Hi folks,
First, I would appeal to all and sundry to take
some time and read Momodou Sidibeh's 2-part posting entirely, and
carefully. May I, before going further, express my sincere gratitude to
him for his brilliant, and well-thoughout contribution to the ongoing exchange
of ideas about recent events in The Gambia, and what to do next. I have
certainly found his historical analysis timely, and educative, and I hope those
of you who are more versed in the history of Gambian politics follow Momodou's
example, and take us all back to school.
I would also like to touch on a number of issues
Momodou has raised, as well as his suggestion for the creation of a non-partisan
Gambian organization. Mr. Sidibeh has lamented the Gambian not to
follow-through on important issues, and backed his claims with a number of
examples. Without a doubt we, are all guilty of most, if not all the
charges levelled at us by Momodou, and I guess the best way to repent is to make
sure that we all work sincerely toward mending our ways. Speaking for
myself, I will confirm that Mr. Sidibeh did indeed write to me a while back,
asking me about what happened to Dr. Saine's proposal to have process of
reconciliation and national healing. I recall telling him frankly that I
did not know much about what became of it, and admitted dropping the ball.
Or words to that effect.
At any rate, it was in the aftermath of the tragic
events of April 10 and 11 that I called Dr. Saine, and did ask him about what
progress there was on that front. He told me that he had not received any
official response, and if anything, there was a reconciliation conference that
was organized without any invitation being extended to him. It of course
takes two to tango, and it becomes incredibly difficult, if not impossible, to
have a dialog if the other side doesn't want to talk. This by no means
implies that the blame for the failure of the Dr. Saine's calls for national
reconciliation to be heeded belongs to one side only. Rather, I would
suggest that we all should learn from our mistakes, and redouble our efforts to
taking some concrete steps to getting things done.
I would also like to say that Mr. Sidibeh's
suggestion for a non-partisan Gambian organization comes at a time when we have
infact been talking about setting up an umbrella organization to work toward
building and safe-guarding democracy in The Gambia. As it happens, it was
only last night (Tues., April 18) that I called Karamba Touray, and Latjor Ndow
about getting such an organization off the ground. I also tried calling
Dr. Amadou Janneh about the freegambia.org Web site, but I could not get hold of
him. It is my intention to contact as many people as possible, with a view
toward getting a core group that will commit to the idea of an umbrella
organization, that will be willing to work with each other and existing
organizations, in order that we can have an entity that will not require us to
re-invent the wheel, and will make maximum use of the ideas of as many people as
possible, and finally does not do so at the expense of getting things
done.
In my previous posting on the issue of setting up
an umbrella organization, I asked for contact information about different
organizations that currently exist in different parts of the world, and are
working on various issues of concern to Gambians, and people interested in
Gambian issues. From what I've been able to gather so far, it seems to me
tthat while there a number of organizations the world over, many of them are
more geared toward welfare, and local issues that the develpment and
strengthening of democracy in The Gambia. However, in my conversation with
Latjor Ndow last night, I also had the impression that their organization, "The
Gambian Leadership Conference (GLC)" might well serve as a nucleus for an
umbrella organization that can have branches in different parts of the world,
and aimed at coordinating efforts at fostering democracy in The Gambia.
Toward this end, Latjor told me he'll send me their articles of incorporation
and related documents so that we begin to discuss how best to modify the GLC to
better serve the purpose envisaged in our idea of an umbrella
organization. Be sure that we will be bringing the issue forward to the
list, and make sure that everyone has an opportunity to contribute to the
realization of an organization that's functional and effective.
Speaking of effectiveness, I also mentioned the
issue of the freegambia.org Web site. As you know, there presently are a
number of brilliant efforts to provide people with Internet tools to enable them
coordinate their responses to the recent tragedies back home, and develop
effective strategies for responding to the government's actions - or lack
thereof. However, I sense that we still can do a better job of
coordinating things, especially in light of the frequent exchanges of e-mail
about the dates and locations of demonstrations. Thus, I think we could use a
central calendar that will list events and activities of Gambian communities and
organizations around the world. People who were responsible for these
events would be allowed to manage their own calendars, but they will all be
accessible from one page. This way, it will be a lot easier to coordinate
things, and also ensure that we all are on the same page; figuratively and
literally.
I have been tinkering with different calendar
services out there from Yahoo! (http://www.yahoo.com) to Hotdiary (http://www.hotdiary.com) They all have
their advantages and disadvantages, and in the end, the adage, "you get what you
pay for" is true here too. While they are all free, they also in one way
or the other require some registration, etc., etc. for their calendars to be
really useful. The other alternative is to setup our own, and I have been
thinking of putting one up, either on my server, or on the freegambia.org site
donated by Dr. Amadou Janneh. I need to work somethings out with Dr.
Janneh, and see what will be the best way to go.
Also, I should mention that I am planning to
contact those who have offered to help, as well as those that already have their
own on-going efforts in this regard. In particular, both George Sarr (of
Gambians Online), Pope Pope(?), Alpha Robinson, and others have all been
stirring things in their corners of the world, and I intend to work toward all
of us working together. Whether we have each of these sites providing a
specialized service (e.g. calendars, online chat, forums, etc) or all of us work
on different areas on one site will depend on a number of issues. However,
the end result will be something that's user-friendly, and
functional.
I guess I'll have to stop here for now.
Please keep the ideas coming, it's the flow these great thoughts that keeps us
all going in these rough times. And by the way, PLEASE refrain from
insulting people, and using foul language on the list. I have seen
postings here that are really disgusting, and serve no purpose other than paint
a terrible picture of people who send them in. Remember, our postings are
archived, and publicly accessible, and for this reason, I would encourage you
all to use language that you would be proud to stand by and not, in the future,
have to regret saying.
That's really is about it, and I'm outa here.
Best wishes in your endeavors.
Katim
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Wednesday, April 19, 2000 6:03
PM
Subject: UNDERSTANDING THE APRIL MASSACRE
(2)
Political parties in Gambia since independence have been able to mobilise
support especially during election years. But they command loyalty not as a
result principally of ideological commitment but rather that of ethnic
solidarity, patron-client relationships and personal loyalty. Their
internal organisation is largely undemocratic and where any form of
administration exists, it is generally weak and ineffective.
Liberal democracy and socialism, both based on systemic ideologies
expressing particular social values have no real roots in Gambia. There is no
real bourgeiosie to champion the cause of liberalism and democratic
constitutionalism. Yet class consciousness is also so weak as to make
the identification of class enemies difficult. This is especially so in the
country-side where exploitation occurs not in production but in
exchange. There is simply no class of land-owners comparable to
anything obtaining in say, Zimbabwe and many Latin-American countries. The
trade unions are weak and divided and the workers' movement, unlike in
Senegal, seems to have condemned itself from expressing political
concerns.
Whatever constitutes the left in Gambian politics has remained
tiny, ineffectual and hopelessly divided since the demise of Black
Brotherhood and the Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Foundation of the late 60s. The
latter collapsed under recriminations of treachery within its
leadership, elements of which, while still operating from different platforms,
only remember one another with caustic bitterness. Some were to resurface in
PDOIS in the mid eighties, while others had already reappeared on the scene in
MOJA in 1979, calling for the revolutionary overthrow of the Jawara regime.
Yet other members of the Foundation simply became running bureaucrats of the
Jawara regime, even as many others opted for exile in the United States.
While PDOIS has remained active since 1985/86, MOJA has remained
paralysed as a result of internal differences that emerged following Jawara's
lifting of the ban in November 1992. These differences were still
unresolved when in July 1994 the Jawara regime was overthrown. Needless to
say, many of the members simply joined the Jammeh bandwagon, eventhough their
organisation rejected coups as an alternative method of bringing about
progressive social change. Added to the reasons I gave earlier for
the failure of the coup makers in delivering on their promises, is
the fact that soldiers have a tendency to substitute themselves for the
working class.
In
societies where economic chaos, uncertainty and political disintegration
threaten, the military usually ceases power not just because it believes
itself to have the preponderance of armed force on its side. But largely
because it always happens to be the best organised section of the population.
Its regimen of discipline, robust chain of command, and tested professionalism
ensures that it always posseses the organisational readiness
to cease power and exercise it effectively. So in African countries where
societal progress has not involved a strong tradition of orgnisation-building
across ethnic and class lines and where traditional clan-based organisations
failed to be conduits for political mobilisation, the emergence of a
power vacuum itself is tantamount to an invitation to soldiers to cease
power.
THE CASE FOR A NON-PARTISAN ORGANZATION
Eventhough the 1996/97 elections ushered in civilian rule, the
Jammeh regime is quasi-military in character. The July 22
Movement, as Kabir Njie wrote, was to be a reproduction of Gadaffi's
September 1 Movement. But Gambia, unlike Libya, is also a multi-party
constitutional democracy, that elects a National Assembly comprising of
representatives that the people "freely" elect. In short, oppositional
politics is a fact of Gambian political life, and the APRC government can only
be as legitimate as the degree of public consent its rule commands. But
in a harsh economic climate, the killing and disappearance of Gambians amidst
suspicions of cover-ups, permanent instability, and the heavy presence of the
security forces in the daily lives of Gambians, widespread public resentments
were simply forced underground. The regime's waning popularity meant it
can obtain legitimacy only through coercion and patronage. The July 22
Movement was an instrument for such coercion. Jammeh himself bought
instrumental allegiance by sending planeloads of influential people to the
Hajj, in combination with an unpresidential display of largess.
With all these factors in mind, it appears to me that the only way for
Gambians to break this cycle of abuse, to create a counter force against the
adventurists designs of other coup plotters, to put an end to the vagaries of
endemic corruption, to give hope to the marginalised and give voice
to the voiceless, to define concrete social values worth dying for, a
non-partisan organisation of Gambians is necessary. Non-partisan because this
kind of organisation should not pay allegiance to any kind of
"mansa-president". It should remain independent while making a critique
of power minding only what it deems stands in the best interests of the nation
at all times, inventing traditions and proferring a progressive cultural
outlook. Because political parties cannot guarantee the freedom of Gambians
whether or not they are in power, it will be the work of this organisation to
see to it that dialogue with those in power is established and maintained at
all times, criticising when necessary, and praising where praise is
due.
However, given our poor capacities to put words into action, such
an organisation is best helped if it starts with a minimum program
that immediately appeals to all Gambians. I have in mind the struggle for
basic human rights. It is only when the government in power respects and works
to observe the democratic rights of citizens, that a climate conducive to
making steady progress in the economic and social well-being of the people
becomes possible. Human Rights are just that basic.
Well, how ready are we?
Here is a brief look at betrayed commitments:
ONE:
In early1995, about six months after the coup a group of Gambian
intellectuals (let us not be scared of this word) based in the US (almost all
of them Ph.D holders), made a pledge that they would from then on participate
in national development. They wrote that they regretted their
conspicous disengagement with Gambian issues during Jawara's reign. I am
sure many of you may remember that apology. What they have done since
then, I have no idea. The nation is now calling on them and all of us to
listen to the grievances, concerns, and fears of the common people, articulate
these concerns and transforming them into concrete action, imploring those in
power to act accordingly. That should be the fumdamental role of intellectuals
in any society.
TWO:
A year or so ago, a Gambian lady by the name of Mam Betty Jallow who
worked at the embassy in Washington D.C was dismissed from her work under
circumstances which appeared to many on this list to be without merit. The
issue over whether or not her dismissal was warranted generated a harsh and
heated debate during which invectives were traded for a couple of
weeks. It was finally accepted that those who wanted to pursue Mam
Betty's case with an intention to accord her some possible redress,
pending that the termination of her services was unwarranted, should privately
proceed and consult with the relevant Gambian authorities. It turned out that
inspite of all the noise made in her favour, only two people linked up
privately to attempt to consult with the SOS for External Affairs, Dr.
Sedat Jobe.
THREE:
I think it began with a Top Ten from Mafy Jarjue, and then a second Top
Ten from Ndey Jobarteh (aka The Struggle Continues). The former, extremely
supportive of the Gambia government depicted everything in Gambia as just
about excellent. As for the second Top Ten list everything in Gambia was just
as bad, and getting worse. In between the two extremes, a huge gulf emerge in
which Satan lived. Coupled with another hot Matarr Njie issue, Gambia-Lers
knocked at each other mercilessly. No insults in our streetwise vocabularly
were spared during the war of words. It went on until everybody got very sick.
A herbal potion was invented and we called it National Reconciliation.
Suggestions as to what could be done towards that end came in abundance, some
from Katim, others from Alpha and many others. Abdoulie Saine's article was
approved for distribution to the President and the press, calling for the
setting up of a National Reconciliation Committee. I later
privately enquired from Dr. Saine, Dr. Touray and Alpha Robinson on
feedback on the suggestions. Except for the publication of an abridged version
of Saine's article in New African, little else seems to have resulted from the
high sounding proposals.
FOUR:
At about the same time, I enquired from Jabou Joh and Awa Sey on the
state of health of the GESO (the Gambia Educational Support organization), an
organization as politically neutral as any can be. Its basic aim is to help
Gambian students in need of assistance and to also send educational materials
(books, computers, etc) to needy schools. At the time I made my enquiry there
were about 600 registered subscribers on Gambia-L. In its two-year existence,
GESO membership was a pitiful 32!! - just 5% of the number of
subscribers. So little is the practical consequences
of so much patriotic cant.
I have been narrating these concrete experiences because I fear
that we might make committments we may not be able to fulfil; and that
would be tantamount to defiling the memories of all the victims of the
April 2000 massacre. Ideas as to what is to be done may emerge from
cyberspace. But action to unseat President Yahya Jammeh must of
necessity be carried out in the streets in Gambia, even long
after he is gone. This will be so because there is nothing that says that the
next President will be any better. Did we not all celebrate when Fafa finally
fell?
We have a serious cultural problem, and we all know it. We cannot
just burst into our history like a bunch of miffed periscope-eyed
crustaceans that dart in and out of their holes as if to mock your human
presence on their beach. For far too long Gambians (and most Africans
for that matter) have remained by-standers watching their future being stolen
by lunatics who would just as readily subject moral ideas into service for
their private passions. Gambians in Sweden would not get organised until the
police threaten them with permanent humiliation. As if they suffer from some
form of collective amnesia that temporarily makes them forget they are
black people! All of us will not do a thing until when after the blood of
students set the wheels of change in motion. What right do we have for
not decisively intervening in our own history? Is it not our own failure
that allows others to draw the agenda for our lives, ironically now that
we are experts in both how this world and the next are managed? We
seem to think that it is okay to engage with our reality only seasonally, as
if we are all a frenzied bunch of peanut farmers. If we want lasting
change, then we have to change ourselves. Now.
There is a need for some kind of ideological commitment ; a commitment
that is regenerative, that inspires, and that is fulfilling. I see no other
alternative to the need to get organized. For the sake of our common
weal.
いいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいい
(This is not the first time I am putting
forward the case for a national, non-partisan organisation on this list. I now
see no reason why it should not be the last).
Before you go to bed tonight, think of this: There are nearly half a
million Eritreans living outside their homeland. Their exodus has been
occasioned by the 30-year war for Independence. They have a very strong sense
of nationalism. Everyone of them earning a salary or living on welfare is
obliged to pay 2% of their income directly to their government. This money
goes to pay a large percentage of the salaries of public employees. They want
to be economically independent and incur as little debt as possible from
international lending institutions.
The point I want to make here is that the Eritreans have looked into
their reality and that of the world, and invented a fitting tradition for
themselves. There is no reason in the world why we cannot invent one for
ourselves.
"nJaaraama"!
Momodou S Sidibeh