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The Gambia and related-issues mailing list <[log in to unmask]>
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Tue, 1 Aug 2006 10:18:54 EDT
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Brother Abdu,
 
I agree that a two state formula would work but the Isrealis and their  
allies pay lip service to it but they have no intention of doing that. These  wars 
of aggression are about much more sinister motives and the World will soon  
enough wake up to this reality.
 
Rgds,
Jabou Joh
 
In a message dated 8/1/2006 7:21:43 A.M. Central Daylight Time,  
[log in to unmask] writes:

Hello  Sister Jabou
Thanks for the web link. What is happening in middle  east is madness of the 
highest order. The media is not given an accurate  picture of the folding 
events and that does not surprise me. Noam Chomsky have  alway mentained that the 
political economy of the mass media-manufacturing its  own conscience. I 
believe in the only way for peace in the religion is two  state formula.

[log in to unmask] wrote:
Just to be a little  clearer/fairer about the situation in the Middle 
East....

Begin  forwarded message:


_http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=2928_  
(http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=2928) 

Media Advisory
Down  the Memory Hole
Israeli contribution to conflict is forgotten by leading  papers
7/28/06

In the wake of the most serious outbreak of  Israeli/Arab violence 
in years, three leading U.S. papers—the Washington  Post, New York 
Times and Los Angeles Times—have each strongly  editorialized that 
Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon were solely  responsible for 
sparking violence, and that the Israeli military response  was 
predictable and unavoidable. These editorials ignored recent events  
that indicate a much more complicated situation.

Beginning with the  Israeli attack on Gaza, a New York Times 
editorial (6/29/06) headlined  "Hamas Provokes a Fight" declared 
that "the responsibility for this latest  escalation rests squarely 
with Hamas," and that "an Israeli military  response was 
inevitable." The paper (7/15/06) was similarly sure in its  
assignment of blame after the fighting spread to Lebanon: "It is  
important to be clear about not only who is responsible for the 
latest  outbreak, but who stands to gain most from its continued 
escalation. Both  questions have the same answer: Hamas and Hezbollah."

The Washington  Post (7/14/06) agreed, writing that "Hezbollah and 
its backers have  instigated the current fighting and should be held 
responsible for the  consequences." The L.A. Times (7/14/06) 
likewise wrote that "in both cases  Israel was provoked." Three days 
and scores of civilian deaths later, the  Times (7/17/06) was even 
more direct: "Make no mistake about it:  Responsibility for the 
escalating carnage in Lebanon and northern Israel  lies with one 
side...and that is Hezbollah."

As FAIR noted in a  recent Action Alert (7/19/06), the portrayal of 
Israel as the innocent  victim in the Gaza conflict is hard to 
square with the death toll in the  months leading up to the current 
crisis; between September 2005 and June  2006, 144 Palestinians in 
Gaza were killed by Israeli forces, according to  a list compiled by 
the Israeli human rights group B'tselem; 29 of those  killed were 
children. During the same period, no Israelis were killed as a  
result of violence from Gaza.

In a July 21 CounterPunch column,  Alexander Cockburn highlighted 
some of the violent incidents that have  dropped out of the media’s 
collective memory:


Let's go on a  brief excursion into pre-history. I’m talking about 
June 20, 2006, when  Israeli aircraft fired at least one missile at 
a car in an attempted  extrajudicial assassination attempt on a road 
between Jabalya and Gaza  City. The missile missed the car. Instead 
it killed three Palestinian  children and wounded 15.

Back we go again to June 13, 2006. Israeli  aircraft fired missiles 
at a van in another attempted extrajudicial  assassination. The 
successive barrages killed nine innocent  Palestinians.

Now we're really in the dark ages, reaching far, far back  to June 
9, 2006, when Israel shelled a beach in Beit Lahiya killing eight  
civilians and injuring 32.

That's just a brief trip down Memory  Lane, and we trip over the 
bodies of twenty dead and forty-seven wounded,  all of them 
Palestinians, most of them women and children.

On July  24, the day before Hamas' cross-border raid, Israel made an 
incursion of  its own, capturing two Palestinians that it said were 
members of Hamas  (something Hamas denied—L.A. Times, 7/25/06). This 
incident received far  less coverage in U.S. media than the 
subsequent seizure of the Israeli  soldier; the few papers that 
covered it mostly dismissed it in a  one-paragraph brief (e.g., 
Chicago Tribune, 7/25/06), while the Israeli  taken prisoner got 
front-page headlines all over the world. It's likely  that most 
Gazans don’t share U.S. news outlets' apparent sense that  captured 
Israelis are far more interesting or important than captured  
Palestinians.

The situation in Lebanon is also more complicated  than its 
portrayal in U.S. media, with the roots of the current crisis  
extending well before the July 12 capture of two Israeli soldiers 
by  Hezbollah. A major incident fueling the latest cycle of violence 
was a May  26, 2006 car bombing in Sidon, Lebanon, that killed a 
senior official of  Islamic Jihad, a Palestinian group allied with 
Hezbollah. Lebanon later  arrested a suspect, Mahmoud Rafeh, whom 
Lebanese authorities claimed had  confessed to carrying out the 
assassination on behalf of Mossad (London  Times, 6/17/06).

Israel denied involvement with the bombing, but even  some Israelis 
are skeptical. "If it turns out this operation was  effectively 
carried out by Mossad or another Israeli secret service,"  wrote 
Yediot Aharonot, Israel’s top-selling daily (6/16/06; cited in  AFP, 
6/16/06), "an outsider from the intelligence world should be  
appointed to know whether it was worth it and whether it lays 
groups  open to risk."

In Lebanon, Israel's culpability was taken as a given.  "The 
Israelis, in hitting Islamic Jihad, knew they would get Hezbollah  
involved too," Amal Saad-Ghorayeb, a professor at Beirut’s Lebanese  
American University, told the New York Times (5/29/06). "The 
Israelis  had to be aware that if they assassinated this guy they 
would get a  response."

And, indeed, on May 28, Lebanese militants in  Hezbollah-controlled 
territory fired Katyusha rockets at a military  vehicle and a 
military base inside Israel. Israel responded with  airstrikes 
against Palestinian camps deep inside Lebanon, which in turn  were 
met by Hezbollah rocket and mortar attacks on more Israeli military  
bases, which prompted further Israeli airstrikes and "a steady  
artillery barrage at suspected Hezbollah positions" (New York 
Times,  5/29/06). Gen. Udi Adam, the commander of Israel’s northern 
forces,  boasted that "our response was the harshest and most severe 
since the  withdrawal" of Israeli troops from Lebanon in 2000 
(Chicago Tribune,  5/29/06).

This intense fighting was the prelude to the all-out warfare  that 
began on July 12, portrayed in U.S. media as beginning with an  
attack out of the blue by Hezbollah. While Hezbollah's capture of 
two  Israeli soldiers may have reignited the smoldering conflict, 
the Israeli  air campaign that followed was not a spontaneous 
reaction to aggression  but a well-planned operation that was years 
in the making.

"Of all  of Israel’s wars since 1948, this was the one for which 
Israel was most  prepared," Gerald Steinberg, a political science 
professor at Israel's  Bar-Ilan University, told the San Francisco 
Chronicle (7/21/05). "By 2004,  the military campaign scheduled to 
last about three weeks that we’re  seeing now had already been 
blocked out and, in the last year or two,  it’s been simulated and 
rehearsed across the board." The Chronicle  reported that a "senior 
Israeli army officer" has been giving PowerPoint  presentations for 
more than a year to "U.S. and other diplomats,  journalists and 
think tanks" outlining the coming war with Lebanon,  explaining that 
a combination of air and ground forces would target  Hezbollah and 
"transportation and communication arteries."

Which  raises a question: If journalists have been told by Israel 
for more than a  year that a war was coming, why are they pretending 
that it all started on  July 12? By truncating the cause-and-effect 
timelines of both the Gaza and  Lebanon conflicts, editorial boards 
at major U.S. dailies gravely  oversimplify the decidedly more 
complex nature of the facts on the  ground.

Norman Solomon on Mideast War, Jamal Dajani on Mosaic/LINK TV  
(7/28/06-8/3/06)

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