Jaajef wa G-L, Information from the Campaign Against the Arms Trade from their website: http://www.caat.demon.co.uk/ THE ARMS TRADE An introductory briefing Tens of millions of people have been killed in wars since 1945. The arms trade fuels these wars and wastes human skills, natural resources and vast sums of money. The Government has a policy of using military exports as a tool of foreign policy. Such a powerful trade will not be stopped immediately, but a number of key areas need to be addressed. This briefing focuses on ways in which the UK could disengage from the arms trade, with Government policy shifting from a vigorous promotion of arms exports to one of reducing and eventually ending them. THE HARD SELL For decades the UK Government has had a policy of promoting arms exports, seemingly at any cost. The result of this policy is that the UK continues to arm repressive regimes around the world, despite the fact that massive Government financial and political support is needed to prop up UK military industry. The Government doesn¢t simply wait for customers to approach military companies to buy arms. It goes out to actively promote military exports, giving the industry support massively in excess of that the civil sector could expect. This for an industry which has accounted for an average of less than 3% of visible UK exports over the last five years of available data (1991-1995).1,2 This subsidy takes many forms, including the expense of running the Defence Export Services Organisation (DESO), the cost of Export Credits Guarantee Department (ECGD) cover for arms sales, and the subsidy for military research and development. The UK is one of the world¢s leading arms exporters - ranked second behind the US in terms of total arms deliveries in 1997. France is not far behind, but Russia, the next largest, is a distant fourth.3 At least £4,598 million worth of military equipment left the UK for overseas countries in 1997, while new orders totalled around £5,500 million.1 In 1996/7 150,000 people in the UK were directly or indirectly dependent on arms exports for their employment.1 The DESO The DESO, part of the Ministry of Defence, was set up in 1966 to assist military exporters. It provides marketing assistance and military advice to exporters, as well as organising arms exhibitions and promotional tours. It has about 6004 civilian and military employees in London and in nine offices overseas. No other sector of UK industry enjoys this level of government support for exports. Heads of the DESO, past and present, come from major military exporters, effectively giving the arms manufacturers a voice in Government. ECGD The ECGD, part of the Department of Trade and Industry, helps exporters by underwriting loans and providing interest-rate subsidies. ECGD backing for an export means that if the buyer does not pay back the loan, the Government (in other words, the taxpayer) guarantees to do so. Without this backing, many arms sales to high risk countries would not go ahead. Arms deals account for a disproportionately high level of ECGD backing. Between 1990/1 and 1996/7 credits for military exports accounted for 27% of the guarantees for capital goods and projects underwritten by the ECGD5,6,7. This percentage peaked in 1993/4 at 48% - an incredible proportion of the allocation given that military exports comprised only 2.2% of total visible exports in 1994. * CAAT is calling for the closure of the DESO and an end to ECGD support for exports of military equipment. Research & Development In addition to disproportionate help promoting and selling military equipment, the Government provides disproportionate help with the R&D costs of the arms industry. It assists through both internal Government research and directly financing the R&D of military contractors. In 1996/7, the MoD spent £804 million on ¡Intramural¢ R&D and £1,440 million on ¡Extramural¢ R&D.1 JOBS The effect of the above subsidies is to undermine the perceived importance of the arms trade to the UK economy. This extravagant use of public money means that other, non-military, sectors are deprived of support, and it appears certain that civil manufacturing would be able to create more employment per pound than millitary production because of the latter¢s massive R&D and capital costs. * CAAT has long been calling for the creation of a national Conversion Agency that can begin to develop and implement an imaginative economic programme to reorientate the UK economy from military to civil production. Producing civil goods, such as transport equipment, alternative energy systems, and medical equipment would utilise the existing skills from military industry and create jobs. The creation in late 1998 of the Defence Diversification Agency (DDA), despite its name, does not meet this need. Its emphasis is on support for military industry rather than the reorientation of the economy, reflected in the placing of the DDA in the Defence Evaluation and Research Agency. LICENSING CONSIDERATIONS The Government claims to have a responsible policy on military exports, and to take human rights concerns into account. In practice, however, the UK arms some of the most repressive regimes and pours weapons into regions of military tension. Anyone wishing to export military goods needs to obtain an export licence from the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI). The Ministry of Defence (MoD), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and The Department for International Development (DFID) are each consulted before a licence is granted. The Government has signed up to three sets of internationally agreed criteria for arms exports - the European Union¢s Code of Conduct, the Permanent Five of the United Nations and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe. These criteria are implemented through guidance given to FCO desk officers. This requires them to consider the consequences of arms exports on existing armed conflict, the human rights record of the purchasing government, the effect on internal tension within the recipient country, and the technical and economic capacity of the recipient. However, the decision-making process is weighted heavily in favour of exports. Time and time again, concerns of human rights are overridden in the interest of exports, so that the UK is arming some of the worst dictators in the world. Human rights The Government continues to allow the export of military equipment to Indonesia, a country with an appalling human rights record, arguing that it has received assurances that equipment such as Scorpion light tanks will not be used for internal repression. This is in spite of the fact that previously supplied Scorpion tanks have been used against protesters. As well as the sale of equipment which is used directly in repression, all arms sales give moral support and credibility to the recipient. For this reason, people working for justice often give a very high priority to campaigning for an end to arms supplies to their governments. The UK government has imposed complete or partial embargoes on the sale of military equipment to China and Burma * countries where there were few arms sales. However, it ignores human rights considerations when big orders are at stake, and consequently the UK continues to arm Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. Fueling conflict Many of the UK¢s arms customers are situated in areas of actual or potential conflict. For example, there is growing tension in the Far East over recent oil and gas fields discovered in the Spratly archipelago and Paracel Islands. The UK¢s contribution to raising the stakes has been to sell high tech. military equipment into the area. The Al Yamamah contract with Saudi Arabia is the UK¢s biggest export order ever. Supplying huge quantities of the latest weaponry to such a heavily armed region raises tensions, not only in the Middle East but globally, as this region is of key strategic importance. Development Countries with massive development needs, like India, are among the UK¢s most lucrative customers for military equipment. The Government¢s support for arms sales encourages such countries to waste money - money that could be spent to meet people¢s basic health and education needs. * CAAT is calling for an immediate ban on the supply of military, paramilitary and police equipment to governments with records of sustained human rights abuse or which are involved in armed conflict. Training of military, security and police personnel from these countries should also be ended. * CAAT is also calling for the effects on development to be taken into account when arms export applications are considered. SECRECY Although there have been some moves to lift the secrecy surrounding arms sales, including the promised Foreign Office annual report, a veil still remains. In the UK, successive governments have claimed to exercise responsible control over military exports but, usually for reasons of "commercial confidentiality", no-one is told what is being sold to whom. A register of licence applications would rectify this lack of information, allowing the public and MPs the chance for debate before the equipment is exported. At the international level, a step towards greater openness was taken in December 1991 when the United Nations¢ General Assembly voted to establish a Register of Conventional Arms. Governments are invited to inform the Secretary-General about their arms exports and imports, military holdings and national arms production for the following categories of equipment: battle-tanks, armoured combat vehicles, large calibre artillery systems, combat aircraft, attack helicopters, warships, missiles and missile systems. It is published annually, but covers only equipment which has already been exported. * CAAT is calling for a register of all applications for UK arms export licences to be available for public inspection to enable comment and, if appropriate, parliamentary debate before a licence is granted. This would complement the UN Register. LANDMINES AND LASER-BLINDING WEAPONS Every month anti-personnel landmines kill over 800 civilians worldwide and maim another 450. Mines are hidden and indiscriminate killers, remaining active for many years after they are laid. The UK Government ratified the 1997 Ottawa Treaty on landmines in July 1998. * CAAT is calling on the UK Government to apply pressure to other states, including the US and Russia, to persuade them to ratify the treaty. It is also monitoring the UK Government¢s implementation of the Treaty, which includes mine clearance and the care & rehabilitation of mine victims. Lasers are frequently used in guidance systems, but in recent years there has been concern that they might be used as weapons in their own right. This prompted governments to agree, in 1995, Protocol IV of the Inhumane Weapons Convention, which prohibits the use against the naked eye of any laser weapon which has blinding as one of its combat functions. Despite its limitations, this Protocol is a start to tackling these weapons. The Protocol will come into force when it has been ratified by twenty governments. * CAAT is asking the UK government to ratify Protocol IV of the Inhumane Weapons Convention. ABOUT CAAT The Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) is a broad coalition of groups and individuals committed to the following basic objectives: an end to the international arms trade and the UK¢s role in it as one of the world¢s leading arms exporters; the conversion of military industry to civil production. CAAT makes no essential political or moral distinction between arms suppliers, being opposed to all arms exports. Neither does it prescribe any one specific means for reducing and eventually eliminating arms exports. Within CAAT there is diversity of opinion on such wider issues as military defence, non-violence and political security, but sponsors, affiliates and supporters of the Campaign are expected to support CAAT¢s basic objectives. This they do according to the resources and priorities of their own particular concerns. CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARMS TRADE CAAT was set up in 1974 by a number of peace and other organisations, which were concerned about the growth in arms exports following the Middle East war of 1973. Since then CAAT has helped to make the arms trade a significant political issue. In 1999 public awareness reached an all time high when around one thousand people contributed to protests against the government sponsored Defence Systems Equipment International exhibition in Surrey and London Docklands. CAAT took a golden opportunity to highlight the Government¢s massive role in the international arms trade. DSEi was the biggest UK arms exhibition ever to take place. It was sponsored by the Defence Evaluation and Research Agency, part of the Ministry of Defence, and was opened by the Secretary of State for Defence. CAAT is currently campaigning on a number of issues resulting from the DSEi fair, including the existence at the fair of promotional material for anti-personnel landmines. CAMPAIGNS Companies, which supply riot control and counterinsurgency equipment, and public order weapons, participate in the privately run COPEX exhibition. In 1999 COPEX will be at Sandown Racecourse from 2nd * 4th November. CAAT will continue to follow the exhibition around the country until its deadly business is stopped. CAAT will also be campaigning at the high-technology arms fair, Armed Forces Communications Equipment Association (AFCEA) this year. AFCEA has moved from Belgium because the campaign against it there has been so effective. CAAT hopes to repeat that success when AFCEA is in London from 27th * 29th October. CAAT will also be joining our European partners campaigning against the Eurosatory arms fair in Paris, during 2000. CAAT also highlights the activities of arms exporters in their local communities, empowering local individuals and groups to tackle them. The office may be able to supply information to CAAT supporters about the arms exporting factories in their locality. Although CAAT works for an end to all arms sales in the long term, it also campaigns for an immediate military embargo on specific countries with particularly bad records on human rights, or particularly developmentally needy countries. Currently CAAT is campaigning against arms sales to Saudi Arabia, Turkey, South Africa and the Far East. It has recently published briefings on development, mercenaries, small arms, NATO and Africa. June 1999 - Stop the Arms Trade Week. The second international week of action against arms trade, with local activities and lobbying. We hope to follow up the successful week, with a similar event next year. In 1999, CAAT is highlighting its parliamentary and party political activities. CAAT continues to call for the implementation of the Government¢s ethical foreign policy. Some parliamentary work is done directly by the CAAT office staff, but it is of utmost importance that supporters also campaign locally. For several years CAAT has run a Clean Investment Campaign. This looks at the military investments of local authorities, churches, health authorities, charities and universities and encourages them to disinvest, or use their shareholder power to encourage conversion. A pack, which includes major research done over the years, is available from the office. The new lists of investments and a slow but ever-growing list of disinvestments are now available. Work on the economics of arms exports, including the effects on employment, continues. Research on the issue is being undertaken in conjunction with academics. So far research has revealed the huge subsidies that the arms exporting companies enjoy. The AGMs of military companies continue to be a major focus. The biggest of the companies is British Aerospace, and their AGM was on 28th April. It will be on 4th May in 2000. CAAT shareholders questioned the board about arms exports, while CAAT supporters protested outside. CAAT also campaigned at the AGMs of GKN and GEC. We are awaiting the results fo the merger of GEC¢s defence arm with British Aerospace. CAAT continues to campaign against landmines, playing a major role in the UK Working Group on Landmines, which co-ordinates the work of about fifty UK non-government organisations. The campaign has seen phenomenal success. In December ¢97 the Ottawa Treaty, banning landmines, was signed, and in July ¢98 finally ratified by the UK government * albeit with loopholes which CAAT and the UK Working Group on Landmines continues to campaign on. The treaty came into effect in March 1999. CAAT continues to monitor the implementation of the campaign, and this has resulted in official complaints being made to the police and the government. MATERIALS CAAT has leaflets and briefings on many aspects of the arms trade and stocks videos, badges, balloons, stickers, mugs, posters, etc. There is also the CAAT newsletter that comes out every two months, packed with information about the arms trade and the campaigns against it. INFORMATION SERVICES CAAT has comprehensive files on the international arms trade, categorised by company, country and topic. These files are available to anyone for reference purposes, by appointment. The CAAT staff also uses them to answer queries from the press, campaigners and the public. HOW IS CAAT RUN? CAAT has no formal membership structure. Individual supporters and affiliated groups (local branches of peace organisations, trade unions, churches etc), donate whatever they can afford towards the cost of running the Campaign and receiving the newsletter. The Campaign is also supported by Sponsoring Organisations, national organisations who helped set up CAAT or who have subsequently given major support. These organisations are listed at the foot of the page overleaf. CAAT has over 20 local groups, plus around 100 Local Contacts who, between them, cover much of the country. They are CAAT¢s representatives in their area and try to encourage groups and individuals to include the arms trade amongst their concerns. CAAT has a network of Student Contacts doing the same work in universities and colleges. The Steering Committee is CAAT¢s ultimate policy and decision-making body. It is composed of six supporter representatives as well as representatives of the Sponsoring Organisations, Special Interest Groups (e.g. Christians, students) and staff - it meets four times a year. The twice yearly National Forum feeds ideas and campaigning priority suggestions into the Steering Committee. A smaller Executive Committee meets monthly and ensures that Steering Committee decisions are carried out. All CAAT supporters are welcome to attend the twice yearly National Forum. CAAT has three full-time paid co-ordinators and a part-time Research co-ordinator, a Sales Worker and a Fundraiser, as well as many volunteers who work for a day or more a week in the office. If you would like to volunteer, please contact the office for details. FINANCES In 1998 more than three-quarters of CAAT¢s money came from donations from individuals. The rest came from materials sales, grants from the Sponsoring Organisations and miscellaneous sources. CAAT¢s budgeted income for 1999 is just under £150,000. If more money were available there is no doubt we could easily spend it to raise the profile of the arms trade and increase our efforts to end it. 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