The Panos Institute West Africa (PIWA)
and the African Institute of Political Geography (AFRIPOG)
are organising from 20 to 22 November 2002 in Banjul (The Gambia) a
conference on:
The Media and Conflict Management in West Africa


MEDIA, CONFLICTS AND TRANSFORMATIONS

West Africa's media landscape has undergone considerable expansion over the
past ten to fifteen years. In the late 1980s and early 90s, the blossoming
of private or 'independent' newspapers was aimed at a rather narrow, urban,
literate and politicised readership. Afterwards, commercial as well as
community radios became freely accessible to a much larger public,
especially as they broadcast in national languages. Abounding with sex
stories and gossip, a new generation of 'irreverent' or 'gutter' newspapers
(depending on one's viewpoint) is now cutting the sales prices of the print
media here and there while claiming to respond to popular demands.

Rapid increase in the number of editorial offices has had one corollary: the
arrival on the labour market of a generation of unskilled journalists who
neither master the basics of the profession nor bother about its ethical
requirements.

At the same time, new forms of armed conflict have also emerged. Violence
and security were largely privatised in recent years. The states' alleged
monopoly on legitimate violence has collapsed to be replaced by flexible
alliances between an unprecedented variety of warring factions, militia and
mercenaries. The terror to which unarmed people are subjected, and which up
to recently remained unavowable, has become increasingly systematic and
tactically publicized. The reality of contemporary conflicts is now more
dynamic than ever. Their political, economic and ideological dimensions
overlap and recombine rapidly, according to both intra-state and
cross-border circumstances, hereby renewing a ceaseless mix-up of analytic
frameworks.

Warfare has changed and so did the media, but one thing never changes:
information is always a stake and a casualty in any armed conflict. From the
Balkans to the Congo and the new US-led 'Crusade against terrorism',
propaganda and counter propaganda, censorship and self-censorship are
universal features. Case studies in 'Media and Conflict' were few in West
Africa up to the end of the 80s but have developed since then. They have
often aimed to understand the extent to which biased reporting, a frequent
accusation, had to be attributed to deliberate editorial lines or more to an
inability to gather, verify and release information properly.

Journalists are neither above nor below their societies. Their partisan or
reconciliatory leanings cannot be mechanically deduced from a level of
professional competence. They rather and more significantly reflect varying
levels of probity - a journalistic virtue consisting in a double
faithfulness, both to one's professional duty to uphold the truth and, as
simple human beings, to one's moral conscience.

Experience shows that probity is not only a vulnerable virtue, but also
proves particularly unrewarding in situations of open conflict. Editorial
offices that refrain from stoking up passions appear suspect. They leave
themselves open to a wide spectrum of accusations, ranging from
spinelessness to treason, as well as to an equally large range of
disparaging manoeuvres, intimidations or even physical attacks. In all
cases, they must be prepared to lose readership or audience. Those who
refuse to publish non-verified information will find it on the headlines of
their competitors whose professional reflexes may be dormant or paralysed. A
few discordant voices will never suffice to stem the tide of prejudice,
half-truths and outright lies.

Interestingly enough, numerous civil and military analysts are now of the
opinion that the conflicts of recent years were, if not completely
avoidable, at least foreseeable. Had they been addressed in time, they could
have been limited to less dramatic proportions and political solutions could
have been found earlier. Shortcomings on the part of the intelligence
services, on the one hand, and inappropriate politico-military decisions, on
the other, cannot of course be blamed on the media. However, deficiencies in
analysis have, all too often, prevented the media from fulfilling its role
as a mediator.


THE PUBLIC SPACE: A UTOPIA

These few observations bring to mind a utopia, one ideal situation in which
well informed societies discuss the issues that concern them, resolve their
differences through negotiation and thereby reach legitimate, mutually
acceptable settlements. This then is what corresponds to a 'public space',
defined by Habermas as a place independent of control by either the state or
the business sector or any combination of the two. In theory, the media form
an essential, although not the sole, component of it.

A public space does imply that a real pluralism of information conveys the
diversity of issues, concerns and currents of opinion which can help form,
as a result of open discussion and debate, a genuinely public opinion. With
regard to the many changes currently taking place in West Africa,
information pluralism should not be confused with the numbers of media
groups that divide the same share of the market, confine themselves to
covering the same type of issues in the same manner, and strive to comply to
the real or alleged expectations of the same segment of the public.

West African societies are indeed undergoing a wide range of political,
economic, social, demographic and cultural transformations. The many
challenges facing nation-building and nation-state projects tend to
exacerbate the decomposition and recomposition of popular political
identities. A sporadic brand of patriotism finds expression during major
football tournaments. It may expand into affirmations of a broader
Pan-African identity when, for example, Malian or Burkinabè televiewers
convert a Senegalese win into an African victory or when warring parties in
Burundi, notwithstanding the distance, greet the news with a truce .

At the same time, many heterogeneous identities - regional, ethnic,
religious, and even racial at the juncture of the Sahel and the Sahara -
which up to recently were wrongly considered to belong to a bygone era, are
asserting or reasserting themselves.

The one-party model that supposedly guaranteed socio-economic development
and stability in a multi-ethnic context has vanished. Nevertheless, the new
political institutions, including those considered democratic, have
difficulty in reflecting social diversity and plurality of interests,
opinions and beliefs. The parties' economic programmes differ only in slight
variations on liberal orthodoxy, a theme most of them espouse, while gaps in
income, access to public service, spending levels and lifestyles continue to
widen.

In the absence of a minimum level of equity, no society is ever possible and
nor, of course, is a public space. Instead a hotbed of potential conflict
develops. Can the media contribute to defuse this? On what conditions?


IMAGINING A RESOURCE CENTRE

The Banjul Conference is part of a consultation process on the idea, still
at an embryonic phase, of a West African Resource and Monitoring Centre on
Information relating to Conflicts. The idea was first put forward by the
Panos Institute, who initially envisaged a sort of observatory on the media
coverage of conflicts. This would have taken the form of a self-regulatory
body, run by journalists of the sub-region. The latter would have organised
the centre along the lines of an ethics committee, with external experts
providing extra analytical insights.

A think tank comprising about ten persons met in Dakar in January 2002 to
discuss this idea. The group included journalists, academics and
representatives of institutions active in the area of conflict management.
On this occasion, the initial idea evolved in a quite different direction to
focus not so much on conflicts but, more pro-actively, on the formation of
public spaces where well informed citizens can settle their disputes
peacefully and work out a vision for their common future. How can the West
African media contribute to the emergence of such spaces? What resources
should they have, ideally, at their disposal? And how can the necessary
resources be provided to them in a political context to a greater or lesser
extent militarised?

As the consultation process goes on, three basic liberties need to be
underscored. Firstly, there is no question of endorsing a preconceived
structure, but of devising potential responses to real problems. Secondly,
the institutional framework cannot be laid down in advance. Maximum
effectiveness will be the only valid criteria for determining whether a
resource centre ought to be a project housed in an existing institution (not
necessarily Panos), an autonomous structure, a network of partners or an
entirely different format altogether. Finally, and above all, the
consultation process can continue over the next two years, until the end of
2004. This should ensure sufficient time to refine (or refuse) the idea of a
resource centre, identify the resources required, evaluate their
availability and think out efficient working methods.

The Banjul Conference will constitute one stage in the current consultation
process. It will, more specifically, document and develop further the key
issues that were raised in Dakar.

First, is the training of journalists. The proliferation of private schools,
unhampered by any sort of quality control, does not suffice to remedy, even
in quantitative terms, the deficiencies of university education.
Furthermore, the curricula of both would appear to be dictated by the same
market logic with the teaching modules varying in accordance with available
funds and the recommendations of hurried consultants, who frequently lack,
themselves, the necessary qualifications. The poor or low level of formal
training of steadily increasing numbers of journalists is not compensated
either by on-the-job training methods, as the great majority of editorial
offices are not sufficiently organised to arrange for one generation to pass
its skills onto the next, i.e. from experienced to novice journalists. If
knowledge and savoir-faire are considered crucial resources, then what
reforms should be made to the training of journalists, by whom, and
according to what criteria of expertise?

Media education is another key issue. Choice is a critical element in market
economies such as ours, where each individual can select his/her sources of
information from among those available. Media consumers do exert positive or
negative sanctions on news organizations and the distribution of advertising
income further amplifies these sanctions. However, this is not in itself
enough to guarantee either pluralism or quality of information insofar as
people usually chose a media source to support their own opinions and
possibly even their prejudices. This last observation, of universal
applicability, is exacerbated in West Africa by a widespread ignorance of
the workings of the media, its role and its social responsibility. A
credulous readership or audience ("the media said so, it must be true")
encourages all types of abuse. By developing a critical capacity among media
consumers, the intention would not only be to enable them to better master
their sources of information but also to make them more demanding. Different
experiences involving media education in schools could be made systematic.
What other formats, e.g. for radio programmes, could be envisaged?

A third issue could be the right to information. Media or press laws, which
are more or less restrictive depending on the country, frequently mask the
right of the public to comprehensive, accurate and fair information. Media
laws tend to be the fig leaf that enables state agencies, the military and
even private sector institutions to withhold or conceal so-called sensitive
information. Many editorial offices also fail in this regard when, as a
result of their inability to acknowledge the significance of this type of
information, they self-censor it unnecessarily or treat it in an
irresponsible manner. Now so-called sensitive information is always a sign
that something particularly important is at stake that could pose a risk to
security or the very existence or future of a society. How should the
public's right to know about such crucial issues be reasserted or rethought?

The Banjul Conference will be organised in thematic sessions around these
few priority lines. At the end of the conference, a special session will
look into a number of possible options for a resource centre. Three
schematic options could be as follows:

o a working group on training in journalism. If the Banjul conference
endorses the priority accorded to training by the Dakar meeting, the setting
up of a pluri-disciplinary team could be envisaged. It would, on the one
hand, specify and document the deficiencies of the present system and, on
the other, outline some possible reforms. This study group, which would be
of limited duration, could be housed and funded by an existing institution.
It could also take the form of a project jointly run by a number of
institutions that would agree to co-ordinate their lobbying activities in
the follow-up phase.

o a network of partners who would bring together their different skills to
carry out a variety of activities. Whichever emphasis is laid on journalism
training, partners could also undertake the production of pedagogic
resources for the general public (media education modules), documentary
resources for the media itself (dossiers documentaires, analysis, etc.), or
the monitoring of media productions in situations of conflict or
post-conflict. The setting up of a network would enable the many but
currently scattered experiences to be shared, so as to enhance, with a
minimum level of coordination, their overall coherence and efficiency.

o an independent observatory of conflict reporting and conflict management,
with a focus on diversity issues and information pluralism. With the support
of local relays, the observatory could take over some of the above
activities but its main role would be to carry out an ongoing critical
assessment of media output. This assessment, made public by partner news
organizations, would allow the observatory to act as a sort of 'quality
control' mechanism. It could even develop into a sort of ombudsman available
to look into complaints from individuals or groups who consider, for
instance, that their right to information has been violated. Further down
the road, the observatory could aim to influence the allocation of financial
resources, advertising revenue or public aid to the press in favour of the
editorial offices who respect the highest standards.


CALL FOR PROPOSALS

Abstracts for the presentation of papers are hereby invited from
journalists, social science researchers, and all others interested by the
theme of the Banjul conference. Papers could consist of case studies,
theoretical or methodological approaches, testimonies of real situations or
a summary of experiences. Comparative approaches, including those containing
comparisons with situations outside of West Africa, are welcome.

The type of contribution we are expecting to receive will focus primarily on
the questions outlined below. The conference secretariat will also welcome
abstracts on other aspects of the relationship between the media and
conflict management, which cannot be accommodated within this call for
proposals.

Is it retrospectively possible to measure the impact of the media on the
conflicts of the last decade? Which conflicts could have been avoided? What
sort of information, and what manners of presentation or the absence of
information had what sort of effect? What lessons can be learnt?

Journalists are not the only suppliers of information: by what channels
other than the press does information circulate in West Africa? What do we
know about the production, dissemination and interpretation of information
in the sub-region? What is its 'real geography'? Does information on
conflicts vary according to the communication channel? Do we know in which
way(s)?

How is journalism taught in West Africa today? What were the main trends in
training over the past decades? How do the many private schools contribute
or not as the case may be? What is the sociological profile of the
announcers, journalists and other media professionals who lack specific
training?

Are there available assessments of the multiplication of community radio
stations? What actually makes their 'community' dimension? What role do
their sponsors play in identifying real or imaginary 'target' communities?
What do we know of their effectiveness in times of conflict or post
conflict? Under what circumstances do they contribute towards opening their
listeners up to other communities or fail to do so?

Do national language radio stations reflect the linguistic diversity of West
Africa? Does the information vary according to the language used? In what
ways? And with what impacts on conflicts and their management?

How does the media cover the regional dimension of conflicts? How does the
famous 'law of proximity' (according to which the closer an event is to the
readership/audience, the more importance it has) affect the newsworthiness
of regional dynamics? How does this orient the coverage of conflicts and how
they are understood?

What do we know of the media in diaspora in refugee camps or other types of
exile? What are their editorial lines, their funding sources, their impact
on the 'homeland' situation?

What do we know about the impact of the international media on conflicts
both as a direct source of information for the public and an indirect one
for West African journalists?

What did the recent multiplication of self-regulatory bodies and charters of
ethics actually change? What are their limitations particularly in times of
conflict or in a pre-conflict situation?

Have experiences in media education in schools been evaluated? What other
experiences have been tried and with what results?

How do journalists and press bosses assess the expectations of their
audience? How do they then take these into account? What are the economic
stakes? What is at stake when it comes to public trust and credibility?

How does the media process information produced by researchers? How does it
process information produced by non governmental or inter governmental
organisations involved in conflict prevention?

How can information become fully acknowledged as public good? The media is
used to assert itself as the voice of the voiceless: as of now, who has
access to news organizations to express their views? To say what? And who is
or does remain excluded?

All paper abstracts should reach the conference secretariat no later than 7
September 2002. A provisional conference programme will be circulated before
20 September 2002. Those whose abstracts are selected will ensure their full
papers are delivered no later than 30 October 2002.

The organizers will cover all expenses related to travel and accommodation
of thirty to forty participants.

Selected papers will be published as an edited volume in 2003.

CONTACTS

Abstracts should be addressed to:

Michel Ben Arrous: [log in to unmask]
Afripog, BP 21.141 Dakar-Ponty (Senegal)

Théophile Vittin: [log in to unmask]
The Panos Institute West Africa, 6 rue Calmette, Dakar (Senegal)



With the very best of good wishes,
Musa Amadu Pembo
Glasgow,
Scotland
UK.
[log in to unmask]
Da’wah is to convey the message with wisdom and with good words. We should
give the noble and positive message of Islam. We should try to emphasize
more commonalities and explain the difference without getting into
theological arguments and without claiming the superiority of one position
over the other. There is a great interest among the people to know about
Islam and we should do our best to give the right message.
May Allah,Subhana Wa Ta'Ala,guide us all to His Sirat Al-Mustaqim (Righteous
Path).May He protect us from the evils of this life and the hereafter.May
Allah,Subhana Wa Ta'Ala,grant us entrance to paradise .
We ask Allaah the Most High, the All-Powerful, to teach us that which will
benefit us, and to benefit us by that which we learn. May Allaah Subhanahu
Wa Ta'ala grant blessings and peace to our Prophet Muhammad and his family
and
companions..Amen.




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