >Both the MDC and the Western ruling elite are clearly less than amused
> that
> >African leaders have not lived up to their bidding on Zimbabwe in general
> >and President Mugabe in particular.
> >
> >The question to be asked is why Africa finds it so hard to support a
> party
> >that claims to be a champion of democracy or better still; why have these
> >African leaders failed to see the alleged excesses and inhumane nature of
> >the Zimbabwean Government?
> >
> >The simple answer that has often been put forward is that all those
> African
> >leaders supporting or failing to condemn Zimbabwe are either equal
> >"dictators" or simply too impressed by President Robert Mugabe's
> credentials
> >as a liberation icon.
> >
> >Some have even inferred that it is all because all Africans are
> inherently
> >corrupt and genetically incapable of handling complex matters related to
> >things like economic policies.
> >
> >This, of course, is not only simplistic and reductionist thinking but
> also
> >smacks of gross inferiority complex on the part of Africans who embrace
> such
> >warped thinking.
> >
> >The MDC has expressed its disappointment with South Africa, Sadc, Comesa
> and
> >the AU so many times since its formation in 1999 that one actually
> wonders
> >if political insight and free and fair political space are a phenomenon
> only
> >as young as eight years; the life span of the MDC? At least judging by
> the
> >rulings of the MDC on each and every decision taken by any of these
> African
> >stakeholders on Zimbabwe.
> >
> >Every time a position is made on Zimbabwe, it turns out that the position
> >falls short of MDC expectations and is subsequently lampooned as "unfree
> and
> >unfair."
> >
> >If there is one thing the MDC factions have always got right, it is the
> >assertion that the problems in Zimbabwe need a political solution.
> However,
> >that political solution does not necessarily lie in illegal regime change
> >nor does it lie in an MDC government.
> >
> >The solution lies in resolving the bilateral conflict between Harare and
> >London, a conflict that has been given a semblance of multi-lateralism
> when
> >Britain lobbied the EU to back its position.
> >
> >As the 19th century Prussian conflict theorist, Carl von Clausewitz put
> it;
> >conflict or war "is politics continued by other means." Marx and Engels
> >regarded conflict as the continuation politics of the powers concerned.
> In
> >this context it is more than important to analyse all the political
> aspects
> >of a conflict or a crisis as the Zimbabwean situation is often termed.
> >
> >Here, there is need to find the real policies (not the stated ones) of
> which
> >a conflict is a continuation, and the policies of the players involved in
> >that conflict. There is need to examine all the belligerent powers, not
> just
> >one.
> >
> >If one agrees with the policies that have led to the conflict from one
> side
> >of the conflict, then they agree with the politics of that particular
> side,
> >even when such policies are pursued through the means of a struggle,
> >revolution or force.
> >
> >Conversely, if one is a political opponent of the policies from another
> >side, then they do not put aside their political opposition simply
> because
> >the side they agree with has decided to confront the conflict by forceful
> or
> >revolutionary means.
> >
> >What happens is that one remains an opponent of the policies and politics
> >that led to the conflict itself and not necessarily to the means by which
> >the conflict has been pursued.
> >
> >Only pacifists are opposed to conflict just for the sake of attaining
> peace
> >through maintaining the status quo and those politicians heading African
> >states are most certainly not a bunch of moralistic pacifists bent on
> >turning the other cheek each time an imperialist blow is thrown at them.
> >They are like every other politician worthy the name; visionaries sworn
> to
> >fight for emancipation and a legacy of positive social change.
> >
> >They support Zimbabwe's land reform programme, not necessarily because
> they
> >agree with the modalities of how the policy has been implemented so far
> but
> >primarily because they support the politics behind the land reform
> >programme.
> >
> >They support Harare's position with regard to the Western-administered
> >sanctions regime, not necessarily because Harare is home to fellow
> Africans
> >but because they fundamentally agree with the politics that led to those
> >sanctions; or conversely, they disagree with the politics that motivated
> the
> >Western allies who have imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe.
> >
> >The stated politics behind the sanctions are that they are firstly not
> >economic sanctions but mere travel bans, a fact disputed even by the US
> >State Department itself, if one looks at their March 2007 announcement
> that
> >they are actually stepping up the anti-Zimbabwe programme through the
> >so-called Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act.
> >
> >The other stated politics behind the sanctions states that Zimbabwe is
> >pursuing "unsound policies", that Zimbabwe is governed by a tyrannical
> >regime, that there is a culture of human rights violations, that the
> >political playing field is uneven, that the declining wealth of the
> country
> >is a result of gross looting by those in power, that elections after the
> >formation of the MDC have all been fraudulent and that President Mugabe
> is
> >the sole dictatorial individual making everybody in Zimbabwe suffer.
> >
> >The Government, with apparent support from the African family, disputes
> the
> >stated politics and asserts that the real politics is nothing more than
> the
> >bitterness of the British and their western allies over the seizure of
> >white-held, not owned, farms for onward distribution to landless black
> >people.
> >
> >After all, they seem to argue; no imperialist goal has ever been pursued
> in
> >the name of its real intentions. No imperialist army, of course, marches
> off
> >to war under the slogans "Higher Corporate Profits!" or "Blood for Oil!"
> on
> >its banners.
> >
> >No, the army marches behind the massive power of the imperialist rulers'
> >ideological agents-its politicians and their mass media.
> >
> >These work overtime to create a pretext that can convince the ordinary
> >people that the imperialist rulers are fighting against tyranny, for
> >democracy, for the defence of their families, against terrorism, for
> freedom
> >and human rights, against any evil their minds can cook up or for any
> >"noble" causes their imagination can muster.
> >
> >It is the expectation for these super attractive happily ever after sweet
> >freedoms and liberties that many of the youthful Zimbabweans in the MDC
> have
> >come to a point where they now consider themselves citizens of a "new
> >Zimbabwe", pretty much the same way we hear religious people saying they
> do
> >not belong to their homes here on earth but to a new home in Heaven.
> >
> >For 90 years, Zimbabweans were made servile citizens in their own
> homeland
> >under brutal apartheid British rule and that yoke was broken on April 18
> >1980. For 27 years, Zimbabweans have considered themselves citizens of an
> >independent Zimbabwe and they have always believed that they are African
> >Zimbabweans.
> >
> >In comes the western money bags, thrown right into the hands of one
> Morgan
> >Tsvangirai and his MDC and we have a whole bunch of youngsters and
> misguided
> >elderly people clamouring for a new status as Western Zimbabweans,
> hailing
> >from what they call "new Zimbabwe".
> >
> >In 1992, Noam Chomsky, a prolific and renowned intellectual, was asked by
> >Heinz Dieterich why some Latin Americans had turned themselves into
> >"Ibero-Americans" (after 150 years as Latin Americans) and how a bit of
> >Spanish money could make such a change possible after such a long time of
> a
> >solid identity.
> >
> >Noam Chomsky replied, "People have a price, some will sell themselves for
> >five cents, others will demand a million dollars."
> >
> >To this writer, it would appear like many in the MDC have given
> themselves
> >for two cents and it is because of this cheap price that Africa finds it
> >hard to support or stand by the MDC. The opposition has just postured as
> a
> >cheap outfit of donor mongers bent on selling our birthright for two
> cents
> >and its simply difficult if not impossible for any African worthy the
> name
> >to identify with the MDC.
> >
> >Africa, through South Africa, Sadc, Comesa or the AU, has simply refused
> to
> >support the western politics behind the problems in Zimbabwe. To the
> >contrary, they have openly supported the Zimbabwean politics behind the
> >Harare-London bilateral conflict. To this end they have refused to be
> mere
> >pacifists blinded by bruises of rebels who come second best in physical
> >showdowns with the police.
> >
> >They rather choose to view the conflict in the context of its politics,
> >regretting what might be considered the excesses of the conflict but
> never
> >losing sight of the just cause for which Zimbabwean politics stands.
> >
> >In this context, the MDC is right in pointing out that the solution lies
> in
> >politics. It lies in the politics of the MDC realising that a Western
> >Zimbabwe is not going to materialise and that Zimbabwe can never be
> bought
> >for five cents.
> >
> >The solution lies in the realisation that the imperial agenda of
> reversing
> >the land reform programme is not worthy supporting, regardless of the
> baited
> >silver. It is not worthy supporting because it is a tool of permanent
> >subjugation of one's own people. It seeks to reinstate our pre-1980
> status
> >as servile citizens in our own motherland.
> >
> >As for Arthur Mutambara; the message is very clear. There is absolutely
> no
> >need to make a fool out of oneself by trying a hopeless juggle between
> the
> >western money-bags and one's birthright.
> >
> >It only makes one look plain ridiculous in the eyes of both Zimbabweans
> and
> >the Western ruling elite.
> >
> >The learned Professor has to simply come home to himself and tell the
> >Westerners that he is no longer for sale and return every cent "donated"
> to
> >his faction after he was installed to the presidency by Professor
> Welshman
> >Ncube.
> >
> >It is almost cruel to advise Tsvangirai to do the same because in all
> >honesty, the man deserves the money since he is basically career-less and
> >politically hopeless. This writer would insist that Tsvangirai should
> desist
> >from calling for more sanctions on the country and should stop misleading
> >his sponsors by telling them that change is in the pipeline.
> >
> >However, he deserves to keep whatever proceeds of treachery he has so far
> >acquired, purely on the moral grounds of the uncertainty of his future.
> >After all, the crumbs did take Bishop Abel Muzorewa a substantial amount
> of
> >time before we began to hear rumours of destitution.
> >
> >Anyway, this may be the lighter side of our Zimbabwean politics but the
> >serious side is that the MDC; in all its shapes, factions and formations
> >should seriously consider transforming itself into a home-grown
> opposition
> >party by firstly cutting its unholy ties with our country's erstwhile
> >oppressors.
> >
> >The sooner those in the MDC realise that their politics cannot be
> supported
> >in Africa the better for all who genuinely want to promote democracy
> through
> >a multi-party system.
> >
> >This writer is certain that Zimbabweans are a hopeful people and will
> soon
> >solve the current problems and shame the vultures waiting for land
> >re-grabbing disguised through the vehicle of freedom and democracy or
> maybe
> >property rights.
> >
> >*Reason Wafawarova is a Zimbabwean writer writing from Sydney, Australia.
> He
> >can be contacted at [log in to unmask]*
> >
> >¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤
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