*Karatun Allo: The Islamic System Of Elementary Education In Hausaland *

*By*
Dr. Sulaiman Khalid *[log in to unmask]*





*Department of Sociology, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto*

* *

* *

1.0              *INTRODUCTION*



This chapter explores general issues pertaining to elementary system of
Islamic education ( *karatun allo)* in Hausaland.  It laid particular
emphasis on its evolution, school organization, place of knowledge and
scholarship in Islam and the socio-economic status of teacher (*malam*) in
the society.  The chapter concluded with a short discussion on the relative
advantage the system has over western-type ( *boko*) education in the
predominantly agrarian environment.



1.1       *HISTORICAL EVOLUTION*

Islamic education in Hausaland is as old as the spread of Islam in the area
which began as early as the eleventh century through the deliberate
activities of Muslim traders and itinerant scholars as well as migration.
By the fifteen century the reputation of some Hausa state capitals as Muslim
metropolis was already high enough to attract many students and scholars.
According to the "Kano Chronicles", *Malams* from Senegal arrived in Kano
during the reign of Yaqub (1452-1463).  A fifteen cenutry ruler of Zazzau
appointed a *malam* from Mali as one of his subordinate chief (Abdurrahman
and Canhan, 1978), which seems to indicate that there was a Muslim scholar
community from which to make the choice.  About this time also, the
neighbouring Gao, Djenne and Borno were overflowing with schools and
scholars of international repute, and the book market was a flourishing
business (Smith, 1987:32 ).



The intellectual activities compared favourably with what obtained in Italy
about the same time.  In Kano, Al-Maghili wrote his famous al-mantiq (
*Aristotelian
Deductions*) and *The Obligation of the Prince* about the same time Cicero's
classical treatise *On Moral Obligation* and Machiavelli's *The Prince* were
published in the second half of the fifteenth century.  In the seventeenth
century, Katsina produced native scholars like Muhammadu Dan-Marina ( d.1655)
and Muhammadu Dan-Masani (d.1667).  On the eve of the Sokoto Jihad, Yandoto,
then the headquarters of Katsina (Last, 1967) stood as a citadel of learning
and Degel near Alkalawa, the headquarters of Gobir Kingdom, was something of
a university village.  Many of the *Habe* kings were about this time
educated Muslims from Kano to Gobir and Zamfara.



It is clear that there must have existed an important class of *Ulama* who
were significant preservers and teachers of Islamic learning.  According to
Smith (1987:35): ''they possessed a vast fund of Qur'anic knowledge, and
were in addition particularly well-informed in traditions, law, Rhetoric and
classical Islamic history.''

* *

The extent of their knowledge of Arabic writings is particularly remarkable,
which suggests that facilities for Islamic education were far more advanced
in this period than is usually believed (Hiskett, 1957).

Sultan Muhammed Bello testified to that when he wrote in this *Infaq
al-Maysur* that:



*Indeed there are not to be found in these countries ordinary people more
scrupulous than they in reciting the Qur'an and readin it and memorising it
and writing it out.  And the ordinary people did not cease to be thus to the
beginning of Jihad (cited in Kani, 1975:27). *



The establishment of an Islamic state in the name of Sokoto Caliphate at the
beginning of the 19th century provided an enabling environment for the
growth of education.  Besides, the *jihad* leaders did run their own schools
and embarked on fierce religious campaigns which in themselves led to the
growth of education.  As a matter of state policy the leaders of the
Caliphate gave top priority to education.  In his *Jawab Shafin wa'l Kitab*,
Muhammed Bello said: "we will attach to him (the village head) a tutor who
will instruct their children and a learned man who will lead them in their
prayer ..." (cited in Abubakar, 1983:211)    Consequently, schools were
organized in all nooks and corners of the Caliphate and the state endowed it
and supplied it with collection of books.



Indeed, in the early years of colonial rule, British colonial officials in
Northern Nigeria were fascinated by the existence of a formal system of
Islamic education.  According to the 1931 census figures, two-thirds of
Northern Nigeria's 10 million inhabitants were Muslims.  It also had, the
government estimated, 30,000 to 35,000 Islamic schools enrolling 200,000 to
360,000 pupils (Hubbard, 1975).



            2. *The Makarantar Allo: Its Features and Structures *

At the centre of Islamic education is the Qur'an itself, and every Muslim
out, ideally, to have learned the sacred text or some portions of it by
heart.  With the ascendancy of western type ( *boko*) educational system, in
the present day Qur'anic schooling in Hausa land is increasingly viewed by
parents as an important of religious component for their children.  Often,
the children divide their time between western-type schools in the morning
and Qur'anic schools in the afternoon.  It is for this purpose that *makarantun
allo *(Qur'anic schools) – institutions where young children learn to recite
the Qur'an by rate – exists in all Muslim communities.



A typical Qur'anic school is located in a mosque which serves the dual
purposes of a place of worship and a school.  Most of the schools are
however in other places, e.g. special building for the purpose, the verandah
or porch of the *malam* (teacher), under trees, inside compounds, etc.  The
notion of an entrance examination, which an aspiring student must take
before he can enter a given level of the educational system, is foreign to
traditional Qur'anic school system.  So, too, are the final examinations
conferring qualifications, in which Western education so often culminate.



The pupils sit on the mats, bare floor or ground either in a semi-circle or
straight line.  Each child holds his written wooden slate ( *allo*) and
recites the verses of the Holy Qur'an.  The method of instruction is as
follows, the teacher recites to his pupils the verse to be learnt and they
repeat it after him.  He does this several times until he is satisfied that
they have mastered the correct pronunciation.  Then the pupils are left on
their own to continue repeating the verse until they have thoroughly
memorized it.  The verse is then linked with the previously memorized verses
and in this way the pupil gradually learns by heart the whole Qur'an.  At
this level, hardly is any attempts made to enable the pupils understand the
meaning of what they recite or write.  The teacher only pays particular
attention to the reading and writing skills of every pupil as well as keep
tract of his attendance even though no formal registers are kept.



The relationship between teacher and pupil is generally intimate and
personal.  The teacher is always ready to pardon a late-comer if he is
convinced that his lateness was caused by some engagement at home.  Whenever
he uses the cane, wrote Fafunwa (1974) "he does so with fatherly levity and
caution" ( p.62).  As for disciplinary measures, the long whip is always
handy to deal with erring pupils, and leg chains are sometimes used to
confine truants to the school premises for a number of days as a punishment
(Sulaiman, 1994).



The school schedule is extremely flexible and allows for each parent to send
his child to school at the most convenient period for both the parent and
the child.  This is one reason why it is possible for children to combine
both formal primary education with the Quranic school.  Moreover, each child
is allowed to progress at his or her own pace and therefore the length of
time t takes a pupil to finish learning how to read the whole Qur'an depends
on his intelligence and commitment, and also the encouragement and support
he receives from his parents.  Even though there is no sessional examination
or test and that the *malam* treats each pupil according his or her
capabilities, intelligence and individual problem, the spirit of competition
is always there among age-mates, brothers and sisters (Mai'adua, 1994).



The exact times of the beginning of classes vary from area to area, and from
teacher to teacher.  In most of the schools there are three sessions.  In a
study conducted by Yahya (1977) at Kano, the school sessions are classified
as follows:-



1)         Morning                      5.00 am – 11.00 a.m.

2)         Evening                      3.00 p.m. – 4.00 p.m.

3)         Night                           8.00 p.m. – 11.00 p.m.



Mubi (1985) however came out with the following schedule:-

1.         Morning                      5.00 a.m. – 11.00 a.m.

2.         Afternoon                   2.00 p.m. – 4.00 p.m.

3.         Night                           7.00 p.m. – 10.00 p.m.



Although there exist no water-tight division of pupils into classes, three
categories of Quranic pupils are distinguishable: the *kotso *(nursery
stage), the *tittibiri *(elementary stage), and the
*gardi*(adolescent/adult stage).  The
*kotso* stage consists of children of about four years or even less.  They
normally come to school in the company of their more elderly brothers and
sisters.  At this stage the children are grouped together and instructed
orally.  They learn to recite the shorter chapters of the Qur'an and are
taught some Islamic rituals like ablution, daily prayers, etc.  The *
tittibiri* stage is where the pupils of about five to fourteen years old
start to read the Arabic alphabets.  He first learns the reading of
unvowelled letters *babbaku*) of the same short chapters he memorized at *
kotso* stage.  This is followed by the reading of vowelled letters as well
as words *farfaru*), after which he starts writing the Quranic verses on his
*allo* while he is guided either by the *malam* or by some senior pupils in
the school.  Straight reading is continued with switch-over from pupil's *
allo* to loose pages of the text of the Qur'an up to the last chapter.  By
the time he reaches *gardi* stage, the pupil has in most cases completed the
reading of the Qur'an at least once.  He also knows some basic principles of
Islam.  The main task at this stage is to improve the art of reading the
Qur'an with a view to committing it to memory. This is usually the last
stage of general Quranic education.  While the step-by-step learning process
seems to be universal to Hausa society, the categorization of pupils
into *kotso,
tittibiri, * and *gardi* is not.  In Sokoto area for example, only two
categories of Islamic pupils are recognized: the *'yan makarantar
allo*(elementary [Quranic] pupils) and 'yan makarantar
*ilmi (higher Islamic studies students). *Often, the education stops here.



But if a student wishes to go further, he will proceed to *makarantar
ilmi*or school of higher Islamic learning.  The
*makarantar ilmi* is the school of advanced learning which covers the whole
range of Islamic literary, theological and legal education.  In most
schools, the pupil starts with either treatises or booklets on theology ( *
tawhid*).  This is followed by books on Islamic jurisprudence (*fiqhu*), the
exegesis of the Qur'an (*tafsir*), and sayings and traditions of the Prophet
Muhammad (*Hadit*).  At the stage of studying advanced books of Islamic
jurisprudence, some Quranic school students embark on learning various
branches of Arabic language starting with Arabic grammar followed by Arabic
literature (Lemu, 1994).  The teaching method is the time-honoured one of
reading and commentary, in which the teacher reads a passage from a text,
then delivers his commentary upon it.



            3. *Socio-Economic Status of Malams in the Society *

In Sokoto, as in other parts of Hausa land, prior to the advent of
colonialism, descent determined whether one was born a *talaka* (commoner) –
and therefore destined to make a living as a peasant, artisan or
*bara*(client of someone) -- or a
*basarake* (aristocrat or title-holder) and thus able to live off peasants,
artisans, traders and slaves.  However, other factors operated alongside
descent in the determination of social differentiation and mobility.  One of
these factors was Islamic education.  The Hausa title for scholar is *malam
(pl. Malamai*).  The word is a Hausa corruption of the Arabic *mu'allim* (a
learned man) and is now used by the Hausa as a courtesy title, similar to
Mr. in English.



Islamic learning offered to a peasant one of the few routes for achieving
upward mobility as a *malam* , a scribe, or a minor official n the state's
patrimonial bureaucracy (Lubeck, 1986).  Though people were indeed born into
scholarly families, or traditions, their becoming scholars – in other words
their pursuit of education – was largely a matter of choice and conscious
effort.



During the classical days of Sokoto and Borno caliphates, *malams *were
accorded grants and privileges called ' *mahram'.  *The *mahram* was a
written document given to a Quranic school teacher by a certain ruler
certifying that the bearer, his family and descendants, and sometimes his
followers were exempted from some state obligations such as military
conscription, taxes, palace duties, and so on.    The document sometimes
specifies grants of land allocated to the bearer, his family and his
disciples to cultivate, free from taxation, confiscation and any form of
field control (Ashigar, 1997).  In addition, Muslim scholars and their
schools were among the principal beneficiaries of proceed of *zakat* tax.
According to Malam Mahmud Koki (Skinner, 1977) who participated in the
assessment, collection and redistribution of *zakat* in Kano emirate in the
period immediately before the advent of British occupation, various Muslim
scholars, most of whom had schools, were attached to a specific
*Jakada*(emir's agent) from whom they obtained their share of
*zakat*.  After collection, that *Jakada* would have it ready and then send
word to scholars attached to him to go to the appropriate village or town to
collect it.  The *malam* would then hire women to thresh the corn for them,
pay the women for the work, and load the grain onto donkeys and return
home.  A particular *Jakada* could be associated with many scholars, and *vice
versa *.  The informant himself recalled how he had received *zakat* on
behalf of his teacher.



This state patronage which predated the Sokoto Caliphate had been important
in the creation of a specialized class – the scholars – with sufficient
standing and influence to have a voice or nuisance value in the management
of public affairs even before the *jihad*.  The principal *jihad* leaders
and all the flag-bearers who waged the holy war against the Hausa kingdoms
in their various provinces were Qur'anic school teachers.  In the process of
the *jihad* itself, this power deriving from learning was taken a step
forward when the scholars initially dominated power-sharing and the
decision-making process.  However, with the emergence and ascendancy of the
dynasty of Shehu Danfodiyo and its dependent dynasties, ''scholars lost
place to the dynasts but still performed an important role as judges,
advisors and generally as agents of social and political indoctrination"
(Abubakar, 1982:24).



The British occupation of the defunct Sokoto Caliphate has divested the
Muslim scholars of nearly all their role and influence in government and
administration of their society.  A completely new system of education was
imposed on the society.  The Arabic scripts which were used in courts and
administration were replaced with Roman scripts thereby making graduates of
Qur'anic school system of education irrelevant to the colonial
administration.  However, some of them who benefited from the integration of
Qur'anic with Western education managed to hold positions in the society as
Area Court Judges, teachers of Arabic and Islamic Studies in government
educational institutions, etc.  But for the majority of the
*malams*traditional Qur'anic school teaching remained their principal
vocation.



Generally, Qur'anic education system places emphasis on the production of
teachers (or clerics).  And for those who become teachers, Qur'anic
instruction is the first stage in the system of education that offers
satisfaction not measure only in religious terms but also in socio-economic
terms (Peshkin, 1972).



            4. *Teaching and Learning as Acts of Worship (ibadat) *

In a typical Qur'anic school there is no formal system of fee-paying.  The
students however contribute what they can by way of *sadaqa* or alms of the
upkeep of the school.  This may not be more than a few Naira coins or a
couple of kola nuts, but can be a more substantial gift in cash or kind if
the donor or his parent is wealthy.  "It seems there is an unwritten code,
recognized by all, and depending on the individual's status, which governs
how much shall be given" (Hiskett, 1974:141).  On the whole, the teacher
gets just enough to sustain himself and maintain his dignity and worth, but
generally he is not wealthy.  In principle, he teaches in order to discharge
his duty as a literate Muslim to guide others in their religion.



Indeed, learning and scholarship are considered as acts of worship, a
fulfillment of God's commandments Who said:



*A company of every party should go forth to gain sound knowledge in
religion to enable then to teach their people when they come back to them
(Qur'an 9:127). *



Yet another verse of the Holy Qur'an exhorted the faithfuls to constantly
seek for knowledge from cradle and keep in mind the fact that "above every
possessor of knowledge is one more knowledgeable" (Qur'an 12:38).  Above
all, they should constantly pray, "Oh! Lord, increase me in knowledge''
(Qur'an 24:52).

The Prophetic Traditions are even more emphatic about knowledge.
Several *ahadiths
*describe learning and wisdom as equal to worship, and of men of learning as
successors to the prophets.

*The ink of the scholar is holier than the blood of the martyr.*

* *

*God ease the way to paradise for him who seeks learning.*

* *

*Angels spread their wings for the seeker of learning as a mark of God's
approval of his purpose*

* *

*Whoever follows the road to knowledge Allah will show him the road to
paradise.*

* *

*He who has an ambition in this world must acquire knowledge.  He who has an
ambition in the Hereafter must acquire knowledge and he who has ambition in
both this world and Hereafter must acquire knowledge to achieve it *

*(Ahmad b. Hambal, vol.196).*



With particular reference to the teaching of the Qu'ran, he said:

*"The best of you is he who learns the Qur'an and cares to teach it* " (*
ibid).*

* *

Thus learning in Islam is viewed more as an act of worship than a process of
acquiring wisdom and skills, and the teacher ( *malam*) is not just a mere
functionary who draws salary either from the state or from a private
organization.  Far from that, he was a spiritual figure, a model to be
emulated.  The teacher was required not only to be a man of learning but
also to be a person of virtue, a pious man whose conduct by itself could
have an impact upon the minds of the young.  It is not only what he taught
that  matters, what he does, the way he conducts himself, his deportment in
class and outside, are all expected to conform to an ideal which his pupils
could unhesitatingly accept and emulate.



The ancient seats of learning in Islam, according to Tibawi (1979), grew up
around certain personalities who attracted pupils by reason alike of their
learning and their piety.  This had wide repercussions.  It helped to
sustain and strengthen the foundations of ethics and it sets before the
young a model or virtue which they could unquestioningly follow.  Therefore,
by virtue of their position as the chief custodians of knowledge and values,
Muslim teachers were discouraged from charging tuition fees – an act that
may lock the school gates against the poor and less-privileged members of
society – even though the practice of charging fees was well-established, at
least in Tunisia by the ninth century (Hitti, 1981).  Al-Ghazali ( d.1111),
for instance, maintained that a Muslim teacher should not accept payment for
teaching religious subjects, but could be paid for teaching 'extra' subjects
such as mathematics and medicine (Tibawi, *op.cit*).  The teaching of
religious subjects, in Al-Ghazali's opinion, was a personal duty of the
believer and should be done without charging fees.  This does not, of
course, prevent the student from working for his Quranic teacher or the
student's parents from giving the teacher gift in recognition for what he
was doing for their child.



Accordingly, the size and prestige of the school depend on the degree of
public recognition that it wins, although Hiskett (1974) has observed that
the proprietor's status is to some extent hereditary and must have the
charisma of a learned family behind him.  They also tend to specialize in
and thus become well-known for their expertise in certain branches of
Islamic knowledge, and even specific texts.



Overall, the *malam* in Hausa society is considered of high value and
accorded high respect and revered by all classes of people at all times.  In
some cases of disputes between individuals or groups of people,
*malams*were often called upon to act as effective arbitrators.  "They
are also
sought after by rulers, businessmen and anybody desperately in need of
special prayers and divine succour in every respect."  (Lemu,1994: 34 ).





           6. *The Socio-Economic Context of Karatun Allo *

Qur'anic educational system succeeded where formal education failed because
it had perfectly adjusted itself to the economic life of the people.  The
academic time-table and school calendar was designed in such a way that it
will not take away the benefits of full-time apprenticeship and assistance
of young children in farm-work.

Conversely, the modern schools as they operate today are in competition with
the agricultural practices.  The children are expected to be at school from
8 o'clock in the morning to 2 o'clock in the afternoon from Monday to
Friday, at the same time when their parents were busy working of the
farmlands.  Thus, the system removes the benefits of full-time assistance of
children from communities that are heavily reliant upon child labour.  This
calls for a re-examination and redefinition of child labour and child abuse
for each country, even for each area in a country – and redefined from time
to time.  Child labour is conventionally defined as "any physical engagement
of the child either paid or unpaid, directed to alleviating adult burden
outside or inside home to make a living for himself or help the adult make a
living" (Steele, 1974).  In the industrialized countries of the West this is
viewed as a form of child exploitation or abuse.  On the contrary, child
labour in Hausa society is greatly influenced by what are considered the
rights and obligations of children by the system of kinship, some aspect of
which consist of preparation for the adult sexual division of labour.  So
child labour depends on normative attitudes towards children in society, the
culturally-determined roles and functions of children, the values by which
the activities of children are judged, and by the nature of socialization
process.  Hence it threatens to break the thread that is holding together
the chief survival mechanism for the family ( *gida*) structure that is fat
shrinking into smaller units.  Therefore, since formal education in its
existing form is neither significantly relevant nor compatible with the
agricultural way of life, its relative unpopularity with the rural people is
only natural.



The system has many more features which makes it more appropriate for the
rural agrarian communities.  For example, although in the past, Qur'anic
schools did train people who later served as judges, scribes, teachers and
other functionaries in the Native Administration, they did not, and still do
not, as a rule, recruit people for employment.  Hence, these schools do not
alienate children from their traditional occupations as the formal schools
do.  In essence, it has been observed that even those migrant pupils ( *
almajirai*) who settled in the cities during the dry-season or those who
settled for a period of one or more years in order to study the Qur'an did
go back to their agricultural way of life after graduation.



Flexibility of attendance is another feature of the Qur'anic schools.
Regular attendance, though required, is not rigidly enforced.  This enables
those whose economic and social commitments prevent them from maintaining
regular attendance to attend school at their own time and convenience.
Commenting on this flexibility, Bray *et al*., (1986:80) stated that:



*The Islamic system is in many respects far less dependent for its operation
on specific administrative, institutional and organizational patterns.  It
also tends to be much more flexible and, as one scholar comments, has 'an
admirable leisureliness'. *



Moreover, the Qur'anic schools have multiple entry points which also are not
fixed.  Students can enroll into the schools at any time of the year,
provided it is a session.  In contrast, the local primary schools have a
single entry point at the beginning of each academic year in October, and
the admission exercise involves a number of formalities which are often
complicated by bureaucracy.  Once the exercise is over, no single child can
be enrolled into the school until the following year.



Another important feature which makes Qur'anic schools system more readily
acceptable to the ordinary men in the society is its egalitarian outlook.
The Kano State Committee on *Almajirai* (1988) had cause to draw the
attention of the government to the fact that:



*Primary education is expensive so much that the parents can neither afford
its direct cost nor the routine expenditure for the children.  The absence
of these economic problems in Qur'anic schooling often makes the parents to
prefer the system ( p.9)*

* *

Considering the perennial nature of poverty in the rural Hausa society, not
many parents could afford the cost of school fees, uniform, text and
note-books, feeding and transport money, and such other expensive features
of formal education system.  Therefore, even though the values of Western
education are recognized in most parts of Hausa land, the need to escape the
problems of its economics it seems by far out-weighs the desire to acquire
it.  This is in sharp contrast with the Qur'anic school system which seems
to be egalitarian in out look in perfect rhythm with the dominant economic
activity of the people – agricultural production.











*Reference*



Abubakar S. (1983), 'Birnin Shehu The City of Sokoto:  A Social and
EconomicHistory, C. 1809-1903", Ph.D. Thesis, ABU Zaria.



Abdurrhaman, M. And P. Canhan (1978), *The Ink of the Scholar*, Ibadan:
Heinemann.



Ardo, G.V. and Junaid, M.I. (1990). "Education in the Sokoto Caliphate:
Continuity and Change", in A.M. Kani and HK.A. Gandi (eds.), *State and
Society in the Sokoto Caliphate*, Zaria: Gaskiya Corporation.



Bray, M, P.B. Clarke and D. Stephens (1986), *Education and Society in
Africa*, London, Edward Arnold Ltd.



Clarke, P.B. (1982), *West Africa and Islam: A History of Religious
Development from the 8th Century to 20 th Century*, London: Edward Arnold.



Fafunwa, A.B. (1974),* History of Education in Nigeria*, London: Lowe and
Brydon Ltd.



Hiskett, M. (1975), "Islamic Education in the Traditional and State System
in Northern Nigria:, in G, Brown and M. Hiskett (eds.), *Conflict and
Harmony in Education in Tropical Africa*, London: George Allen and Unwin.



Hitti, P. (1981), *History of the Arabs*, London: Macmillan Press.



Hubbard, J.B. (1975), "Government and Islamic Education n Northern Nigeria,
1900-1940", in Brown and Hiskett (eds.), *Op.cit*.



Kano State (1988), *Report of the Committee on Almajirai *Kano: Government
Printer.



Khalid, S. (2002),' State and Islamic Education in Northern Nigeria: An
Historical Survey', in *Al-Nahda *, Vol.2 (1) p.18-23.



Khalid, S. (2002), "Trends and Tensions in Religious Education: The *
Almajiranci* System in a Modernizing Socio-Economic Order", paper presented
at the *National Workshop on Religious Pluralism and Democratic Governance
in Nigeria*, organised by Centre for Research and Documentation (CRD), held
at Kano, 13-15th August.





Khalid, S. (2002)_, "Institutional Support for Muslim Educational Reform in
Nigeria, a paper presented at the International Workshop, organised by the
International Institute of Islamic Thought (Nigeria Office), 22 nd-23rd
April.



Lemu, S.A. (1994), "An Approach to the Development of Qur'anic Schools in
the Contemporary Society". Paper presented at the National Seminar on
Qur'anic Education organised by NTIL, UNICEF, held at Kaduna.



Lubeck, P. (1986), "Islamic Protest and Oil-based Capitalism: Agriculture,
Rural Linkages, and Urban Popular Movements in Northern Nigeria" in M. Watts
      (ed.), *Institute of International Studies, *University of California.



Tibawi, A.L. (1979), *Islamic Education*, London, Luzac.



Sulaiman, M.D. (1992), "Towards a New Social Order in Kano: A Re-Examination
of the *Almariranci* System", in A.H. Yadudu (ed.), *The Conceptive and
 Implementation of A Social Policy: Kano State Experience*, Kano: B.U.K.
Press.




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