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                  <center>
                    <p><b>I BLAME GOV'T FOR MY CONTINOUS EXILE, <i>Omar Joof declares</i></b>
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            <div align="left">
              <p align="left">Omar Joof The Gambia Student Union's exiled leader
                has told The Independent that his continuous absence from the
                country is still being caused by lapses in the security arrangements
                by the government for his possible return. Calling from the headquarters
                of the African Front for the Defence of Human Rights (RHADO) office
                in Dakar last week.</p>
              <p align="left"> Mr. Joof who has been in exile there since April
                following the student unrest said since his personal safety cannot
                be assured by the government his return would not be possible
                in the foreseeable future. Asked what his political convictions
                were, Mr. Joof declared; 'I do not identify with any political
                party but I have good relations with people of many political
                convictions. I am a student activist not a student politician'.
                Mr. Joof who voiced concern about the dispensation of justice
                regarding 'the massacres' of April 10 and 11 said those who have
                been calling for his return have not done enough to improve the
                security situation, which he believed is central in any arrangement
                for his possible return. According to him although the National
                Intelligence Agency (NIA) has discussed matters relating to his
                personal security with the GAMSU leadership, little was being
                done by the government towards facilitating his peaceful return.
              </p>
              <p align="left">The student activist, who fled after the violent
                crack down on the student demonstrators of April 10 and 11, claimed
                that the government had deliberately shunned the student body
                particularly on issues concerning student activities. Sounding
                cautious but firm on his position that the government should handle
                the situation delicately, Mr. Joof said he was eager to return
                home, provided security and an impartial judicial process is expedited
                in the investigations and trial of those responsible for what
                many have come to regard as 'bloody Monday'.</p>
              <p align="left"> 'I have no relative in Senegal, I have a wife and
                a son in The Gambia who I have never seen since he was born in
                my absence. I have no other reason to stay away' he said in a
                voice suffused with emotion. 'If my security could be guaranteed
                I would join the next bus back to Banjul,' he added. </p>
              <p align="left">Omar Joof who still holds a government scholarship
                for a Bachelor's degree said he should have completed his course
                in October and lamented that his career as a student was being
                put on hold, as he continues to 'languish in exile'. He said students
                under GAMSU should be assured that his input as a member of the
                student leadership would be constant. He promised to continue
                pursuing the best interest of the student body. </p>
              <p align="left">When asked about his condition in exile Mr. Joof
                said 'people from The Gambia have visited me to know what I have
                been going through. I will not explain my ordeal out of respect
                for colleagues who died in the April tragedy. They died for the
                sake of justice, which the union was spearheading so if I should
                suffer in Dakar I would take it, selflessly'. But the problem
                Mr. Joof emphasised has been the state authorities reluctance
                to 'take the bull by the horn and address the issue once and for
                all'. 'If we are honest about reconciliation we should discuss
                the truth' he suggested, adding that reconciliation in the absence
                of truth would not last. </p>
              <p align="left">With a mother who developed hypertension and had
                to be hospitalised soon after he fled the country in fear for
                his life Mr. Joof said he was the worse hit by the tragedy apart
                from those who died or suffered injuries during confrontation
                with the country's security forces. Mr. Joof also warned members
                of the student body to desist from making statements 'to make
                themselves heard or famous' He blamed them for taking the student
                body on the path to reconciliation 'ill-prepared'. </p>
              <p align="left">He said the authorities took advantage of GAMSU's
                position to spread the impression that those who led the demonstrations
                used the student body. He said although the student body had responded
                enthusiastically to the call for reconciliation, state authorities
                did not respond accordingly. He said their snubbing of GAMSU had
                worsened to a point when it was not possible to celebrate International
                Students' Day on November 10. To confirm the absence of such cooperation
                Mr. Joof revealed that Alhaji Darboe 'my trusted vice president'
                was 'banished' to Badari in the Upper River Division to prevent
                him from mobilising students for school activities. He warned
                that if the atmosphere of distrust between the government and
                GAMSU should continue, reconciliation would be elusive and his
                condition as in exile would not change. </p>
              <p align="center"><b><font size="5">Cadi appeals court to be set
                up</font></b></p>
              <p align="left"> There are plans to set up a Cadi appeals court
                under section 137A of the 1997 constitution. This is contained
                in the recent notice jointly issued by the Attorney General and
                Secretary of State for Presidential Affairs to amend 38 provisions
                of the 1997 constitution. The proposal aims to set up a Cadi Appeals
                Panel which shall consist of a chairperson and not less than four
                members, which "shall have jurisdiction to hear and determine
                appeals from judgements of the Cadi court and from the district
                tribunals where Sharia law is involved." </p>
              <p align="left">The proposal is generally welcomed in the sense
                that such an appeal court has been absent in this country since
                he creation of Cadi courts. Hitherto all matters dealt with by
                the Cadi courts could not be appealed against and all that a litigant
                could do was to apply to the same court for a review of its judgement.
                "This is quite a significant improvement in the dispensation of
                justice in the Cadi courts in the sense that no justice system
                can be just without a right of appeal," said a lady divorcee.
                She therefore welcomed the introduction of Cadi appeals court
                which she said would go a long way in ensuring that justice was
                done.</p>
              <p align="left"> In the same notice, it is proposed to amend certain
                provisions of Chapter xii dealing with the appointments and control
                of the police force. For instance, both sections 180 and 181 dealing
                with the appointment of a police council and the qualifications
                and appointment of the inspector general and deputy inspector
                general and other ranks shall be deleted. </p>
              <p align="left">Section 180 - Police Council reads: (1) There shall
                be a Police Council which shall consist of - (a) the Secretary
                of State responsible for the Police who shall be Chairman; (b)
                the Attorney-General or his or her representative; (c) the Inspector-General
                of Police; (d) the administrative head of the Department responsible
                for the Police; and (e) one other member appointed by the President.
              </p>
              <p align="left">(2) The Police Council shall - (a) advise the President
                on all matters of policy relating to internal security, including
                the role of the Police Force, police budgeting and finance, administration,
                and any other matter which the Secretary of State may refer to
                the council; and (b) with the prior approval of the President,
                make regulations for the performance of its functions under this
                Constitution and any other law, and, subject to any Act of the
                National Assembly in that regard, for the effective and efficient
                administration of the Police Force.</p>
              <p align="left"> (3) Regulations made under subsection (2) shall
                include regulations in respect of - (a) the control and administration
                of the Police Force; (b) the ranks of the officers and men of
                each unit of the Police Force, the members in each rank and the
                use of uniforms by the members.; (c) the conditions of service,
                enrolment, pay, pensions, gratuities and other allowances of officers
                an men, and deductions therefrom; (d) the authority and powers
                of command of officers and men; and (e) the delegation to the
                Inspector-General and other officer of powers of discipline and
                the conditions subject to which such delegation may be made; </p>
              <p align="left">Section 181 - Appointments in Police Force reads:
                (1) The Inspector-General and the Deputy Inspector-General shall
                be appointed by the President after consultation with the National
                Security Council. (2) A person shall not be qualified to be appointed
                in accordance with subsection (1) if he or she is not a citizen
                of The Gambia or if he or she holds the citizenship or nationality
                of any other country. (3) The President may remove the Inspector-General
                and the Deputy Inspector General from office for good cause or
                in the public interest. </p>
              <p align="left">(4) Subject to this section, the power to appoint
                persons in the rank of Assistant Superintendent and above in the
                Police Force shall be vested in the President on the advice of
                the Inspector-General of Police through the Secretary of State.
                (5) The power to appoint persons to rank in the Police Force below
                that of Assistant Superintendent shall vest in the Inspector-General.
              </p>
              </div>
            <center>
              <div align="left">
                <center>
                  <div align="left">
                    <p align="center"><font size="2"><b><i><font size="5">Suspected
                      of being Mane's secret agent</font></i> </b></font></p>
                    <p align="center"><font size="5"><b>Gambian ''brutalised''
                      in Bissau </b></font></p>
                  </div>
                </center>
              </div>
            </center>
            <center>
              <div align="left"></div>
            </center>
            <p><i><font size="2"> <font size="3">Abdoulrahman Baldeh a Gambian
              businessman has alleged being harassed and brutalised while he was
              on a business trip to Bissau on Wednesday November 29. Mr. Baldeh
              blamed the Guinea Bissau security forces for the ill-treatment allegedly
              meted out to him. The businessman said he recognised those who ''brutalised''
              him as members of President Kumba Yala's loyalists soldiers as they
              suspected him of being a secret agent for Ansumana Mane, the dissident
              former Guinea Bissau chief of staff who was recently killed in a
              shoot out with security forces.</font></font></i>
            <p><i><font size="2"><font size="3">Recounting his experiences to
              The Independent shortly after his return from Guinea-Bissau Mr.
              Baldeh explained that on his way to the capital Bissau, he was intimidated
              at a police station as a search for the fugitive general was mounted.
              According to Mr. Baldeh who looked shell-shocked the Guinea Bissau
              security forces arrested and detained him for almost one and half-hours,
              accusing him of being a special secret agent of the late General
              Mane. According to him that country's security personnel had linked
              him with a network of secret agents working for General Mane and
              stationed in The Gambia. </font></font></i>
            <p><i><font size="2"><font size="3">He said his captors had held that
              he was ''specially'' based in The Gambia and that he was purposely
              in Bissau to find out his boss's whereabouts. According to Baldeh
              after he was ''threatened for quite a long time'', the officers
              decided to set him free but only after he was fined 170,000 CFA
              with a jail term hanging over his head if he defaulted. Mr. Baldeh
              said at the time he was left with only 15,000 CFA - an amount he
              had planned to use as ''spare'' money since he had already paid
              his fares back to The Gambia. </font></font></i>
            <p><i><font size="2"><font size="3">A plea to his captors did not
              stop them from roundly searching him, eventually seizing his money
              and his mobile phone.. Mr. Baldeh alleged that he was set free ''with
              all sorts of threats''. According to him he was not the only Gambian
              who went through such an ordeal. He said treatment of the same kind
              was unleashed on other Gambians by the Guinea-Bissau police. ''In
              Bissau these days, once you are a Gambian you are a target for inhuman
              harassment by the police'' he claimed. </font></font></i>
            <p><i><font size="2"><font size="3">The businessman said the Bissau
              police believe that since the killed renegade General Mane was a
              Gambian by birth, Gambians would be ready to carry out reprisal
              attacks against Bissau Guineans. He said there was ''muted'' fear
              in Bissau about how Gambians there and in The Gambia would react
              to Ansumana's death. "Gambians travelling to Bissau are witch hunted
              and harassed", Mr. Baldeh further disclosed. He urged The Gambia
              Government to find ways of resolving the situation, which he believed,
              could sour relations between The Gambia and Guinea-Bissau. </font></font></i>
            <p><i><font size="2"><font size="3">It was his view that the incident
              that led to the killing of the general could not ''in any way''
              justify ''such gruesome actions'' by Guinea Bissau's security forces.
              He reminded the authorities that such moves are contradictory to
              the protocols observed by ECOWAS. Meanwhile unconfirmed reports
              reaching The Independent say few days after Ansumana Mane's death,
              people of his home town of Sukuta targeted ''papels'' from Guinea
              Bissau for possible reprisal attacks. </font></font></i>
            <p align="left"><i><b><font size="5">INDEPENDENT VIEW </font></b></i>
            <p align="left"> <b><font size="4">Why all these amendments? </font></b>
            <p align="left">In a clandestine effort to 'tidy up' the constitution
              the APRC government is only just about to make a complete mess of
              the state document. Trying to change 39 provisions of the constitution
              including some entrenched clauses is really making us wonder about
              the real motive of the government whose officials were the authors
              of the 1997 constitution in the first place. Gambians at this point
              would be right if they are suspicious about the reason to have the
              constitution changed at this point when the nation is about to be
              caught by election fever.
            <p align="left">What is the APRC government really up to? If no explanation
              is forthcoming, Gambians are likely to take it as just another attempt
              by the powers that be to entrench themselves in power before the
              people decide in the 2001 elections. The gazettes have revealed
              a lot about the proposed changes. Many as these provisions are we
              have not seen anything written about the term limit for the president.
              Gambians who voted in the referendum will never forget that this
              important suggestion was seriously overlooked. Thus Jawara's 'mistake'
              of overstaying in power is still the mistake that the APRC will
              almost happily live with as long as it serves those in power. What
              double standards! What an ugly contradiction!
            <p align="left">Gambians should see the examples of neighbours like
              Senegal, Guinea Bissau, Ghana, Tanzania and South Africa - African
              countries that have worked a very effective way out for leaders
              who are only there for themselves. But the situation as recent trends
              have shown is contagious and The Gambia could not possibly escape
              its grasp. The wind of change we all anticipated after PPP's demise
              did not come in full force. It took Gambians six years to realise
              the 'change' was no change at all. It merely occasioned a brief
              pause from the plunder and recklessness of our leaders. Thus our
              problem is still a question of governance. Who are our rightful
              leaders?
            <p align="left">There is general consensus as to the importance of
              constitutions, and respect for constitutional principles and the
              rule of law as the basis for democratic governance. But the emphasis
              is that the formulation or amendment of constitutions must also
              be through a democratic and participatory process if they are to
              fully reflect the aspirations of the majority of citizens. In this
              respect, the Government's recent plans to deny recognition to fundamental
              basic rights and recognition to other extra-constitutional provisions
              are inimical to rights of the person.
            <p align="left">Among other things, the fundamental importance of
              the judiciary was recognised in the constitutional provisions to
              be amended. However, there attention must also be given to strengthening
              the institutions that support democracy; an effective public service,
              capable local government structures, an independent and competent
              judiciary, and a representative legislature. However, democracy
              is not only about regular multiparty elections and formal institutions.
              Democratic principles and practices have to be embedded in a democratic
              political culture, which is essential if democracy is to be deepened
              and sustained.
            <p align="left">Without such a culture, there is a danger that the
              form, but not the substance of democracy, will prevail. Autocratic
              practices will continue under the guise of multi-part democracy.
              In The Gambia, the prevailing political culture is still conditioned
              by non-democratic norms and values. A democratic culture cannot
              be imposed, and the challenge facing the country is to develop a
              political culture that has resonance for all citizens, and that
              will give form and meaning to democracy as a system of governance.
              Gambians beware of the crackpot types.
            <p align="center"> <font size="5"><b>The Gambia soon to get a Braille
              newspaper </b></font>
            <p align="center"><font size="5"><b><i>GPU Chairman discloses</i>
              </b></font>
            <p align="left"><font size="2"> <font size="3">The chairman of the
              Gambia Press Union D.A.Jawo has disclosed plans by the GPU in collaboration
              with other stakeholders to introduce a Braille newspaper in The
              Gambia 'in order to cater for the growing number of educated blind
              people in the country who have no access to newspapers'. Speaking
              at the end of a week long course on newspaper design and sub-editing
              organised by the Gambia Press Union in collaboration with the Commonwealth
              Press Union of London at the Gamtel Multimedia Training Institute
              on Friday, he said the idea was proposed by the course facilitator
              Bob Howarth and which he said they found quite fascinating. </font></font>
            <p align="left"><font size="2"><font size="3">Mr. Jawo said the GPU
              was going to pursue it with the assistance and collaboration of
              donors and other stakeholders. In officially closing the course,
              the British High Commissioner to The Gambia John Perrot pledged
              his continued support for press freedom. He called on the participants
              to implement the new skills they have learnt in the course. In his
              turn, Bob Howarth said he enjoyed the course and that he was quite
              confident that the participants were going to make maximum use of
              the new technology they have been exposed to. He promised to continue
              the contact with all the participants through the internet to exchange
              ideas with them. </font></font>
            <p align="left"><font size="2"><font size="3">Giving the vote of thanks,
              one of the participants Jeggan Grey-Johnson expressed delight at
              being given the opportunity to take part in the course which he
              said was relevant. The course was attended by 15 newspaper designers
              and sub-editors from the print media. It concentrated mainly on
              the latest technology on the design and layout of newspapers and
              the use of the internet to help improve the outlook of newspapers
              At the end of the course, the participants were presented with certificates
              by High Commissioner Perrot. heard plans to introduce a Braille
              newspaper in The Gambia. </font></font>
            <p align="center"><font size="5"><b>''Teachers at Tujereng are victims
              of discrimination'' </b></font>
            <p align="left"> Gambian teachers at Tujereng Upper Basic school have
              complained of unfair and prejudicial treatment from their principal
              Jerreh Dampha. Report reaching The Independent had indicated that
              Gambians teachers at the school were being denied access to rooms
              at the teachers' quarters ''whilst foreign teachers are given priority
              to reside in campus at our own expense''. According to sources all
              the departments of school are headed by foreign teachers except
              the mathematics department, which is said to be under the responsibility
              of the vice-principal. They claimed that all senior positions in
              the school are being occupied by foreigners ''who are all that mattered
              at the school''.
            <p align="left">On the allocation of rooms at the teachers' quarters,
              they said that eleven foreign teachers are residing at the quarters,
              ''when only four Gambian teachers were given opportunities to stay
              in the quarters''. Teachers of the school who were interviewed vowed
              to abandon teaching if the situation was not amicably resolved by
              the responsible authorities. ''The situation is frustrating'' one
              of them lamented. On teaching shifts, they claimed that foreign
              teachers have more opportunities to teach in the afternoon shift
              and are paid ''double salary''. One of them said that they as Gambian
              teachers are ''completely alienated and neglected as juniors in
              the school''. Reacting to the allegations the principal Jerreh Dampha
              said the teaching force has always been dominated by foreigners.
              ''As a result they easily occupy senior positions and are considered
              on specific matters'' he explained.
            <p align="left">&nbsp;
            <p align="left"><font size="4"><b><font size="5">Unionist attends
              Trade Union Conference</font></b></font>
            <p align="left">Following the adoption of the Constitutive Act of
              the African Union by the 36th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of
              Heads of State and Governments including The Gambia, the Gambia
              Labour Union was recently represented at the Trade Union Conference
              of African Unity held in Dakar. The Gambian representative Kebba
              M. Ceesay of the Gambia Labour Union told The Independent that the
              Conference was attended by trade union leaders from different parts
              of the sub-region. He added that at the end of the conference, the
              Dakar Declaration 2000 was adopted. Mr. Ceesay explained that the
              Dakar Declaration was made within the framework of the African Workers'
              Union Trade Unionist Movement back up and support to African unity,
              as initiated by the African leaders.
            <p align="left">The unending role of African trade unionist efficiency
              was also considered. This he added will be for the "achievement
              and implementation of its desire for freedom following decisions
              made by heads of state and governments at both the Sytre and Lome
              summits." Mr. Ceesay stressed that it was also discussed by leaders
              that despite the social and political difficulties, the conference
              was convinced that African unity was achievable. Mr. Ceesay noted
              that they also called for the mobilisation of the African working
              class and their unity and total integration into the building process
              of African unity. Organisations at the meeting also expressed optimism
              about the initiatives that were the first since the historic summit
              at Sytre under the presidency of the Libyan leader Mouamar El Ghaddafi.
            <p align="center">&nbsp;
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