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Date: Tue, 29 Aug 2000 23:31:52 -0400
From: hagop bakhtiarian <[log in to unmask]>
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To: "Gallo, Frank" <[log in to unmask]>
Subject: Fwd: Fw: lieberman's shame
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mailbox:/C|/Program
Files/Netscape/Users/hagop/mail/Inbox?id=NDBBILKCALIOEBELBNDGEEKLCEAA.jirairc%40mikescamera.com&number=260575372&part=1.2.1.2

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From: <[log in to unmask]>
To: <[log in to unmask]>,
        <[log in to unmask]>,
        <[log in to unmask]>,
        <[log in to unmask]>
Subject: Fwd: Fw: lieberman's shame
Date: Thu, 24 Aug 2000 09:16:51 -0600
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Thought you'd like to know this info especially in this current political
climate.
Sadly, when I was doing a presentation on comparing the Genocide with the
Holocaust a year ago I did a lot of research on both. There are websites
galore for the Holocaust and many proclaim that there is ONLY ONE such
atrocity and to give credibility to any others would be to dilute the
significance of the one and only true holocaust. Some sites went so far to
say that any and all words that refer to the Holocaust, such as genocide,
cannot be used. These were not off the wall sites either. They were
significant, legitimately sponsored sites with excellent historical info. My
Dean ( a history prof) and I had quite a discussion on it because I could
hardly believe what I was reading. I don't see any value in
dueling-tragedies
nor do I see this kind of political and personal action as innocuous. It
deserves any American's thoughtful attention and especially an Armenian's.
FYI

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From: "yerlan1" <[log in to unmask]>
To: "Fr. Vazken Movsesian" <[log in to unmask]>,
        <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Maureen Eckel" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Marguerite Sheklian" <[log in to unmask]>,
        <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Tammy Enfiedjian" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Sandra Enfiedjian" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Tammy Karakashian" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Vahan Manoogian" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Susan Movsessian" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Pam Nicolosi" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "Leandra Manos" <[log in to unmask]>,
        "William Manos" <[log in to unmask]>
Subject: Fw: lieberman's shame
Date: Wed, 23 Aug 2000 20:40:40 -0600
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----- Original Message -----
From: <[log in to unmask]>
To: <[log in to unmask]>; <[log in to unmask]>; <[log in to unmask]>;
<[log in to unmask]>; <[log in to unmask]>; <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Wednesday, August 23, 2000 5:24 AM
Subject: Fwd: lieberman's shame



> In a message dated 08/22/2000 11:48:00 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
[log in to unmask]
> writes:
>
> << Below is an old article that I thought would be of interest, it had
been
> reposted to the Armenian News Network (Groong).
>
>  George Aghjayan
>  Armenian National Committee of Central Massachusetts
>
>  > The Hartford Courant
>  >  March 25, 1990
>  >
>  >  LIEBERMAN'S SHAME: TO REMEMBER ONE HOLOCAUST BUT FORGET ANOTHER
>  >
>  >  __________________
>  >  Harold  J. Abramson
>  >  ___________________
>  >
>  >  U.S. Sen. Joseph Lieberman has helped to destroy the Senate resolution
>  >  that would have designated April 24 as a National Day of Remembrance
>  >  of the 75th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide of l9l5-l923.  He
>  >  justified his behavior by saying that the "passage of the resolution
>  >  would not change what happened decades ago."
>  >
>  >  The Senator is shameless.
>  >
>  >  Some of the criticism he has already received considers him amoral or
>  >  charges him with Vaclav Havel's phrase, "reprehensible passivity."
>  >
>  >  The amorality accusation suggests that he does not know the difference
>  >  between right and wrong, between what is just and unjust.  Does the
>  >  senator know and recognize his hypocrisy?  Does he understand what is
>  >  just and right?
>  >
>  >  The fact that he can trample on the pain and memory of survivors and
>  >  their children by saying "passage of the resolution would not change
>  >  what happened decades ago" suggests strongly that the charge of
>  >  amorality is on the mark.
>  >
>  >  The charge of passivity is just as interesting, given the
>  >  revolutionary changes in the world today that Havel's election as
>  >  president of Czechoslovakia represents.
>  >
>  >  But Lieberman hasn't always been passive.  In fact, in his first
>  >  Senate year he has been quite active and authored or supported a
>  >  number of Senate resolutions.  For example, there was a resolution
>  >  commemorating the 50th anniversary of the United States Jewish Appeal
>  >  on May 2, l989.  It was good that the senator did not reject the
>  >  memory of the victims of Nazism even if the resolution could not undo
>  >  the Holocaust.
>  >
>  >  Then there was his vote for the resolution that would designate the
>  >  week of May 7, l989, as Jewish Heritage Week.  That was another just
>  >  decision because of the American recognition of an ancient religion
>  >  and civilization.  This resolution obviously could not change
>  >  anything.  But it could honor a heritage with all of its components,
>  >  the survival and the sorrow.
>  >
>  >  In February l989, the senator supported a resolution that would
>  >  designate June l4, as Baltic Freedom Day. This was just, too, not only
>  >  for the Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians, but for all Americans.
>  >  It reminds us of the history and the aspirations of the Baltic
>  >  peoples. These are memories of particular significance in Eastern
>  >  Europe today.
>  >
>  >  A final example of his active role in the resolution side of Senate
>  >  business is a resolution inroduced Feb. 23, 1989, and written to
>  >  designate June 12, l989, as Anne Frank Day.  The senator supported
>  >  that, too, and Anne Frank died decades ago.  Again, the resolution
>  >  would not raise her from the dead.  But it can remind some of us to
>  >  read her words, to think of the Holocaust and its effect on a
>  >  13-year-old life. Anne Frank moved the world with her diary and it was
>  >  good that the senator recognized that.
>  >
>  >  All these resolutions deal with the collective memory of people, their
>  >  grief and their hope.  The resolutions mean something, not just to the
>  >  victims and their descendants but to all Americans who care about
>  >  human rights. They offer a justice of words and spirit as they
>  >  commemorate.
>  >
>  >  What did Lieberman do with the resolution creating a National Day of
>  >  Remembrance of the Armenian genocide?  He shamelessly denied justice
>  >  for expediency--or false expediency.  Even his arguments are hollow.
>  >  Turkey's historic role in the Armenian genocide is clearly a legacy of
>  >  the former decaying Ottoman regime and not of the present Turkish
>  >  government.
>  >
>  >  There is a special horror in Lieberman's insensitivity and arrogance
>  >  that transcends the normal thresholds of American politics.  We are
>  >  not dealing with money, budgets and allocations.  We are confronting
>  >  symbols and history, and particularly the first genocide of the 20th
>  >  century.
>  >
>  >  In seeking a sense of the Senate, the authors and supporters of this
>  >  resolution were trying to offer a moral acknowledgement long overdue;
>  >  a simple gesture to the victims and their descendants. It reminds all
>  >  of us of the evil that must never be repeated but too often is.
>  >
>  >  Lieberman might learn something from the following American story. My
>  >  88-year old Jewish mother had a neighbor and friend, an Armenian
>  >  women, who has since died.  They often attended Armenian or Jewish
>  >  activities together as companions.
>  >
>  >  My mother told her friend of the pogroms in Poland and her friend
>  >  would speak of the genocide in Turkey.  They called themselves
>  >  "survivors," and they called themselves "sisters."  They wept together
>  >  as they remembered the millions who did not live and the deaths they
>  >  had to suffer.  As sisters, their separate collective memories became
>  >  one.  As survivors, they shared life and grieved as one.
>  >
>  >  Lieberman is insensible to the kinship of pain.  He owes an apology,
>  >  and more, to the Armenian community and the people of Connecticut.  In
>  >  his public statement, he explained that "our efforts to memorialize
>  >  the Armenian people and their suffering do not take place in a
>  >  vacuum."  Of course.  Neither justice nor evil occurs in a vacuum, and
>  >  there are always expedient arguments for the pursuit of evil and the
>  >  denial of justice.
>  >
>  >  ----------
>  >  Harold J. Abramson is a professor of sociology at the University of
>  >  Connecticut
>  >   >>
>
>




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Return-path: <[log in to unmask]>
From: [log in to unmask]
Full-name: VMJ32
Message-ID: <[log in to unmask]>
Date: Tue, 22 Aug 2000 23:48:00 EDT
Subject: lieberman's shame
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CC: [log in to unmask], [log in to unmask]
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Below is an old article that I thought would be of interest, it had been
reposted to the Armenian News Network (Groong).

George Aghjayan
Armenian National Committee of Central Massachusetts

> The Hartford Courant
>  March 25, 1990
>
>  LIEBERMAN'S SHAME: TO REMEMBER ONE HOLOCAUST BUT FORGET ANOTHER
>
>  __________________
>  Harold  J. Abramson
>  ___________________
>
>  U.S. Sen. Joseph Lieberman has helped to destroy the Senate resolution
>  that would have designated April 24 as a National Day of Remembrance
>  of the 75th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide of l9l5-l923.  He
>  justified his behavior by saying that the "passage of the resolution
>  would not change what happened decades ago."
>
>  The Senator is shameless.
>
>  Some of the criticism he has already received considers him amoral or
>  charges him with Vaclav Havel's phrase, "reprehensible passivity."
>
>  The amorality accusation suggests that he does not know the difference
>  between right and wrong, between what is just and unjust.  Does the
>  senator know and recognize his hypocrisy?  Does he understand what is
>  just and right?
>
>  The fact that he can trample on the pain and memory of survivors and
>  their children by saying "passage of the resolution would not change
>  what happened decades ago" suggests strongly that the charge of
>  amorality is on the mark.
>
>  The charge of passivity is just as interesting, given the
>  revolutionary changes in the world today that Havel's election as
>  president of Czechoslovakia represents.
>
>  But Lieberman hasn't always been passive.  In fact, in his first
>  Senate year he has been quite active and authored or supported a
>  number of Senate resolutions.  For example, there was a resolution
>  commemorating the 50th anniversary of the United States Jewish Appeal
>  on May 2, l989.  It was good that the senator did not reject the
>  memory of the victims of Nazism even if the resolution could not undo
>  the Holocaust.
>
>  Then there was his vote for the resolution that would designate the
>  week of May 7, l989, as Jewish Heritage Week.  That was another just
>  decision because of the American recognition of an ancient religion
>  and civilization.  This resolution obviously could not change
>  anything.  But it could honor a heritage with all of its components,
>  the survival and the sorrow.
>
>  In February l989, the senator supported a resolution that would
>  designate June l4, as Baltic Freedom Day. This was just, too, not only
>  for the Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians, but for all Americans.
>  It reminds us of the history and the aspirations of the Baltic
>  peoples. These are memories of particular significance in Eastern
>  Europe today.
>
>  A final example of his active role in the resolution side of Senate
>  business is a resolution inroduced Feb. 23, 1989, and written to
>  designate June 12, l989, as Anne Frank Day.  The senator supported
>  that, too, and Anne Frank died decades ago.  Again, the resolution
>  would not raise her from the dead.  But it can remind some of us to
>  read her words, to think of the Holocaust and its effect on a
>  13-year-old life. Anne Frank moved the world with her diary and it was
>  good that the senator recognized that.
>
>  All these resolutions deal with the collective memory of people, their
>  grief and their hope.  The resolutions mean something, not just to the
>  victims and their descendants but to all Americans who care about
>  human rights. They offer a justice of words and spirit as they
>  commemorate.
>
>  What did Lieberman do with the resolution creating a National Day of
>  Remembrance of the Armenian genocide?  He shamelessly denied justice
>  for expediency--or false expediency.  Even his arguments are hollow.
>  Turkey's historic role in the Armenian genocide is clearly a legacy of
>  the former decaying Ottoman regime and not of the present Turkish
>  government.
>
>  There is a special horror in Lieberman's insensitivity and arrogance
>  that transcends the normal thresholds of American politics.  We are
>  not dealing with money, budgets and allocations.  We are confronting
>  symbols and history, and particularly the first genocide of the 20th
>  century.
>
>  In seeking a sense of the Senate, the authors and supporters of this
>  resolution were trying to offer a moral acknowledgement long overdue;
>  a simple gesture to the victims and their descendants. It reminds all
>  of us of the evil that must never be repeated but too often is.
>
>  Lieberman might learn something from the following American story. My
>  88-year old Jewish mother had a neighbor and friend, an Armenian
>  women, who has since died.  They often attended Armenian or Jewish
>  activities together as companions.
>
>  My mother told her friend of the pogroms in Poland and her friend
>  would speak of the genocide in Turkey.  They called themselves
>  "survivors," and they called themselves "sisters."  They wept together
>  as they remembered the millions who did not live and the deaths they
>  had to suffer.  As sisters, their separate collective memories became
>  one.  As survivors, they shared life and grieved as one.
>
>  Lieberman is insensible to the kinship of pain.  He owes an apology,
>  and more, to the Armenian community and the people of Connecticut.  In
>  his public statement, he explained that "our efforts to memorialize
>  the Armenian people and their suffering do not take place in a
>  vacuum."  Of course.  Neither justice nor evil occurs in a vacuum, and
>  there are always expedient arguments for the pursuit of evil and the
>  denial of justice.
>
>  ----------
>  Harold J. Abramson is a professor of sociology at the University of
>  Connecticut
>

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