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Subject:
From:
Abdoulaye Saine <[log in to unmask]>
Reply To:
Date:
Thu, 25 May 2000 10:32:19 -0400
Content-Type:
text/plain
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Soffie, Karamba, Veronica and Latjor:

Best wishes for the planned demonstration, conference and the fun
activities. Prior commitments make me unable to attend.  I will be with
you in spirit.  Thanks and keep up the good work!

Abdoulaye

No Justice, no peace!
Jammeh Must Go!

ebrima ceesay wrote:
>
> Gambia-L:
>
> Due to two typographical errors, I am re-sending my posting of yesterday
> entitled "A note to the DC ALD Conference", just for the record.
>
> I did mistakenly write that "the Military is always expected to be INSULTED
> from politics and civil society in general. The word should have been
> INSULATED, and not INSULTED.
>
> So, the sentence should have read as follows: "The Military is always
> expected to be INSULATED from politics and Civil Society in general"...
>
> Anyway, I am sure Dr Janneh must have spotted the mistake (laugh!). Dr
> Janneh, I enjoyed reading your piece on Fatou Jahumpa and the Jammeh regime!
>
> Thanks!
>
> Ebrima Ceesay
>
> ______________________________________________________________________
>
> Latjorr and Colleagues:
>
> A conference on the "Democratic Challenges" facing our Nation in the wake of
> the student killings of 10 & 11 April, could not have been organised at a
> more appropriate time.
>
> In fact, just the other day, a leading African Political Scientist painted a
> very gloomy picture of Africa, and then went on to predict that the
> collapse, or near collapse, of African States would be one of the more
> prevalent developments in our Continent, in the 21st Century, IF the
> repressive nature of African governments was anything to go by.
>
> The task of maintaining law and order within African states, he predicted,
> will be one of main challenges of the 21st Century, except if genuine
> democracy was to be given a chance in our respective countries.
>
> In other words, he is arguing that long-term stability in our respective
> countries is actually dependent on the building of strategies and policies
> that can consolidate Democracy and Development.
>
> Therefore, in his view, our challenge as Africans - which is also the only
> route to eternal peace and stability - is really how to build sustainable
> democracy and development in our various countries. Democracy, he warned,
> was too important to be left in the hands of our leaders alone.
>
> Anyway, that aside, what is an undisputable fact is that building democracy
> is a collective responsibility. It requires the right mix of enlightened
> leaders, but, more importantly, it also requires an active Civil Society
> plus, of course, institutions that work.
>
> And, needless to say, the hallmark of a free society is the ability of
> individuals to associate with like-minded individuals to express their views
> publicly; to openly debate public policy and petition their governments if
> need be.
>
> Therefore, the convening of your conference, especially given its relevant
> theme, is indeed very timely, and I am sure that at the end of your
> deliberations, some very useful lessons would have been drawn/learnt.
>
> Having said that, let me now share some thoughts with you, on the theme of
> your conference: "Democratic Challenges in the Wake of the Student
> Killings."
>
> Gambians, in my view, are confronted with a number of challenges - economic
> and political - but the most important of all the challenges facing us as a
> people right now, is to try and work out effective ways and means of
> bringing about a permanent end to Mr Jammeh's dictatorial rule, and put in
> its place, a progressive and sustainable democratic governance.
>
> So, the starting point, without beating about the bush, is that Yaya
> Jammeh's rule has got to end, and then in its place, a civilian democratic,
> accountable modes of governance needs to be institutionalized. Yaya Jammeh's
> rule, so far, as we all know, has constricted the democratic space,
> entrenched authoritarianism and nurtured militarism to point that even the
> continued existence of the Gambia, as a Nation, is now under threat if such
> a trend continued.
>
> So, our main task, or challenge, as it were, is to try and bring about an
> end to Yaya Jammeh's undemocratic rule, once and for all, and then
> institutionalise credible and accountable civilian democratic modes of
> governance.
>
> In fact, in my view, the need to unseat Yaya Jammeh from Public Office
> becomes all the more urgent, if we consider the fact that all the
> characteristics associated with genuine democracy - ranging from
> transparency, accountability, good governance to human rights - are  missing
> elements in Yaya Jammeh's Gambia.
>
> Perhaps, it is necessary for me to attempt a brief conceptualisation of
> these terms, so that we can judge for ourselves, whether or not, these
> components are present/found in Yaya Jammeh's Gambia.
>
> * Transparency refers to openness in the process of governance in the
> election process, policy/decision making/implementation and evaluation - at
> all levels of government (Central and Local) and in all branches (Executive,
> Legislature, and Judiciary)
>
> * Accountability refers to the ability to determine who in the government is
> responsible for a decision or action and the ability to ensure that
> officials in government are answerable for their actions.
>
> * Good Governance presupposes a government which has the ability to maintain
> social peace, guarantee law and order, protect individuals' fundamental
> rights and freedoms, and promote or create conditions necessary for economic
> growth.
>
> So, based on these definitions, it is clear that what we have in place in
> the Gambia of today, is in fact the complete opposite: We have got a regime
> which is autocratic and corrupt, seated in the Gambia, period.
>
> In short, Yaya Jammeh's five years of (mis)rule has only resulted in a total
> loss of respect for the rule of law; a psyche of militarism that has
> developed; rampant corruption and a lack of probity in public life; the
> devastation of our economy and, of course, the destruction of our Civil
> Service.
>
> This is why the Military is always expected to be insulated from politics
> and civil society in general. The Military in power will only bring more
> poverty and misery to doorsteps of the people.
>
> The question now arises: How do we unseat Yaya Jammeh and his gory regime?
> Well, in order to achieve this goal, it surely requires the input of all
> concerned about and committed for a better future for the Gambia.
>
> In my view, strategies to organise ourselves more effectively so as to
> unseat Yaya Jammeh can be discussed at the Macro and Micro levels. At the
> Macro level, it is imperative, in my view, that the political forces in the
> Gambia (try) and form a tactical alliance, especially given the fact that
> the elections are now fast approaching.
>
> And the Civil Society in the Gambia - ranging from Civic Associations,
> Professional Bodies, Religious Bodies, Trade Unions - must also become more
> active in the process.
>
> The Gambian Civil Society, I have to say, is already playing a very crucial
> role in this regard, but it could even play a much more greater role in the
> promotion of accountability and transparency for good governance.
>
> To this end, the Independent Media in the Gambia must be sustained at all
> cost, and empowered, as it were, to play a more forceful role in public
> life. In particular, the media's ability to play its watch dog role must be
> strengthened by helping it to train and develop the investigative reporting
> skills of its reporters. However, it needs to be again stressed that the
> Civil Society in the Gambia is very active nowadays, and, consequently,
> every effort must be made to encourage its proactive role.
>
> At the micro level, there is need for effective mass mobilisation at the
> local levels. There is need to relate properly and effectively at the grass
> roots communities.
>
> But, meanwhile, our task really must be to try and open up the political
> space in the Gambia, pending the unseating of the Yaya Jammeh regime. So,
> these are some of the challenges confronting us, in my view:
>
> * PUBLIC ACCOUNTABILITY is indispensable to democratic governance. So we
> need to ensure that measures that can guarantee this are taken by the
> Government. For instance, the establishment of an impartially-selected
> Ombudsman is crucial. And members to such an important institution shouldn't
> be hand-picked, as Yaya Jammeh did. Rather, the members to such a vital body
> must selected by a neutral team of respected Gambians.
>
> And, in the light of the massive corruption rampant in the Yaya Jammeh
> government, I have to say that the establishment of an independent auditing
> and accounting entity with powers (to be guaranteed by the Our Constitution)
> is all the more necessary.
>
> The Civil Service also should no longer be allowed to operate as a branch,
> or a part, of Mr Jammeh's Kanilal home. Efforts must therefore be made to
> make sure that the Civil Service is an entity that will efficiently and non
> discriminatingly perform public services. It should not be allowed, any
> more, to be an instrument of manipulation available to  monster Yaya Jammeh.
>
> * THE JUDICIARY: A legal system with fair, transparent and effective
> judicial institutions is essential to the protection of citizens against the
> arbitrary use of State authority and lawless acts of both organisations and
> individuals.
>
> So, we are also challenged to ensure that judicial independence is never
> compromised in the Gambia. Consequently, laws that are in consistent with
> the Provisions of the Constitution such as Decrees 45, 57, 70, 71, and 89
> must be repealed instantly.
>
> * ELECTIONS: Free and fair elections are integral to a functioning
> democracy. In fact, free and fair elections are keys to any democratic
> process. So there is need to ensure that the electoral process and the
> actual election - the voting and the counting of the votes - are free and
> fair come November 2001.
>
> We have to demand that equal access to the National Media be given to all
> the political parties in the forthcoming elections. And that reputable
> election observers be invited. And, of course, there is need to train
> election officials.
>
> * 1997 CONSTITUTION: The new Constitution needs to be revisited to make sure
> that it suits our needs and aspirations. In particular, there should be a
> term limit to the Presidency. Most Constitutions that are designed to
> promote democratic government must provide a term limit for the presidency;
> so that aspect has to be addressed.
>
> We also have to make sure that the Government is forced to adhere to the
> provisions of the new Constitution. For instance, while the new Constitution
> clearly states that "no one should be subjected to arbitrary arrest and
> detention," the security forces in the country, however, have continued to
> arrest and detain persons for days, without charge. A case in point was that
> of the detention of the GAMSU leaders.
>
> They were detained for more than 72 hours without any charges being
> preferred against them. The Constitution clearly states that no one should
> be detained for over 72 hours without being charged.
>
> * TRUTH TELLING & RECONCILIATION: As already well-argued by Dr Saine in the
> Gambia-L position paper, there is also the need to establish a Truth and
> Reconciliation Commision to investigate past human rights so as to
> facilitate truth telling, national healing and reconciliation.
>
> The five years of Yaya Jammeh's (mis)rule has been marked by violence, gross
> abuses, killings and brutal repression to the extent that a process of truth
> telling and accountability for sins of the past, becomes necessary if we are
> really interested in seeing our country return to the path of genuine
> democracy and sustainable development.
>
> Yaya Jammeh's five years, at the helm, clearly points to the need for a
> process of accountability to address past violations and put an end to
> impunity on the part of government leadership. Serious efforts must
> therefore be made to heal the wounds brought about, in the country, as a
> result of Yaya Jammeh's (mis)rule; and, in so doing, genuine reconciliation
> could be achieved.
>
> *CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS: Central to democratic theory and politics is the
> question of the supremacy of civil governmental authority over the Armes
> Forces. So, at any rate, the demilitarisation of politics in the Gambia is
> significant. The military must be told/reminded that it is expected to be
> insulated from politics and civil society in general.
>
> There must be recognition on the part of the military that it is accountable
> to the Rule of Law (not to Yaya Jammeh), and must also be obliged to respect
> civilian authority. The Armes Forces should be non-partisan and remain above
> politics at all times. In my view, the Gambian Army needs to be educated to
> understand that it is an institution geared at defending the State against
> external threats.
>
> Therefore, our challenge, which I must say is an onerous one, is to make the
> Military politically neutral. Therfore, any future leader of the Gambia must
> initiate programmes in Civil-Military relations that will address ways in
> which the right balance can be achieved/struck so that freely elected
> civilians can regain control of their country.
>
> Such a Gambian leader will also have to initiate programmes to educate the
> public on the activities of the Army so as to dymystify their (army's) role
> in society and mitigate the fear and feeling of mistrust and hostility by
> civilians. The Gambian army, in a post Jammeh era, will have to be reformed
> and given a new mission. The reforms, of course, must include the
> restructuring, downsizing and streamlining all the forces.
>
> The new-look Gambian Army must be trained - through seminars, workshops and
> specialised courses - to maintain professionalism and positive neutrality in
> national politics. And, needless to say, the new-look army must also be an
> ethnically-diverse armed forces.
>
> In a post Jammeh era, in my view, the creation of healthy civil-military
> relations becomes imperative, because stable and healthy civil-military
> relations are not only necesary to sustain democratic governance, but they
> are also necesary for economic development.
>
>                 IMMEDIATE TASK
>
> But our immediate task right now, is to continue the struggle for greater
> opening up of the political space in the Gambia. The extent to which genuine
> democracy will be restored back in the Gambia is dependent, to a large
> extent, on the efficacy of the Gambian Civil Society.
>
> So, in other words, the continuation of an effective civil society in the
> Gambia is paramount. Mr Jammeh must be taught to understand that governance
> is actually a partnership between the government and civil society. For
> democracy to function properly anywhere in this world, the forging of a
> partnership between government and civil society is required; and Mr Jammeh
> must be taught that fact.
>
> Meanwhile, it needs to be underscored that in the final analysis, it is only
> us (Gambians) who can succeed in uprooting Yaya Jammeh's despotic regime.
> External influences would be most welcomed, but Mr Jammeh's removal from
> office, primarily, must be brought about by Gambians themselves.
>
> And yes, the task of bringing about a credible democratic change is not
> going to be an easy one, but it can surely be accomplished with proper
> tactics and strategies of strengthening our organisational capacity and
> mobilisation.
>
> In a post Yaya Jammeh era, we must put in place, a liberal democratic system
> in which there are not only regular free, fair and competitive multi party
> elections, but also an effective rule of law to protect individual freedoms
> of belief, opinion, speech, publication, assembly, petitions and so on.
>
> Another point to note is that democratization and development are actually
> mutually supportive. They go hand in hand. In fact, there are growing doubts
> nowadays as to whether democratic structures can survive amid prolonged
> economic suffering, severe inequality and rampant crime.
>
> So, the issue of combating poverty must be addressed simultaneously if we
> really want to consolidate democracy in the Gambia. We MUST address the
> poverty gripping our country. For instance, in Africa, the countries with
> highest long term growth rates have been Botswana and Mauritius, which also
> have the longest record of democratic rule on the Continent.
>
> Africa's worst performer - in economic terms during the 1990s - Kenya,
> Nigeria, Zaire - are cases, if you will, of not failed democratisation, but
> failed authoritarian rule.
>
> And by the way, with all his (Jammeh's) bluff, the reality on the ground is
> that the Gambia is still ranked among the least developed countries in the
> world, with a meagre GNP per capita income of US$350 dollars. The ratio of
> the population living under the poverty line is 64 per cent, while 40 per
> cent live under the food poverty line. About 20 per cent of the population
> is in fact categorized as extremely poor.
>
> So, in terms of Human Development Index, the Gambia is ranked among the
> poorest countries in the world. Malnutrition, needless to say, is
> widespread!! And in both the rural and urban areas, about half of households
> and 50 per cent of the entire population fall below the overall poverty
> norms.
>
> Life expectancy at birth is 55 years, but 34 per cent is likely to die
> before reaching 40 years. The illiteracy rate remains high, at 61 per cent
> as against the African average of 44 per cent.
>
> And a large number of the population also lacks access to health services,
> while 50 per cent of the entire population lack access to safe drinking
> water. In fact, 56 per cent of births are still not attended by trained
> personnel; and 12 per cent of the children under 5 years are reported to be
> malnourished.
>
> The fertility rate, as we all know, is quite high, 6 births per woman; and
> this is even higher for rural women, 7 births per woman, than for urban
> ones. Infant mortality is 92 deaths per 1000, while under 5 years mortality
> is 180 per 1000 children. Maternal mortality is 1,050 per cent 100,000.
>
> So, in conclusion, I have to argue that our challenges, as Gambians, are
> both political/democratic and economic in nature. Meanwhile, I wish you a
> very successful deliberations.
>
> Ebrima Ceesay
> Birmingham, UK.
> ________________________________________________________________________
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