Thanks Saiks. Glad you like them. I came across a site some years ago
with the writings of Nkrumah, Cabral, Lumumba, Nyerere and other great
African thinkers and leaders from Africa and the Diaspora. I copied the
writings and saved them on a disc. I'll time permitting, send one a
day. Have a good evening.
Buharry.
----Original Message----
From: [log in to unmask]
Date: 2011-10-26 11:14
To: <[log in to unmask]>
Subj: Re: [G_L] [>-<] FWD: Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of
imperialism by Kwame Nkrumah
Mr Gasssama,
"......Lurking behind such questions are the extended tentacles of the
Wall
Street octopus. And its suction cups and muscular strength are
provided
by a phenomenon dubbed ?The Invisible Government?, arising from Wall
Street?s connection with the Pentagon and various intelligence
services...."
Having in mind with what is happening right now in the US,who will
tell this to an American,they know better.Thanks for sharing,we have
such great giants thinkers in our history and they are many,Sekou
Touray,Gabral,Fanon,Biko and many more,discovering them and puting
their ideas in the right perspective,one will learn a lot from them.
Keep them coming.
For Freedom
Saiks
> Date: Tue, 25 Oct 2011 20:59:21 +0200
> From: [log in to unmask]
> To: [log in to unmask]; [log in to unmask]
> Subject: [>-<] FWD: Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of imperialism
by Kwame Nkrumah
>
> [ This e-mail is posted to Gambia|Post e-Gathering by "M. Gassama"
<[log in to unmask]> ]
>
>
> Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of imperialism Kwame Nkrumah 1965
>
> The mechanisms of neo-colonialism
> IN order to halt foreign interference in the affairs of developing
> countries it is necessary to study, understand, expose and
actively
> combat neo-colonialism in whatever guise it may appear. For the
methods
> of neo-colonialists are subtle and varied. They operate not only in
the
> economic field, but also in the political, religious, ideological
and
> cultural spheres.
>
> Faced with the militant peoples of the ex-colonial territories in
> Asia, Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America, imperialism simply
> switches tactics. Without a qualm it dispenses with its flags, and
even
> with certain of its more hated expatriate officials. This means, so
it
> claims, that it is ?giving? independence to its former subjects, to
be
> followed by ?aid? for their development. Under cover of such
phrases,
> however, it devises innumerable ways to accomplish objectives
formerly
> achieved by naked colonialism. It is this sum total of these
modern
> attempts to perpetuate colonialism while at the same time talking
about
> ?freedom?, which has come to be known as neo-colonialism.
>
> Foremost among the neo-colonialists is the United States, which
has
> long exercised its power in Latin America. Fumblingly at first she
> turned towards Europe, and then with more certainty after world war
two
> when most countries of that continent were indebted to her. Since
then,
> with methodical thoroughness and touching attention to detail, the
> Pentagon set about consolidating its ascendancy, evidence of which
can
> be seen all around the world.
>
> Who really rules in such places as Great Britain, West Germany,
Japan,
> Spain, Portugal or Italy? If General de Gaulle is ?defecting? from U.
S.
> monopoly control, what interpretation can be placed on his
> ?experiments? in the Sahara desert, his paratroopers in Gabon, or
his
> trips to Cambodia and Latin America?
>
> Lurking behind such questions are the extended tentacles of the
Wall
> Street octopus. And its suction cups and muscular strength are
provided
> by a phenomenon dubbed ?The Invisible Government?, arising from
Wall
> Street?s connection with the Pentagon and various intelligence
> services. I quote:
>
> ?The Invisible Government ... is a loose amorphous grouping of
> individuals and agencies drawn from many parts of the visible
> government. It is not limited to the Central Intelligence Agency,
> although the CIA is at its heart. Nor is it confined to the nine
other
> agencies which comprise what is known as the intelligence
community:
> the National Security Council, the Defense Intelligence Agency,
the
> National Security Agency, Army Intelligence, Navy Intelligence and
> Research, the Atomic Energy Commission and the Federal Bureau of
> Investigation.
>
> ?The Invisible Government includes also many other units and
agencies,
> as well as individuals, that appear outwardly to be a normal part
of
> the conventional government. It even encompasses business firms
and
> institutions that are seemingly private.
>
> ?To an extent that is only beginning to be perceived, this shadow
> government is shaping the lives of 190,000,000 Americans. An
informed
> citizen might come to suspect that the foreign policy of the
United
> States often works publicly in one direction and secretly through
the
> Invisible Government in just the opposite direction.
>
> ?This Invisible Government is a relatively new institution. It
came
> into being as a result of two related factors: the rise of the
United
> States after World War II to a position of pre-eminent world power,
and
> the challenge to that power by Soviet Communism...
>
> ?By 1964 the intelligence network had grown into a massive hidden
> apparatus, secretly employing about 200,000 persons and spending
> billions of dollars a year. [The Invisible Government, David Wise
and
> Thomas B. Ross, Random House, New York, 1964.]
>
> Here, from the very citadel of neo-colonialism, is a description
of
> the apparatus which now directs all other Western intelligence set-
ups
> either by persuasion or by force. Results were achieved in Algeria
> during the April 1961 plot of anti-de Gaulle generals; as also in
> Guatemala, Iraq, Iran, Suez and the famous U-2 spy intrusion of
Soviet
> air space which wrecked the approaching Summit, then in West
Germany
> and again in East Germany in the riots of 1953, in Hungary?s
abortive
> crisis of 1959, Poland?s of September 1956, and in Korea, Burma,
> Formosa, Laos, Cambodia and South Vietnam; they are evident in the
> trouble in Congo (Leopoldville) which began with Lumumba?s murder,
and
> continues till now; in events in Cuba, Turkey, Cyprus, Greece, and
in
> other places too numerous to catalogue completely.
>
> And with what aim have these innumerable incidents occurred? The
> general objective has been mentioned: to achieve colonialism in
fact
> while preaching independence.
>
> On the economic front, a strong factor favouring Western
monopolies
> and acting against the developing world is inter-national capital?
s
> control of the world market, as well as of the prices of
commodities
> bought and sold there. From 1951 to 1961, without taking oil into
> consideration, the general level of prices for primary products fell
by
> 33.l per cent, while prices of manufactured goods rose 3.5 per
cent
> (within which, machinery and equipment prices rose 31.3 per cent).
In
> that same decade this caused a loss to the Asian, African and
Latin
> American countries, using 1951 prices as a basis, of some $41,400
> million. In the same period, while the volume of exports from
these
> countries rose, their earnings in foreign exchange from such
exports
> decreased.
>
> Another technique of neo-colonialism is the use of high rates of
> interest. Figures from the World Bank for 1962 showed that seventy-
one
> Asian, African and Latin American countries owed foreign debts of
some
> $27,000 million, on which they paid in interest and service
charges
> some $5,000 million. Since then, such foreign debts have been
estimated
> as more than £30,000 million in these areas. In 1961, the interest
> rates on almost three-quarters of the loans offered by the major
> imperialist powers amounted to more than five per cent, in some
cases
> up to seven or eight per cent, while the call-in periods of such
loans
> have been burdensomely short.
>
> While capital worth $30,000 million was exported to some fifty-six
> developing countries between 1956 and 1962, ?it is estimated that
> interest and profit alone extracted on this sum from the debtor
> countries amounted to more than £15,000 million. This method of
> penetration by economic aid recently soared into prominence when a
> number of countries began rejecting it. Ceylon, Indonesia and
Cambodia
> are among those who turned it down. Such ?aid? is estimated on the
> annual average to have amounted to $2,600 million between 1951 and
> 1955; $4,007 million between 1956 and 1959, and $6,000 million
between
> 1960 and 1962. But the average sums taken out of the aided countries
by
> such donors in a sample year, 1961, are estimated to amount to
$5,000
> million in profits, $1,000 million in interest, and $5,800 million
from
> non-equivalent exchange, or a total of $11,800 million extracted
> against $6,000 million put in. Thus, ?aid? turns out to be another
> means of exploitation, a modern method of capital export under a
more
> cosmetic name.
>
> Still another neo-colonialist trap on the economic front has come
to
> be known as ?multilateral aid? through international organisations:
the
> International Monetary Fund, the Inter-national Bank for
Reconstruction
> and Development (known as the World Bank), the International
Finance
> Corporation and the International Development Association are
examples,
> all, significantly, having U.S. capital as their major backing.
These
> agencies have the habit of forcing would-be borrowers to submit to
> various offensive conditions, such as supplying information about
their
> economies, submitting their policy and plans to review by the
World
> Bank and accepting agency supervision of their use of loans. As for
the
> alleged development, between 1960 and mid-1963 the International
> Development Association promised a total of $500 million to
applicants,
> out of which only $70 million were actually received.
>
> In more recent years, as pointed out by Monitor in The Times, 1
July
> 1965, there has been a substantial increase in communist technical
and
> economic aid activities in developing countries. During 1964 the
total
> amount of assistance offered was approximately £600 million. This
was
> almost a third of the total communist aid given during the
previous
> decade. The Middle East received about 40 per cent of the total,
Asia
> 36 per cent, Africa 22 per cent and Latin America the rest.
>
> Increased Chinese activity was responsible to some extent for the
> larger amount of aid offered in 1964, though China contributed only
a
> quarter of the total aid committed; the Soviet Union provided a
half,
> and the East European countries a quarter.
>
> Although aid from socialist countries still falls far short of
that
> offered from the west, it is often more impressive, since it is
swift
> and flexible, and interest rates on communist loans are only about
two
> per cent compared with five to six per cent charged on loans from
> western countries.
>
> Nor is the whole story of ?aid? contained in figures, for there
are
> conditions which hedge it around: the conclusion of commerce and
> navigation treaties; agreements for economic co-operation; the right
to
> meddle in internal finances, including currency and foreign
exchange,
> to lower trade barriers in favour of the donor country?s goods and
> capital; to protect the interests of private investments;
determination
> of how the funds are to be used; forcing the recipient to set up
> counterpart funds; to supply raw materials to the donor; and use
of
> such funds a majority of it, in fact to buy goods from the donor
> nation. These conditions apply to industry, commerce, agriculture,
> shipping and insurance, apart from others which are political and
> military.
>
> So-called ?invisible trade? furnishes the Western monopolies with
yet
> another means of economic penetration. Over 90 per cent of world
ocean
> shipping is controlled by me imperialist countries. They control
> shipping rates and, between 1951 and 1961, they increased them
some
> five times in a total rise of about 60 per cent, the upward trend
> continuing. Thus, net annual freight expenses incurred by Asia,
Africa
> and Latin America amount to no less than an estimated $1,600
million.
> This is over and above all other profits and interest payments. As
for
> insurance payments, in 1961 alone these amounted to an
unfavourable
> balance in Asia, Africa and Latin America of some additional $370
> million.
>
> Having waded through all this, however, we have begun to
understand
> only the basic methods of neo-colonialism. The full extent of its
> inventiveness is far from exhausted.
>
> In the labour field, for example, imperialism operates through
labour
> arms like the Social Democratic parties of Europe led by the
British
> Labour Party, and through such instruments as the International
> Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), now apparently being
> superseded by the New York Africa-American Labour Centre (AALC)
under
> AFL-CIO chief George Meany and the well-known CIA man in labour?s
top
> echelons, Irving Brown.
>
> In 1945, out of the euphoria of anti-fascist victory, the World
> Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) had been formed, including all
world
> labour except the U.S. American Federation of Labor (AFL). By
1949,
> however, led by the British Trade Union Congress (TUC), a number of
pro-
> imperialist labour bodies in the West broke away from the WFTU over
the
> issue of anti-colonialist liberation, and set up the ICFTU.
>
> For ten years it continued under British TUC leadership. Its record
in
> Africa, Asia and Latin America could gratify only the big
international
> monopolies which were extracting super-profits from those areas.
>
> In 1959, at Brussels, the United States AFL-CIO union centre
fought
> for and won control of the ICFTU Executive Board. From then on a
flood
> of typewriters, mimeograph machines, cars, supplies, buildings,
> salaries and, so it is still averred, outright bribes for labour
> leaders in various parts of the developing world rapidly linked
ICFTU
> in the minds of the rank and file with the CIA. To such an extent
did
> its prestige suffer under these American bosses that, in 1964, the
AFL-
> CIO brains felt it necessary to establish a fresh outfit. They set
up
> the AALC in New York right across the river from the United
Nations.
>
> ?As a steadfast champion of national independence, democracy and
> social justice?, unblushingly stated the April 1965 Bulletin put out
by
> this Centre, ?the AFL-CIO will strengthen its efforts to assist
the
> advancement of the economic conditions of the African peoples.
Toward
> this end, steps have been taken to expand assistance to the
African
> free trade unions by organising the African-American Labour
Centre.
> Such assistance will help African labour play a vital role in the
> economic and democratic upbuilding of their countries.'
>
> The March issue of this Bulletin, however, gave the game away: ?In
> mobilising capital resources for investment in Workers Education,
> Vocational Training, Co-operatives, Health Clinics and Housing,
the
> Centre will work with both private and public institutions. It
will
> also encourage labour-management co-operation to expand American
> capital investment in the African nations.? The italics are mine.
Could
> anything be plainer?
>
> Following a pattern previously set by the ICFTU, it has already
> started classes: one for drivers and mechanics in Nigeria, one in
> tailoring in Kenya. Labour scholarships are being offered to
Africans
> who want to study trade unionism in of all places-Austria,
ostensibly
> by the Austrian unions. Elsewhere, labour, organised into
political
> parties of which the British Labour Party is a leading and typical
> example, has shown a similar aptitude for encouraging ?Labour-
> management co-operation to expand . . . capital investment in
African
> nations.'
>
> But as the struggle sharpens, even these measures of neo-
colonialism
> are proving too mild. So Africa, Asia and Latin America have begun
to
> experience a round of coups d'etat or would-be coups, together with
a
> series of political assassinations which have destroyed in their
> political primes some of the newly emerging nations best leaders.
To
> ensure success in these endeavours, the imperialists have made
> widespread and wily use of ideological and cultural weapons in the
form
> of intrigues, manoeuvres and slander campaigns.
>
> Some of these methods used by neo-colonialists to slip past our
guard
> must now be examined. The first is retention by the departing
> colonialists of various kinds of privileges which infringe on our
> sovereignty: that of setting up military bases or stationing troops
in
> former colonies and the supplying of ?advisers? of one sort or
another.
> Sometimes a number of ?rights? are demanded: land concessions,
> prospecting rights for minerals and/or oil; the ?right? to collect
> customs, to carry out administration, to issue paper money; to be
> exempt from customs duties and/or taxes for expatriate
enterprises;
> and, above all, the ?right? to provide ?aid?. Also demanded and
granted
> are privileges in the cultural field; that Western information
services
> be exclusive; and that those from socialist countries be excluded.
>
> Even the cinema stories of fabulous Hollywood are loaded. One has
only
> to listen to the cheers of an African audience as Hollywood?s
heroes
> slaughter red Indians or Asiatics to understand the effectiveness
of
> this weapon. For, in the developing continents, where the
colonialist
> heritage has left a vast majority still illiterate, even the
smallest
> child gets the message contained in the blood and thunder stories
> emanating from California. And along with murder and the Wild West
goes
> an incessant barrage of anti-socialist propaganda, in which the
trade
> union man, the revolutionary, or the man of dark skin is generally
cast
> as the villain, while the policeman, the gum-shoe, the Federal agent
?
> in a word, the CIA ? type spy is ever the hero. Here, truly, is
the
> ideological under-belly of those political murders which so often
use
> local people as their instruments.
>
> While Hollywood takes care of fiction, the enormous monopoly
press,
> together with the outflow of slick, clever, expensive magazines,
> attends to what it chooses to call ?news. Within separate
countries,
> one or two news agencies control the news handouts, so that a
deadly
> uniformity is achieved, regardless of the number of separate
newspapers
> or magazines; while internationally, the financial preponderance of
the
> United States is felt more and more through its foreign
correspondents
> and offices abroad, as well as through its influence over inter-
> national capitalist journalism. Under this guise, a flood of anti-
> liberation propaganda emanates from the capital cities of the
West,
> directed against China, Vietnam, Indonesia, Algeria, Ghana and all
> countries which hack out their own independent path to freedom.
> Prejudice is rife. For example, wherever there is armed struggle
> against the forces of reaction, the nationalists are referred to
as
> rebels, terrorists, or frequently ?communist terrorists'!
>
> Perhaps one of the most insidious methods of the neo-colonialists
is
> evangelism. Following the liberation movement there has been a
> veritable riptide of religious sects, the overwhelming majority of
them
> American. Typical of these are Jehovah?s Witnesses who recently
created
> trouble in certain developing countries by busily teaching their
> citizens not to salute the new national flags. ?Religion? was too
thin
> to smother the outcry that arose against this activity, and a
temporary
> lull followed. But the number of evangelists continues to grow.
>
> Yet even evangelism and the cinema are only two twigs on a much
bigger
> tree. Dating from the end of 1961, the U.S. has actively developed
a
> huge ideological plan for invading the so-called Third World,
utilising
> all its facilities from press and radio to Peace Corps.
>
> During 1962 and 1963 a number of international conferences to this
end
> were held in several places, such as Nicosia in Cyprus, San Jose
in
> Costa Rica, and Lagos in Nigeria. Participants included the CIA, the
U.
> S. Information Agency (USIA), the Pentagon, the International
> Development Agency, the Peace Corps and others. Programmes were
drawn
> up which included the systematic use of U.S. citizens abroad in
virtual
> intelligence activities and propaganda work. Methods of recruiting
> political agents and of forcing ?alliances? with the U.S.A. were
worked
> out. At the centre of its programmes lay the demand for an absolute
U.
> S. monopoly in the field of propaganda, as well as for
counteracting
> any independent efforts by developing states in the realm of
> information.
>
> The United States sought, and still seeks, with considerable
success,
> to co-ordinate on the basis of its own strategy the propaganda
> activities of all Western countries. In October 1961, a conference
of
> NATO countries was held in Rome to discuss problems of
psychological
> warfare. It appealed for the organisation of combined ideological
> operations in Afro-Asian countries by all participants.
>
> In May and June 1962 a seminar was convened by the U.S. in Vienna
on
> ideological warfare. It adopted a secret decision to engage in a
> propaganda offensive against the developing countries along lines
laid
> down by the U.S.A. It was agreed that NATO propaganda agencies
would,
> in practice if not in the public eye, keep in close contact with U.
S.
> Embassies in their respective countries.
>
> Among instruments of such Western psychological warfare are
numbered
> the intelligence agencies of Western countries headed by those of
the
> United States ?Invisible Government?. But most significant among
them
> all are Moral Re-Armament QARA), the Peace Corps and the United
States
> Information Agency (USIA).
>
> Moral Re-Armament is an organisation founded in 1938 by the
American,
> Frank Buchman. In the last days before the second world war, it
> advocated the appeasement of Hitler, often extolling Himmler, the
> Gestapo chief. In Africa, MRA incursions began at the end of World
War
> II. Against the big anti-colonial upsurge that followed victory in
> 1945, MRA spent millions advocating collaboration between the
forces
> oppressing the African peoples and those same peoples. It is not
> without significance that Moise Tshombe and Joseph Kasavubu of
Congo
> (Leopoldville) are both MRA supporters. George Seldes, in his book
One
> Thousand Americans, characterised MRA as a fascist organisation
> ?subsidised by . . . Fascists, and with a long record of
collaboration
> with Fascists the world over. . . .? This description is supported
by
> the active participation in MRA of people like General Carpentier,
> former commander of NATO land forces, and General Ho Ying-chin, one
of
> Chiang Kai-shek?s top generals. To cap this, several newspapers,
some
> of them in the Western ;vorld, have claimed that MRA is actually
> subsidised by the CIA.
>
> When MRA?s influence began to fail, some new instrument to cover
the
> ideological arena was desired. It came in the establishment of the
> American Peace Corps in 1961 by President John Kennedy, with
Sargent
> Shriver, Jr., his brother-in-law, in charge. Shriver, a millionaire
who
> made his pile in land speculation in Chicago, was also known as
the
> friend, confidant and co-worker of the former head of the Central
> Intelligence Agency, Allen Dulles. These two had worked together
in
> both the Office of Strategic Services, U.S. war-time intelligence
> agency, and in the CIA.
>
> Shriver?s record makes a mockery of President Kennedy?s alleged
> instruction to Shriver to ?keep the CIA out of the Peace Corps?.
So
> does the fact that, although the Peace Corps is advertised as a
> voluntary organisation, all its members are carefully screened by
the U.
> S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).
>
> Since its creation in 1961, members of the Peace Corps have been
> exposed and expelled from many African, Middle Eastern and Asian
> countries for acts of subversion or prejudice. Indonesia, Tanzania,
the
> Philippines, and even pro-West countries like Turkey and Iran,
have
> complained of its activities.
>
> However, perhaps the chief executor of U.S. psychological warfare
is
> the United States Information Agency (USIA). Even for the
wealthiest
> nation on earth, the U.S. lavishes an unusual amount of men,
materials
> and money on this vehicle for its neo-colonial aims.
>
> The USIA is staffed by some 12,000 persons to the tune of more
than
> $130 million a year. It has more than seventy editorial staffs
working
> on publications abroad. Of its network comprising 110 radio
stations,
> 60 are outside the U.S. Programmes are broadcast for Africa by
American
> stations in Morocco, Eritrea, Liberia, Crete, and Barcelona, Spain,
as
> well as from off-shore stations on American ships. In Africa alone,
the
> USIA transmits about thirty territorial and national radio
programmes
> whose content glorifies the U.S. while attempting to discredit
> countries with an independent foreign policy.
>
> The USIA boasts more than 120 branches in about 100 countries, 50
of
> which are in Africa alone. It has 250 centres in foreign
countries,
> each of which is usually associated with a library. It employs
about
> 200 cinemas and 8,000 projectors which draw upon its nearly 300
film
> libraries.
>
> This agency is directed by a central body which operates in the
name
> of the U.S. President, planning and coordinating its activities in
> close touch with the Pentagon, CIA and other Cold War agencies,
> including even armed forces intelligence centres.
>
> In developing countries, the USIA actively tries to prevent
expansion
> of national media of information so as itself to capture the
market-
> place of ideas. It spends huge sums for publication and distribution
of
> about sixty newspapers and magazines in Africa, Asia and Latin
> America.
>
> The American government backs the USIA through direct pressures on
> developing nations. To ensure its agency a complete monopoly in
> propaganda, for instance, many agreements for economic co-
operation
> offered by the U.S. include a demand that Americans be granted
> preferential rights to disseminate information. At the same time,
in
> trying to close the new nations to other sources of information,
it
> employs other pressures. For instance, after agreeing to set up
USIA
> information centres in their countries, both Togo and Congo
> (Leopoldville) originally hoped to follow a non-aligned path and
permit
> Russian information centres as a balance. But Washington threatened
to
> stop all aid, thereby forcing these two countries to renounce
their
> plan.
>
> Unbiased studies of the USIA by such authorities as Dr R. Holt of
> Princeton University, Retired Colonel R. Van de Velde, former
> intelligence agents Murril Dayer, Wilson Dizard and others, have
all
> called attention to the close ties between this agency and U.S.
> Intelligence. For example, Deputy Director Donald M. Wilson was a
> political intelligence agent in the U.S. Army. Assistant Director
for
> Europe, Joseph Philips, was a successful espionage agent in
several
> Eastern European countries.
>
> Some USIA duties further expose its nature as a top intelligence
arm
> of the U.S. imperialists. In the first place, it is expected to
analyse
> the situation in each country, making recommendations to its
Embassy,
> thereby to its Government, about changes that can tip the local
balance
> in U.S. favour. Secondly, it organises networks of monitors for
radio
> broadcasts and telephone conversations, while recruiting informers
from
> government offices. It also hires people to distribute U.S.
propaganda.
> Thirdly, it collects secret information with special reference to
> defence and economy, as a means of eliminating its international
> military and economic competitors. Fourthly, it buys its way into
local
> publications to influence their policies, of which Latin America
> furnishes numerous examples. It has been active in bribing public
> figures, for example in Kenya and Tunisia. Finally, it finances,
> directs and often supplies with arms all anti-neutralist forces in
the
> developing countries, witness Tshombe in Congo (Leopoldville) and
Pak
> Hung Ji in South Korea. In a word, with virtually unlimited
finances,
> there seems no bounds to its inventiveness in subversion.
>
> One of the most recent developments in neo-colonialist strategy is
the
> suggested establishment of a Businessmen Corps which will, like
the
> Peace Corps, act in developing countries. In an article on ?U.S.
> Intelligence and the Monopolies? in International Affairs (Moscow,
> January 1965), V. Chernyavsky writes: ?There can hardly be any
doubt
> that this Corps is a new U.S. intelligence organisation created on
the
> initiative of the American monopolies to use Big Business for
> espionage. It is by no means unusual for U.S. Intelligence to set
up
> its own business firms which are merely thinly disguised espionage
> centres. For example, according to Chernyavsky, the C.I.A. has set
up a
> firm in Taiwan known as Western Enterprises Inc. Under this cover
it
> sends spies and saboteurs to South China. The New Asia Trading
Company,
> a CIA firm in India, has also helped to camouflage U.S.
intelligence
> agents operating in South-east Asia.
>
> Such is the catalogue of neo-colonialism?s activities and methods
in
> our time. Upon reading it, the faint-hearted might come to feel
that
> they must give up in despair before such an array of apparent power
and
> seemingly inexhaustible resources.
>
> Fortunately, however, history furnishes innumerable proofs of one
of
> its own major laws; that the budding future is always stronger than
the
> withering past. This has been amply demonstrated during every
major
> revolution throughout history.
>
> The American Revolution of 1776 struggled through to victory over
a
> tangle of inefficiency, mismanagement, corruption, outright
subversion
> and counter-revolution the like of which has been repeated to some
> degree in every subsequent revolution to date.
>
> The Russian Revolution during the period of Intervention, 1917 to
> 1922, appeared to be dying on its feet. The Chinese Revolution at
one
> time was forced to pull out of its existing bases, lock stock and
> barrel, and make the unprecedented Long March; yet it triumphed.
> Imperialist white mercenaries who dropped so confidently out of
the
> skies on Stanleyville after a plane trip from Ascension Island
thought
> that their job would be ?duck soup?. Yet, till now, the
nationalist
> forces of Congo (Leopoldville) continue to fight their way
forward.
> They do not talk of if they will win, but only of when.
>
> Asia provides a further example of the strength of a people?s will
to
> determine their own future. In South Vietnam ?special warfare? is
being
> fought to hold back the tide of revolutionary change. ?Special
warfare?
> is a concept of General Maxwell Taylor and a military extension of
the
> creed of John Foster Dulles: let Asians fight Asians. Briefly, the
> technique is for the foreign power to supply the money, aircraft,
> military equipment of all kinds, and the strategic and tactical
command
> from a General Staff down to officer ?advisers?, while the troops
of
> the puppet government bear the brunt of the fighting. Yet in spite
of
> bombing raids and the immense build-up of foreign strength in the
area,
> the people of both North and South Vietnam are proving to be
> unconquerable.
>
> In other parts of Asia, in Cambodia, Laos, Indonesia, and now the
> Philippines, Thailand and Burma, the peoples of ex-colonial
countries
> have stood firm and are winning battles against the allegedly
superior
> imperialist enemy. In Latin America, despite ?final? punitive
> expeditions, the growing armed insurrections in Colombia, Venezuala
and
> other countries continue to consolidate gains.
>
> In Africa, we in Ghana have withstood all efforts by imperialism
and
> its agents; Tanzania has nipped subversive plots in the bud, as
have
> Brazzaville, Uganda and Kenya. The struggle rages back and forth.
The
> surging popular forces may still be hampered by colonialist
legacies,
> but nonetheless they advance inexorably.
>
> All these examples prove beyond doubt that neo-colonialism is not
a
> sign of imperialism?s strength but rather of its last hideous gasp.
It
> testifies to its inability to rule any longer by old methods.
> Independence is a luxury it can no longer afford to permit its
subject
> peoples, so that even what it claims to have ?given? it now seeks
to
> take away.
>
> This means that neo-colonialism can and will be defeated. How can
this
> be done?
>
> Thus far, all the methods of neo-colonialists have pointed in one
> direction, the ancient, accepted one of all minority ruling
classes
> throughout history ? divide and rule.
>
> Quite obviously, therefore, unity is the first requisite for
> destroying neo-colonialism. Primary and basic is the need for an
all-
> union government on the much divided continent of Africa. Along
with
> that, a strengthening of the Afro-Asian Solidarity Organisation and
the
> spirit of Bandung is already under way. To it, we must seek the
> adherence on an increasingly formal basis of our Latin American
> brothers.
>
> Furthermore, all these liberatory forces have, on all major issues
and
> at every possible instance, the support of the growing socialist
sector
> of the world.
>
> Finally, we must encourage and utilise to the full those still all
too
> few yet growing instances of support for liberation and anti-
> colonialism inside the imperialist world itself.
>
> To carry out such a political programme, we must all back it with
> national plans designed to strengthen ourselves as independent
nations.
> An external condition for such independent development is neutrality
or
> political non-alignment. This has been expressed in two conferences
of
> Non-Aligned Nations during the recent past, the last of which, in
Cairo
> in 1964, clearly and inevitably showed itself at one with the
rising
> forcesof liberation and human dignity.
>
> And the preconditions for all this, to which lip service is often
paid
> but activity seldom directed, is to develop ideological clarity
among
> the anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist, pro-liberation masses of
our
> continents. They, and they alone, make, maintain or break
revolutions.
>
> With the utmost speed, neo-colonialism must be analysed in clear
and
> simple terms for the full mass understanding by the surging
> organisations of the African peoples. The All-African Trade Union
> Federation (AATUF) has already made a start in this direction,
while
> the Pan-African Youth Movement, the women, journalists, farmers
and
> others are not far behind. Bolstered with ideological clarity,
these
> organisations, closely linked with the ruling parties where
liberatory
> forces are in power, will prove that neo-colonialism is the symptom
of
> imperialism?s weakness and that it is defeatable. For, when all is
said
> and done, it is the so-called little man, the bent-backed,
exploited,
> malnourished, blood-covered fighter for independence who decides.
And
> he invariably decides for freedom.
>
>
>
>
>
> ----------------------------gambiapost.
NET------------------------------
> SUBSCRIPTION: http://thegambiapostforum.com/membership
> We thank you for joining our forum. The purpose of The Gambia Post
Forum is
> to provide a place for national discourse, a place where we can
exchange ideas
> and share common interests. The Gambia Post is the largest Gambian
online
> community on the Web where a variety of issues are discussed. We
maintain an
> Open Forum for ALL Gambians and Friends of The Gambia, accessible to
people of
> all works of life, and ages. And so while we understand that it is
human nature
> to lose one's temper occasionally, a consistent pattern of
profanity, especially
> against the parents of others will not be tolerated. This may result
in a
> suspension and if necessary an indefinite ban. Once again, welcome
to the Gambia
> Post and in the spirit of our motto, we encourage you to 'let your
thoughts fly'.
>
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
> ©2002 Our Guiding Principle : "Va, pensiero", "Let thought(s) fly
forth"
>
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤
To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the
Gambia-L Web interface
at: http://listserv.icors.org/archives/gambia-l.html
To Search in the Gambia-L archives, go to: http://listserv.icors.org/SCRIPTS/WA-ICORS.EXE?S1=gambia-l
To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to:
[log in to unmask]
¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤
¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤
To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface
at: http://listserv.icors.org/archives/gambia-l.html
To Search in the Gambia-L archives, go to: http://listserv.icors.org/SCRIPTS/WA-ICORS.EXE?S1=gambia-l
To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to:
[log in to unmask]
¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤¤
|
