fwd---------- > > Till: [log in to unmask] > Ämne: > Datum: den 22 februari 2000 17:02 > > Network Africa - Sweden (NAS) > > >From Africa and Thr World, January 2000 > > > SOS SOUTH AFRICA! > > IS THE ANC INVOLVED IN A PLOT TO BETRAY AFRICA? > > Dr Jean-Claude Njem, LLD., activist, scholar and attorney-at-law, is a > native of Cameroon, living and practising in Stockholm, Sweden. He has > spent many years of his life fighting for freedom of Africa from > colonialism, neo-colonialism and imperialism, has been vocal and > uncompromising in the struggle against apartheid and racial oppression in > South Africa and elsewhere, and a firm supporter of the ANC in the years of > struggle. Today, Dr. Njem is very deeply disillusioned and alarmed at the > neo-colonialist policies of the ANC which is fast transforming itself into > a principal ally of international imperialism engaged in a relentless fight > to disorganise the African revolution and open up the continent even wider > to further exploitation and humiliation. > > In the analysis that follows, Dr. Njem shows a deep insight into current > situation prevailing in South Africa and on the whole African continent, > and about the state of Africa´s relations with the outside world, in > particular with the West. He also suggests practical and urgent steps that > need to be taken to ward off the imperialist assault and prevent South > Africa from sliding further down the path of betrayal. > > The reader may not agree entirely with the position taken by Dr Njem on > certain issues. Nevertheless, his position is unequivocally clear, and his > arguments are persuasive, backed as they are with historical facts and > concrete examples. The article has been published with the permission of > Dr. Njem. > > Preface > I undertook my first trip > to post-apartheid South Africa in the same mood as for a Muslim > accomplishing pilgrimage to Mecca. > > Hundreds of years of European tyranny had ended with the triumph of forces > which led the struggle for a society where equality would reconcile mankind > with itself by reinstating humanity in social relationships. Of course, I > was aware of the complexities of the post apartheid situation where freedom > fighters were given the formal control of the govern-ment while the State > super-structure of violence as well as the entire economic basis of the > society remained submitted to the will of the forces of social oppression. > Since 1994, I have been one of those who maintained that the forces of > progress in South Africa should be given a délai de grace before being > jud-ged, that Mandela should not make the same mistake as Allende made by > carrying out a frontal attack against the ruling economic interests before > consolidating the control of the revolutionary forces over the State > instruments of violence. > But this position would be justified only on condition that concrete > measures are taken by the new government that will gradually weaken the > material and ideological bases of apartheid as the specific mantle in > which western imperialist domination in South Africa clothed itself, > measures that will create the political conditions enabling a qualitative > change in the economic and social life of the country. > After staying about three months in the country, after following day after > day the different prominent events and their protagonists, after observing > the main orienta-tions of the economic, social and political policies of > the ANC led government, I came to the bitter conclusion that despite the > formal commitment to socialism by the South African working class, the real > life of the society is gradually dominated in all its main aspects by the > alliance between the Black petit-bourgeois elite and the forces of > apartheid. Instead of gradually weakening the monopoly of the > Anglo-American corporation and other western financial and industrial > oligarchies involved in the exploitation of the countries tremendous > natural resources, the government has embarked n a course of privatising > those sectors which even the apartheid system itself found it necessary to > place under the ownership of the State, a course of privatisation to which > the country´s entire population of Black swindlers in all their varieties > are being associated thanks to a growing corrupt system where most of the > key posts in the administration and the management of economy are awarded > to family rela-tives, friends and co-swindlers. The most illustrative > example of this policy is that of a former Secretary General of the > National Union of Mineworkers and of the ANC now running several im-portant > private companies. As a rule, the exercise of a high position within the > ANC constitutes today a springboard for promotion as a Black businessman. > One important consequence of this is that most of the cadres of the ANC > have abandoned politics and turned to business. > This new, growing Black bourgeois elite finds a community of > interests with the still dominant apartheid system and on the main internal > and external issues they share almost the same views even though they have > certain differences in style. > So, for instance, on the very important issue of violence which leads > every year to over 20 000 registered killings, the government refuses to > realize that the forces of apartheid are the main instigators of violence > which they use against whoever is considered to be a threat to the > bourgeois system. As these forces are still controlling the security > forces, no political murder has ever been cleared up. The assassi-nation of > the main leader of the communist party, Chris Hani, has for instance not > led to any serious investigation. In many cases, after carrying out a > political assassination, the security forces attribute it to the victims, > as for instance the Muslim orientated self-defence group called PAGAD which > was targeted by the govern-ment as the agent of violence after the group > organized a peaceful demonstration against the visit of Tony Blair just a > few days after the Anglo-American bombings of Iraq, a demonstration during > which one member of the PAGAD was killed and many others injured. > Almost the entire apparatus of political and ideological education and > propaganda has been abandoned to the reactionary forces of imperialism. > Neither the ANC nor any other progressive force in the country has a single > daily newspaper. There is nobody within the ANC to take charge of writing > or publishing a newspaper as nobody is interested in doing so. The forces > representing the working class lack the financial means to carry out their > duty. There is not a single school in the country for po1itical or > ideological training of ANC cadres, or even for the cadres of the communist > Party. The youth and the rest of the masses know about and appreciate every > event from the voice of America and their surrogates in the country. > In the pages that follow I try to raise an alarm about the threats that the > most promi-sing revolutionary force of Africa is subjected to and the > challenge that these represent to the further development of the > anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples of our continent. > > Stockholm, April 8 1999. > Jean-Claude Njem > > > Comments and remarks on the ”Draft Programme and Discussion Documents” > adopted by the Central Committee of the SACP and published under the title > Forward to the SACP 10th Congress”, African Communist No 149, Second > Quarter 1998 (with certain critical views on South African foreign policy). > > fter reading through the entire document, I have, first of all, to express > my full adhesion to the proposed programme which confirms the fact that the > SACP remains a socialist vanguard within the world revolutionary movement > against imperialism and solidly carries the banner of social justice. > The greatest achievement of the South African Communist Party > throughout its long and glorious history is without doubt the ability it > has shown in making the ideology of socialism a central issue in the > political and ideological debate among the South African working classes, > and to have succeeded in maintaining the prestige of the doctrine of > scientific socialism even after the disappearance of the Soviet Union and > in spite of the general counteroffensive of the bourgeois ideology which is > trying to put the anti-imperialist movement against the wall in the > European countries and other parts of the world and which has given a new > impulse to revisionist and reformist ideologies among the working class in > the imperialist countries. > It is a real blast of fresh air any genuine revolutionary socialist > receives when, arriving in Johannesburg, Soweto or Cape Town from Europe or > from most parts of Africa, and firmly bearing in mind all the > renun-ciations, all the treasonable statements and insults which the ideals > of socialism are systematically subjected to within these areas, one finds > oneself in a country where paroles and songs to socialism flourish in > newspapers, documents and meetings of workers, youth, students and women, > even though the main media of the country are still so outra-geously > dominated by the bourgeois propaganda. > In spite of its strong commitment to socialism as a necessary and > rational alternative to the capitalist society, the theoretical analyses > outlined in the Draft Programme are not, in my view, free of misjudgements > and errors, this apparently being dictated by a conscious effort on the > part of the party to avoid being included in the ranks of those criticised > for “pretending that nothing had gone wrong”. > > Fulfilling what one might accept as an obligation to theoretically > admit that the ”real” or the then ”existing socialism” in the Soviet Union > and other European states made mistakes - without any further deep-going > criticism of these societies (especially of the of the Soviet Union) - > limits, to some extent, the powerfulness of the analyses done by the SACP > in the Draft Progra-mme, and the revolutionary strategies defined in it for > the liberation of the people of South Africa from social exploitation and > oppression. > It appears therefore to me as an unavoidable task for the SACP as well > as for other revolutionary movements who have remain committed to the > anti-imperialist struggle, to make an all-sided analysis of the Soviet > experience, to identify the real antagonistic context in which the struggle > for socialism was carried out by the Soviet people and to point out both > the tremendous social economic and political achievements of the Soviet > state in accelerating the process of History, on the one hand, and the > objective and subjective factors of the decline of this historical > experience, on the other. > The inability by the communist movement in the advanced capitalist > states, to carry out this imperative theoretical task, has made it > impossible for them to propose any practical alternative to capitalism > which social democratic reformism presents as the only rational mode of > production in a modern society the only task of the working class and other > non-privileged social classes in the bourgeois society being to ask for the > improvement of their welfare and without any consideration given to the > fact that this welfare is the direct result of billions of peoples in the > capitalist periphery being condemned to slavery, misery and diseases. > In spite of the ideological bankruptcy of the communist parties in > Western Europe, where several parties, as in Sweden, for instance, have > renounced to bear the name “communist”, the SACP Draft Programme affirms > that in the conditions of growing globalization, working class and other > progressive forces in the developed countries “are also more inclined to > work in solidarity with progressive forces in the “South”. In reality, > nowhere in Western Europe can one witness today what is called in the Draft > Programme (p.71) “close solidarity” of the Volkswagen workers in Germany > with workers in Brazil Mexico or South Africa. > On the contrary, the various aggressions and threats of aggression the > imperialist powers resort to against peoples in the former Yugoslavia, or > against Iraq, Libya, Iran, Sudan, etc., are seen as non-events among the > working class in Europe. It is only when the whole progressive movement > remains silent, and entire bourgeois propaganda machinery is mobilised to > its support that the USA can have the audacity to persistently dictate to > the rest of the world that Libya is a terrorist state, that the US and > British criminal bombings of Iraq’s territory is aimed at protecting the > people of Iraq, that North Korea, India or Pakistan have no right to > improve their military defences, while the USA itself, Turkey, France and > many USA friends can, without any limitation or control, develop their > military arsenals; that the USA and its allies can call Palestinians, the > valiant fighters of Northern Ireland and Kurdish nationalists in Turkey > terrorists, while the real terrorists in Iraq and in Kosovo, Angola and > Congo are called national liberation movements and enjoy full support from > USA and its allies. > The fact is that no party in the developed capitalist countries is doing > anything whatsoever today to mobilize the working class and other > progressive forces in the society for confrontations with the bourgeois > state. The appeals made from time to time for the “defence of > the interests of the workers” do not restrain the bourgeois state from > going on with its privatization process, with its attendant ills of > unemployment. Railways, mines, telecommu-nications, air transport and other > strategic sectors where decades of state owned enterprises have shown great > successes, are arbitrarily being privatized despite limited protests from > different circles. > The appreciation given in the Draft Programme, of the new social movements > such as anti-racist, ecological, peace movements, human rights groups of > all kinds, gender groups, etc., is likewise super-ficial, if not subjective. > The reality is that the role of these movements and groups is in many > concrete cases to divide or weaken the working class and the > anti-imperialist movement as a whole, to de-politicize the opposition to > the capitalist state, or to just condemn, as does so often the CIA-created > “Amnesty International”, the violation of human rights and the pollution > of the environment “wherever they occur”, while concentrating their attacks > on North Korea, China, Cuba, Libya, Iraq, etc. Without denying certain > isolated actions by some of these groups, in support of a progressive > movement in the South, it seems to me unjustified to raise these movements > to the rank of an internationalist movements of our time. > > Capitalism has lost any vitality as an independent economic system. > The analysis made of the concept of globalization, although identifying > certain characteristics of the pheno-menon, fails to capture its main > element or characteristic: namely, the fact that the conquest, by the > capital of the advanced industrialized countries, of entire continents, and > the transformation of the resources in these continents, into economic > resources of imperialist metropolis in North America, Japan and Western > Europe, is not and cannot be an objective consequence of the development of > the capitalist mode of production at world scale in the process of History, > but rather a consequence of a sum of subjective acts of violence by which > the capitalist states have during the past five hundreds years, occupied > countries of Asia, Africa and South America, with their natural and human > resources being violently transformed into the main source of development > of the national economies of the imperialist states. > This état de fait is not more objective than were the economic systems of > slavery and serfdom (some of whom are today’s capitalist aristo-crats which > means, among other things, that the former slaves and serfs were not bound > by any objective force independent from the human will but rather by a > political, military and religious (ideolo-gical) apparatus of violence in > the service of the exploiting class. > The present world situation is likewise a mere consequence of the balance > of forces between the exploiting capital ist powers-which lack any > resources of their own, necessary for maintaining the capitalist domination > over millions of workers in the capitalist metropolis-and the peoples of > Africa, South America and Asia-who are deprived of their economic > resources as factors of their development, which resources constitute the > essential factor of vitality of the imperialist economy- a situation which > implies the retention of an oppressive and costly military, political and > financial oligarchy at world scale. The transitional, historical character > of this sub mission of entire continents to a handful imperialist states is > evidenced furthermore by the fact that billions of peoples in the occupied > continents as well as millions of pariahs of the false prosperity of the > national state in the capitalist metropolis, are rejecting the imperialist > system and are struggling in various ways to put an end to it. > The main contradiction of capitalism, as a mode of production, is that > between the social character of the production and the private form of > appropriation of the product of the social labour. In terms of the present > capitalist world system, the main contradiction is between the world > character of production and the monopolistic form of appropriation by big > financial and industrial groups in a handful of capitalist metropolis, of > the product of the labour of billions of workers around the world. It is > obvious for any one with common sense that such an unjust and cynical > social system at world scale cannot survive except by violence. > It follows that the main weakness of the capitalist mode of production in > its imperialist stage lies in its parasitic character; in the fact that its > survival implies the exclusion of 3/4 of humankind from the benefit of the > tremen-dous progress of the material and scientific achievements of > civilization. In other words capitalism has lost any vitality as a mode of > production at a national scale It keeps its vitality only as a world > system, its survival in the capitalist metropolis inseparably depen-ding on > the appropriation of the resources of the countries of its periphery for > which access to progress is closed even when they choose the capitalist > option. > > Capitalism cannot survive if cut off from its periphery > Another conclusion to be drawn from this is that the capitalist system > could not survive more than a year in Western Europe, U.S.A, Canada, Japan, > the present North-South system of economic and commercial relationships. > The end of this world system would deprive capitalism of its imperative > source of vitality, of the only condition of its existence in modern times > with, as a major consequence, the simultaneous victory of socialist > revolutions in the capitalist metropolis. On the contrary, no victory over > capitalism is possible, as far as Africa, Asia and South America and the > Pacific continue to be nothing but reserves of cheap labour, raw materials > and cheap agricultural products for industrialized countries, as consumers > of imported indu-strial products from the capitalist metropolis. > Furthermore, the main contradiction between world capitalism and the > countries of its periphery is antagonistic, in the sense that the progress > of one of the two sides of the contradiction implies the regression of the > other. Any compromise for the benefit of both sides is objectively > impossible. It is therefore an imperative task for the peoples of the > capitalist periphery as well as for the anti-imperialist forces in the > capitalist societies, to unite in each country and interna-tionally, for a > total and syste-matic struggle against imperialism. > This task must be given priority over any other by the forces of progress > and, above all, by the vanguard of the workers movement in each country. > This task can in its turn be achieved only through the liquidation of the > political and economic factors of imperialism in developing countries, > through the conquest of the economic and political power by the > anti-imperialist forces in these countries. > The consolidation of the forces of socialism must therefore be the constant > concern of the revolutionary forces in each country. This task cannot be > carried out with success without a systematic political and ideological > education of the masses, without a systematic struggle against the > bourgeois ideology in all its forms. > Parallel with actions aiming at consolidating the factors of the socialist > revolution in each country must be developed actions aimed at supporting > and strengthening the anti-imperialist movement in the developing countries. > The appreciation done in the SACP Draft Programme, on the so called new > objective realities and the subsequent opinion that “globalization holds > opportunities for South Africa and other developing countries”, that “these > opportu-nities arise from the fact that world trade is expanding and that > globalization has been associated with a communica-tions and > info-technical revolution, that rapid expansion of world > trade has created certain possibilities for a country like South Africa to > boost its economic growth by increa-sing exports as well as simul-taneously > achieving or diversifying exports that could reduce our dependence on > primary products” have, in my view nothing in common with the reality. The > question concerning the existence or non-existence of opportunities for > South Africa and other developing countries, created by the process of > globalization, cannot logically be appreciated from the fact that world > trade is expanding, that globali-zation has been associated with > communications and info-technical revolution, or from the assumption that > it has created certain possibilities for South Africa to boost its economic > growth by increasing exports, etc. What is to be given key importance are > the conditions under which the said expansion of trade communications and > info-technical revolution, etc., have been achieved. > The ongoing process of globalization of capitalism does not imply any > expansion of the capitalist system to all countries and continents, but is > rather an attempt to create a unified world system as mentioned above, with > a handful of capitalist countries, with 10 % of the natural and human > resources of the world prospering by appropriating 90% of the resources of > the countries of the South, where billions of peoples are > compelled to backwardness and misery and to a non-capitalist, agrarian so > -ciety. > It is also wrong, from the historical point of view, to situate from the > late 60s, the emergence of the transnatio-nalisztion of capital. At the > beginning of the 19th century, revolutionary thinkers descri-bed > imperialism as the new phase of the evolution of capitalism, characterized > by the concentration of the capital, by the primacy of financial capital > over industrial capital and linked with this, an increasing process of > capital export, etc. > An example: in spite of the growing antagonism covering the entire period > stretching between the two world wars-between France and Britain, on the > one hand, and Germany, on the other-the process of concentration and > internationalization of capital between the three countries was > perma-nently increasing. On the eve of the Second world war, certain French > and British financial and industrial circles linked with German big trusts > refused to support France’s and Britain’s policy of confrontation with > Germany. > The ongoing globalisation is therefore nothing but the > expansion of that same process, the most important aspect of the new phase > being the political unity of the imperialist states in their ambition to > impose this process as a rule of an international legal system legalizing > the inclusion of the non capitalist countries, as periphery, into the world > capitalist system. > The assertion that “in societies like South Africa, socialism will > have to be built in a country, a region and a world dominated by > capitalism” is an obvious assertion, but this should not imply any > legitimization of reformism as a possible substitute to socialist > revolution. One of the most important tasks to be carried out for the > psychological preparation of the masses and the revolutionary forces for > crucial battles against the neo-colonialist state-is a clear indication > that the goal of the revolutionary movement in its various forms and areas > is the abolition of the capitalist system and the conquest and exercise of > power in the society by the masses themselves. > The fight within the Alliance to impose the socialist orientation as the > common goal for all the partners in the Alliance-beginning with the ANC-is > a point that needs to be clarified, a condition for the survival of the > Alliance as a revolutionary social move-ment. It is evident that if the > ANC, as the main political force (numerically) within the Alliance, is not > by its political program, committed to socialism, the pro-bourgeois forces > within the ANC will be gradually strengthening their positions- which > would unavoi-dably lead either to more political frictions within the > Alliance, or to a non-socialist, neo-colonialist orientation of the > general policy of the Alliance, with a gradual isolation of the forces > representing the interests of the working classes. > Once the final goal of socialism is clearly indicated to the masses, the > next task of the forces of socialism is to carry out a sustained action in > all the key sectors of the society: state apparatus (army, > administration... ),economy, education (formation of highly qualified > cadres) mass media-aimed at accumulating the strategic factors enabling the > shift of the balance of class forces in favour of socialism. > The fact that certain elements of the African bourgeoisie had supported the > anti-apartheid struggle should not be exploited to justify failure to apply > a systematic struggle against bourgeois ideology within the society in > general, and especially within the ANC-a systematic denunciation of every > attempt by the bourgeois elite and specially, the African bourgeoisie, to > consolidate their positions with in the state structures as well as within > the economic structures of the country, in alliance with both the external > and internal forces of imperialism. The longer one waits before carrying > out the ideological and political struggle against the corrupt African > elite the more real the danger that the broad masses, especially the youth > will be de-politicised. One of the most illustrative evidences of this > process is the policy carried out of promoting Black businessmen, a policy > which has been welcomed by the apartheid private sector. There is not a > single example in History (except in the post Soviet Russia and in former > socialist countries in Eastern Europe) of capitalists being created by > decisions of government. The policy of creating Black businessmen means > that instead of buying shares in the privately owned industries or banks, > the government is supporting the transfer to a number of Black citizens > picked up from 40 million South Africans equally entitled to be capitalist, > 30 % or more shares in the exploi-tation of the country’s mineral > resources. It is not surprising that the financial > oligarchies also support this policy while they are systematically > discou-raging any participation of the state in the ownership over > national resources. It is even more significant that former leaders of the > ANC, trade un-ions and government are the recipients of this scandalous > capitalist promotion. > The political and ideo-logical struggle against the danger of corruption of > the African elite must be syste-matically carried out within all the main > social groups-workers, youth, students, women-which implies a systematic > fight against any form of trade unionism”, in the sense that > the revolutionary elements must play their mobilizing role within each of > these social groups, making it clear for women, students, youth or workers > that their specific rights as individual groups can never > be guaranteed within the framework of the capitalist system - the best > justification of this assumption being the billions of women, men, youth, > students and workers in the countries of the capitalist periphery, who are > condemned to unemployment, misery, intellectual backwardness and diseases, > as a direct and necessary consequence of the world > capitalist system- and that the struggle against unemployment, gender > discri-mination, social segregation in its diverse aspects can gain > momentum only if it is linked with the political struggle against > capitalism - the system to which unemployment, gender discrimination and > other forms of social discrimination are bound as fruits are attached to > the tree that bears them. This implies that all the revolutionary forces > in each country and worldwide, and especially, the revolutionary forces in > the industrialized countries, must explain in a systematic manner to the > workers, women, youth, students, unemployed people that as an economic > system within national borders, capitalism has lost any vitality and could > not survive a single year without its inhuman plunder of tremendous natural > resources in Asia, Africa, South America and the Pacific, where billions of > peoples are main-tained in slavery; It has to be systematically explained > to the masses that more than 55 % of the national income of major > countries like the USA, Japan, and other imperialist states, come today > from activities of American, Japanese compa-nies and other imperialist > powers abroad, that private companies from these imperialist powers control > 80 % of world production and trade of oil and other main strategic mineral > resources such as gold, diamonds, platinum, cobalt, copper, chrome, etc., > 90 % of which are found in Asia, Africa, South America, the Pacific and the > former Soviet Union. > The liquidation of the present world system of commer-cial and economic > relation-ships and the introduction of a new world system guarantee-ing the > equality of partners and the balance of trade terms between the industrial > products on the one hand, and raw materials and agricultural products on > the other, would show the objective limits of capitalism as a national > economic system, generalize and hasten the fall of capitalism in the > industrialized countries. The liberation of the tremendous resources of > Africa, Asia, South America and the Pacific from the practical ownership > over them, by big capitalist companies in 20 industrialized countries, > appears therefore, for any genuine socialist, as an imperative factor of > the socialist revolution in these countries. > The impetus of revolutio-nary movements and revolts in Africa, Asia, South > America and the Pacific, against imperialism must therefore become one of > the main strategic tasks of the anti-imperialist move-ment in its present > compo-sition. This option is the only one which responds to the objective > needs of harmonizing the tremendous progress of science and the material > production capability at world scale and the material and spiritual > liberation of the entire human kind. The alternative option is that which > has been followed up to now-which departs from the wrong and subjective > assumption that capitalism conserves sufficient internal forces enabling it > to survive as a leading mode of production in the so-called > post-industrialized society- a subjective assumption which has been fuelled > by the defeat of the Soviet Union in the ”cold war”. > Another conclusion follo-wing from the analysis above is that the Soviet > Union and other socialist states in the leading industrial countries have > been engaged in a global conflict with world imperialism under such > conditions where the balance of economic forces between the antagonistic > blocs was to a considerable extent so detrimental to the socialist bloc > that its defeat was unavoidable as far as the imperialist econo-mies were > controlling 80% of the natural and human resour-ces in the non-socialist world > Instead of pointing to certain evident subjective mistakes which have > occurred in the course of the Soviet Union’s evolution, it is the > objec-tive, material balance of forces, the marginal place the socialist > economies were occupying in the exploitation of and trade with the economic > resources of the planet which must seen as the real causes of the defeat of > socialism in the cold war. > A deep-going and scientific analysis of the emer-gence and survival of > imperialism as the supreme stage of capitalism and the identi-fication of > the necessary factors of that emergence and sur-vival lead to the following > conclusions, among others: > 1. The transformation of capitalism into imperialism is a necessary > condition of its survival; > 2. Imperialism is impossi-ble without the prerequisites that give birth to > it, that is, among other things, the territorial and political occupation > by the imperialist states, of large parts of the under-developed countries > through-out the world and the appro-priation, by violence, of the means of > production of these countries. > 3. The victory of socialism over capitalism as a mode of production in the > process of History will remain an utopia as far as the imperialist system > retains its control over the largest part of the world´s means of production. > > The peoples of the Third world as well as the peoples in the imperialist > states must then answer the question: how long will the entire human kind > remain condemned to poverty and wars for the sake of entertaining a number > of parasites who limit the progress of the sciences and material production > in order to maintain their privileges and egoism? > The world revolutionary forces have no reason to define their strategies > from a position of weakness, but, on the contrary, from their full > acknowledgement and conviction that in the era of the triumph of the > sciences and human creativity, capitalism has become the exclusive obstacle > to the creation of an eman-cipated, peaceful, prosperous and happy human > society. > > The prerequisites for a successful struggle against imperialism in South > Africa > South Africa can develop as an independent capitalist society only through > its transformation into an imperialist state, through its financial, > industrial and commercial expansion over continents-at the cost of > prevailing financial, industrial and commercial oligarchies of North > America, Japan and Western Europe. It follows that South Africa, within the > framework of the capitalist division of labour, can develop only in the > direction of South Korea, Taiwan or Brazil-which means, as an extension of > American, Japanese and West European financial and industrial groups, with > the transfer of technology to areas where they enjoy sharply reduced costs > of labour, raw material, sharp cuts in taxes on profits, etc. > Taking into account its high population, one can conclude that South > Africa, in this respect, would more likely follow the example of Brazil, > with foreign financial and industrial trusts expanding in the country while > millions of citizens live in total misery. With the liquidation of > apartheid as a political system stricto sensu, Blacks will now in growing > numbers, integrate into the well-established structures of the > neo-colonialist state, both within public administration and civil society, > within the management not only of the dominant private sector, but also of > the state and parastatal companies. > The economic interests of this new Black elite will more and more come into > conflict with the interests of the majority of the population resulting as > a necessary consequence, in the gradual strengthening of the objective > alliance between the Black elite and the dominant neo-colonialist, > post-apartheid system. This evolution of the Black elite-from a component > of the anti-apartheid forces, into an ally of imperialist forces in South > Africa is inevitable, as social classes cannot define their position in > political struggles in opposition to their material interests. As a matter > of fact, it is not social consciousness that determines social being, but > rather social being that deter-mines social consciousness. > The unavoidable confron-tation between the working masses and the new > alliance of Black bourgeois elite with imperialist forces post-apartheid > South American society must therefore start without delay, before the > strengthening of the political and economic influence of the Black > bourgeois elite as a social strata under the cover of which the > neo-colonialist state will try to stabilize and legitimize itself. > The working classes and all the victims of the imperialist system must, > without delay, resort to systematic action aimed at gradually strengthening > the anti-impe-rialist forces within the state apparatus as well as at > controlling the economic life of society. More concretely, in controlling > the means of produ-ction-this being a necessary factor for weakening > imperialist foundations in society. Any delay in the execution of this task > would only result in an increasing weakening of revol-utionary potentials. > > African Unity: a categorical imperative of socialist revolution in South > Africa > Another weakness in the Draft Programme of the SACP is the lack of any > reference to what I consider as one of the most important tasks of the > South African revolutionary movement, namely: the task of > supporting and providing an impetus to the anti-imperialist movement in > Africa, of uniting the revolutionary forces of our continent in the > struggle for achieving the political inde-pendence of African countries as > a condition of achieving the economic and political unity > of Africa, taking as an example the ongoing process of econo-mic and > political unity of Europe. > Co-operation within the framework of the OAU under its present form, as > elaborated in the Draft Programme, can only lead to an acceptance of the > changes in 1965 that led to a transformation of the OAU from a > revolutionary, anti-imperialist movement of the African peoples, into an > instrument for stabilizing the neo-colonialist status-quo in the majority > of African states, as a result of the organization being dominated, since > that date, by a majority of pro-imperialist puppet states and the > aban-donment by the organisation, of the anti-imperialist line of action > of the then “Casablanca Group”. > The experience of the 35 years of the OAU clearly bears witness to the fact > that this organization has been unable to expose and still less, solve the > remotest problem regar-ding African unity. Not a single road, not a single > runway or telephone line has been built, not a single joint economic > programme has been introdu-ced with the view to creating the conditions > enabling our young and weak economies to resist foreign domination. The > only accountable achievement of the OAU remain to this date, the annual > summit meetings of African heads of state, leaving in their trail heavy > financial costs to the participant countries. > We share the opinion that in spite of its economic potentials, South Africa > could not achieve the goal of building a socialist economy as an isolated > experience, within an African geo-economic spacium- remaining in the > periphe-ry of imperialism. > South Africa is, in fact, the last hope of the African revolutionary > movement. Due to its enormous natural resources and its relatively > developed industrial produc-tion base, and in a joint action with the rest > of the continent which contains a big part of the economic resources > available on the so-called free market, South Africa has the capacity of > giving a push - in a clever manner-to important political changes in > African countries- in the sense of reinforcing the progressive > forces-without facing direct aggression from Western powers in form of > military intervention or eco-nomic and commercial embargo. The promotion of > anti-imperialist changes in the rest of Africa is one of the guarantees of > the success of a socialist experience in South Africa. On the contrary, the > integration of South Africa into the neo-colonialist system of the OAU > would only lead to a non-principled position of South Africa on major > political issues linked with the further development of both South Africa > and the rest of the continent, to the loss by South Africa, of the > tremendous capital of trust it enjoys today throughout the continent. > In order to fulfil its task as the most important detachment (economically) > of the African liberation movement from the imperialist yoke, South Africa > must define its attitude on any political conflict within a given African > country or between different African states, in the interest of the > consolidation of the anti-imperialist forces and the weakening of the > pro-imperialist forces, no matter under which cover they hide them-selves. > South Africa could not act in the interest of the consolidation of the > anti-imperialist forces in South Africa and the rest of the continent by > taking on different political conflicts in Africa a position of neutrality > or “wisdom”, which would result in isolating those African states which are > resisting the intervention in their domestic affairs by imperialist powers > which encourage or create civil wars or wars between African states and by > so doing, contribute to aggra-vating the economic fragility of these > countries. > South Africa must assume leadership of the anti-imperialist move-ment of > the African Peo-ples > One of the weapons used by the imperialist powers in trying to maintain the > econo-mic dependence of African states on western powers is the creation > of all kinds of opposition groups, including military groups, whose > objective is to create political unrest and economic chaos. So, for > instance, under Haile Selassie, the separatist movement in Eritrea was > labelled a terrorist organisation and combated by all western powers > without exception. After the fall of the feudal and obscurantist regime and > the installation of the socialist regime led by Mengistu which started a > deep-going programme of economic and social transformations-with the > nationalization of the country’s main means of production, a land reform > and the empowerment of rural and urban masses through the creation of > “Kebeles”-forms of people’s collectives-western powers declared war on > Ethiopia and created altogether 5 new separatist military groups in Tigre, > Oromo, Ogaden, etc. which joined the already existing Eritrean separatist > movement now called a nationalist movement. > An American army general was sent to Sudan to organize and supervise the > military operations against what was called “the totalitarian regime of > Mengistu”. > > One of the consequences of these artificially created wars was to render > impossible the implementation of the vast programme of economic and social > transformations laun-ched by the country which was forced to allocate a big > part of its already limited financial resources to finance the national war > effort. The socialist experience could now survive only with the increasing > support of the entire socialist block, mainly the Soviet Union, Cuba, GDR, > Czechoslovakia. With the fall of the socialist block in 1989, there > remained no material force to support the socialist regime in the > conditions of generalized civil wars. > The revolutionary forces in Africa and the rest of the world cannot, > therefore, be reinforced through a policy consistent with joining the > western propaganda machinery in denouncing dictatorship states which, no > matter how weak their commitment to socialism may appear, are facing > desta-bilizing groups in the service of neo-colonialist forces. > The recent “Amnesty International” report concerning “massive > abuses of human rights in Congo”-published, as if by coincidence, a day > before the opening of the so- called Franco-African summit in Paris, 28-29 > November last year (where President Kabila was to appear), and largely > broadcast through all the Western TV and other media-including South > African-is a brilliant example of the malicious undermining propaganda > western powers always resort to in the attempt to discredit and weaken the > position of a developing country with ambition of trying to freely chose > its own way of development. > We must therefore express our concern with regard to the present world > situation when imperialism shows its unity in dealing with the major > international issues affe-cting the sovereign rights of all peoples and > nations to self determination and progress-like issues concerning the > former Yugoslavia, lraq, Congo, Libya, etc.-while the anti-imperialist > forces respond by a silent approval or by holding unprincipled speeches on > democracy in general, dicta-torship in general, peace in general or human > rights in general; for instance, talking- on the present war in the DR > Congo- of “the necessity of sitting and discussing” with rebels, including > soldiers from the former Mobutu army or a “national liberation front” of a > certain “son of a Congolese billionaire” who opened his own war front in > November last year. > The ANC government and other progressive forces in South Africa should > never forget where they come from and what the conditions and > factors were of their final victory over the fascist regime of > apartheid and its creators and supporters as they should > never ignore the categorical conditions of transforming the end of > apartheid (which was not the ultimate goal per se of the anti-apartheid > struggle) into a point of departure of the struggle for the liberation > of the country’s gigantic natural resources and the masses > from imperialist domination, from social exploitation and oppression-which > is still the dominant characteristic of the South-African socio-economic > situation. > By putting up an attitude of indifference toward what is going on in the DR > of Congo, in Angola or in Zimbabwe, by refusing to identify the forces > which stand behind Savimbi, the worst of apartheid’s puppets, or behind the > former soldiers of the Mobutu regime, another faithful ally of apartheid, > or the white colonialist interests behind the present anti-Mugabe campaign, > the ANC led government would practically show itself to be no more than a > continuation of the apartheid regime as a stronghold of imperialism in its > destabilizing policy against African states, a policy designed to keep the > neo-colonialist status-quo in these states. And the ANC government could > not apply such a political line in the name of the progressive and > deprived masses of South Africa, because such a political line would only > be an expression of the consolidation of the links between the leading > forces within the ANC government on the one hand, and on the other hand the > forces of neo-colonialism and imperialism which had found in the apartheid > system an appropriate form of a neo-colonial state enabling the > preservation of the domination of the international financial and > industrial oligarchies-above all, the Anglo-American- over the tremendous > natural resources of Southern and Central Africa. This is unfortu-nately > the case to day with the situation in most of the so-called fron-tline > States who suffered tremendous material and human losses as a conse-quence > of the full support given to the ANC in the struggle against apartheid. In > Angola, Savimbi gets his main military help from pro-apartheid forces in > South Africa with the ANC Government doing nothing to stop it. Savimbi has > a representation in South Africa where he owns many properties, inclu-ding > a hospital. On the issue of internal conflicts in Congo and Zimbabwe or in > Caprivi (Namibia), South Africa finds itself even here on the side of the > forces of destabilization. > After the fall of the apartheid regime, there remains only two alternative > political lines in South African society: the capitalist, neo-colonialist > line-in alliance with the world imperialism-on the one hand, and the > anti-imperialist, socialist line, on the other. Any other line in the kind > of preaching “unity between the poor and the rich” leads only to diverting > people and rendering the necessary economic, political and social changes > for which hundreds of thousands of South African sons and daughters have > given their lives. > The agreements sign-ed recently between the United States and the ANC-led > Government by which US imperialists were given the task of training the > military and security for-ces of South Africa is one of the indication of > the bourgeois orientation cho-sen by the present South African Government. > It is deeply depressing to state the fact that South African leaders seem > to have chosen the way of folklore dances and large and noisy Nigger > laughters in front of the cameras while the imperialists are planing to > maintain their plunder of our resources for thou-sands of years to come. > The ideology of “negritude” must definitely be banned from our continent. > Africa needs more visionaries of the calibre of Khadafi, Nasser, Um > Nyobe, Nkru-mah... > The key role of the ANC and South Africa in the anti-imperialist struggle > of the African peoples does not lie in any imaginary inventions about some > “extremists” or some “Muslim groups aiming at destabilizing South Africa” > as a main ANC leader put it. The ANC´s role in the anti-imperialist > struggle of the peoples of the world has been perceived and underlined by > the ANC throughout the long struggle against the colonial system of > apartheid. In its political report to the Morogoro Conference of the > African National Congress April 25-May 1,1969 in Tanzania, The national > Executive Committee stated very clearly that “The unity of all progressive > forces against imperialism and the mobi-lization of the vast masses of the > people into a united anti-imperialist front will constitute a mighty and > invincible force for the destruction of imperialism”. > Reaffirming that ”the African National Congress is deeply interested in the > unity of the anti-imperialist movement”, the Morogoro Conference further > stated: > “We of South Africa have taken charge of a sector that is vital to the > success of the struggle against imperialism. The whole of the revolutionary > forces of the world look upon us to play our role in this struggle. Our > international duty is clear. Let us march against the enemy” (In “The > African Communist”,No 38,Third quarter 1969). > Three decades later, the imperialist hegemonic ambi-tion over Africa and > the world is more determined than ever before. The task of the > anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples of South Africa and the rest of > our continent has become more imperative. But ANC leaders pretend that the > interests of the majority of the South African people can be reconciled > with the uncha-llenged domination of Anglo-American trusts over the human > and natural resources of Southern Africa with the integration of a handful > of fabricated Black businessmen. > It is also without any basis in the historical reality and certainly due to > predetermined and metaphysical, “anti-dogmatic” indignation to assert as > is done in the Draft Progr-amme,p.77, that “instead of approaching the > social reality of the religious belief- with historical, class and > dialectical understanding, communists tended to approach religion > metaphysically-it was seen mechanically and dogmatically as a “rival” > belief system to be defeated at all costs”. > Marxist theory and communist experience in different countries have never > dealt with religion per se, cut from class struggles throughout History. > Contrary to the above mentioned asser-tion in the Draft Programme of the > SACP, Marxism is the only ideology which has done an historical, > anti-metaphysical study of religions. Faithful to the marxist principle > according to which any social activity has to be judged always from the > answer to be given to the question: in whose interest the said activity is > carried out, communists have never made any study or any pronounce-ment on > religion without any link to concrete political strugles in which > religion has been used in a way or another by the reactionary classes > either as an integrated part of political and military actions against the > oppressed classes, or in an attempt to divert the oppressed masses from any > political commitment. > Throughout History, Western religions have shown themselves not as thoughts > on the belief in the primacy of God, but as part of the whole social > apparatus of oppression. > One of the most illustrative examples of that reality is given by > Christianity, which bears the name of one of the greatest and most glorious > oppositions to the phenomenon of social and political oppression in > History. After having crucified Jesus and his followers, the Roman Empire > and later on, the different states which arose from the dissolved Imperium, > succeeded in transforming the formidable spiritual force of Christianity > into the main ideological instrument in the service of the ruling classes > in their attempt to impose their political and social domination over > peoples throughout continents- under the feudal and later, the capitalist > systems. > The Roman Church was first used both to conquer other continents under the > banner of crusades and then to fight the growing opposition to feuda-lism > which culminated in the movement of Protestantism and the Saint > Bartholomew Night massacres. Later on, the Roman Church allied itself with > almost all the tyrannical regimes which followed each other in different > dominant states of Europe, in spreading their supremacy in the form of > colonial conquests and wars. > > upport to Hitler, the Roman Church declared war in 1947 on what was called > the “Bolschevic totalitarian state” which was accused by Pope Pius XII of > “opposing the order established by the Creator”, by the very fact of > abolishing private property and social hierarchy. > In a little country like Cameroon, the national libera-tion movement > against French colonialism-the Union of Peoples of Cameroon- UPC, was, in > 1951 - 3 years after its creation- declared “the repre-sentative of Satan > on the Earth”, in an “episcopal letter” issued by a council of bishops in > all French colonies meeting in Dakar, Senegal. This, in spite of the fact > that several UPC leaders were active adepts of Islam or members of the > Protestant Church which had no direct links with the French colonial lobby. > More recently, at the end of November 1998, one of South Africa’s TV > channels showed a big religious meeting in New York or Chicago, during > which one of the speakers, a lady from India, denounced, under applauds > from the public, what she called the three enemies of mankind at the > present time: “Communism, nationalism and racism”. Such are some of the > historical realities which, throughout the recent History, brought about > different clashes between Commu-nism and religion. > On the other hand, it has to be pointed out that freedom of religion was > guaranteed by law in the Soviet state even though religions had no right to > break the law in force or to preach against the existing social system. > Furthermore, religions did not bear any responsibility for the education of > the youth, which fell, by law, within the exclusive prerogative of the state. > It is likewise subjective and in opposition to the reality it is assumed in > the Draft Programme of the SACP that “the institutionalization of socialism > in the Soviet Union in the Stalin years established a tradition of > Marxism-Leninism that sought to be all-embra-cing, total”, that > Marxism-Leninism “became a “science” of everything” or that metaphysics and > speculative philosophy came to be enshrined with Marxism-Leninism”. These > assertions are altogether nothing but arbitrary judgements. > For instance, the Soviet State has never imposed uniformity in literature > or arts. The Soviet literature glorifies both Pushkin, Lermentov or Gorki. > The marxist realism in art produced geniuses like Eisenstein in cinema, > generations of great classic dancers sportsmen who never profited in > practising dance or sport or were paid millions of dollars for being good > boxers, or good classical dancer. > Of course the Soviet art was based on high moral principles. Cinema, mass > media, just as dance, were to serve the aim of creating a world of peace > and harmony between peoples and nations-within every society as well as > between different nations. In the name of these high moral principles, > films showing individual violence, killings, individual heroes against > collective interest, or calling for race contempt, for prostitution and > other forms of humiliation of women were of course forbidden-not only in > words but also in deed-as also were the manufacture and sale of war toys > for children, drugs, homosexuality and the like. > All these measures can only honour the Soviet state and communism as a > historic social experience. A compara-tive social system based on high > moral values is the present Jamahiriya society in Libya which is to day the > most peaceful, equal, humanist and happy society for both women and men, > cut off from the exaggerated permissiveness of the western way of life. > Inculcating in the masses -workers, youth, women a sense of > responsibility, educating them systematically in the high moral values of > socialism, their permanent involvement in the fights against the bourgeois > social system, ideologies and way of life, were sought to be higher social > necessities, which dictated an appropriate individual and collective > discipline. The experience of struggle for a new society, in an environment > of a capitalist hostile world is something other than metaphysical > speculations on the ideal form of socialism-which will be possible only > once socialism has become the dominant economic mode of production at world > wide. The building of a socialist society does not follow a broad and easy > highway. It implies the transformation of the old society into a new, > through an historical period during which the forces of progress are not > the only actors on the scene, where the struggle embraces all the spheres > of social life-economy, politics, culture, ideology, media. Experience has > shown that the Soviet Union had never succeeded in transforming the > agrarian feudal economy inherited from tsarism into an advanced industrial > society-independent from the capitalist world economy-without the strong > and consequent political line which was applied and which consisted, among > other measures, in protecting the working masses and especially the youth, > from the corrupting influences of the western way of life. These are also > the principles guiding the building of the present Libyan Jamahi-riya. > > Johannesburg January 1 998. By Jean-Claude Njem, Attorney at-Law, from > Came-roon. > Address: > P.O.. Box 5022,16305 > Spånga (Sweden) > > or > B.P. 19, ESEKA > (Cameroon). > Tel.& Fax in Sweden: > 46-87957368. > Tel. in Cameroon: > (237) 37 46 73 > or 237-226222. > > ”Unity of the progressive forces against imperialism and the“mobi-lisation > of the broad masses of the people into a united anti-imperialist front will > constitute a mighty and invincible force for the destruction of imperialism. > We of South Africa have taken charge of the sector that is vital to the > success of the struggle against imperialism. The whole of the > revolutionary forces of the world look upon us to play our role in this > struggle. Our international duty is clear: Let us march against the enemy > (from the Political Report of the National Executive committee on the > anti-imperialist Movement.”. > African National Congress April 25-May 1, 1969). Morogoro Conference > (Tanzania) > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > ______________________________________________________________________ > To unsubscribe, write to [log in to unmask] > Start Your Own FREE Email List at http://www.listbot.com/links/joinlb ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html ----------------------------------------------------------------------------