Gambia-L:
I hope that Gambians are following this unfolding debate between myself and “Kebba Jobe”, in order that we can all get a better understanding of Jammeh and his regime, and all that this represents.“Kebba Jobe” in his last posting to me, says that he is “awaiting the rest”, and so I shall continue with my thesis that Yahya Jammeh is a LIAR.
Gambians should be interested in politics: it is a vital part of all our lives, and is what governs us. Gambians really do have to seriously attend to what politicians say and do, since they are the ones assigned by us to run our affairs and look after our best interests. We should be monitoring our politicians to discover those who are competent and sincere, and those who leave a lot to be desired.The situation in The Gambia is critical, and Gambians themselves have to take the bull by the horns and aim for change for the better in our small country. We should not allow ourselves to be hoodwinked by those politicians who are only keen to line their own pockets.
The contemporary issues at home are life and death ones, and we all have to open our eyes more, and our ears more, in order that we can make the headway The Gambia needs in the twenty-first century.People often claim that they are not interested in politics, since it does not affect them directly. In my book, politics and the people are inextricably linked. Any bad or poorly implemented policy will affect our entire country.
By taking the time to engage in serious debate with the pro-Jammeh lobby, and presenting our audience with incontestable facts in the debate, Gambians will be in a position to better determine for themselves the way forward for our nation.As I said yesterday, Jammeh is indeed a LIAR and I reiterate this in this second debate posting. I shall again substantiate all my points, and I am keenly awaiting your refutations, “Kebba Jobe”. It is vital that both of us are active in this debate.
Now I shall cite the seven areas which Jammeh himself highlighted in 1994 as being pertinent to his take over of the country. We can then measure how far he and his regime have gone to meeting their stated aims.1. When Jammeh seized power on July 22nd 1994, a section of the Press asked him whether he would not replicate the bad record of other military governments on the African continent. Jammeh responded that they were “soldiers with a difference”, and that from now on, accountability, transparency, probity, genuine democracy and good governance would be the order of the day.
Jammeh claimed “we would never introduce dictatorship in The Gambia”.(Daily Observer, 25th July 1994, as reported to Momodou Musa Secka by Jammeh and Captain Singhateh)
Claiming that he had seized power in the name of democracy and tackling widespread corruption, Jammeh promised to return The Gambia to democratic values and practices.(West Africa Magazine, 14th August 1994)
2. Jammeh also said that he believed in the protection of human rights and because of that, he made sure that the first AFPRC Decree of 29th July 1994, which suspended and modified parts of the 1970 Constitution, retained most parts of Chapter 3 of the Constitution which protects fundamental human rights and freedoms.Decree Number 1 had only barred formation of political parties and engagement in political activities of members of the former regime.
The 1996 Manifesto of the APRC promised to promote Human Rights. “The APRC pledges to build a new Gambia that would guarantee an environment that ensures that The Gambian people live in a free society”.(Amnesty International Report: The Gambia: Erosions of Human Rights Safeguards, 1996; and APRC 1996 Election Manifesto)
3. Jammeh’s first watchword which he claimed would typify his regime was ACCOUNTABILITY.This is defined as “the ability to determine who in the government is responsible for a decision or action, and the ability to ensure that officials in government are answerable for their actions”.
(Centre for Democracy and Development, Journal of Democracy and Development, August 1999)4. Jammeh’s second watchword to typify his future regime was TRANSPARENCY.
This is defined as “openness in the process of governance in the election process, policy/decision making, implementation and evaluation at all levels of government (Central and Local) and in all branches (Executive, Legislative and Judiciary)”.(Journal of Democracy and Development, Centre for Democracy and Development, August 1999)
5. The third watchword which Jammeh used was PROBITY. This is defined as “good; honest; moral excellence; integrity; rectitude; uprightness; conscientiousness; sincerity”.(Shorter Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition 1983)
6. The fourth watchword was GOOD GOVERNANCE. This is defined as “presupposing a government which has the ability to maintain social peace, guarantee law and order, protect individuals’ fundamental rights and freedoms and promote or create the conditions necessary for economic growth”.(Journal of Democracy and Development, Centre for Democracy and Development, August 1999)
7. Finally, Jammeh claimed that his aim was to bring GENUINE DEMOCRACY to The Gambia.Well, David Beetham quotes four criteria for genuine democracy:
a. Electoral process is transparent and above board b. Openness and accountability of government c. Protection of civil and political rights d. A social state in which all have equal rights – a democratic society(The Democratic Audit of the UK, University of Essex Human Rights Centre, 1993)
We should now look at Jammeh and his rule in the light of the above seven points. These were the standards which Jammeh himself set and against which he stated that he wished to be judged. Jammeh’s rule has now lasted for seven years, and we are now in a position to analyse how far he and his regime are meeting these standards.1. Jammeh’s record of arbitrary dismissal of civil servants, Security Forces personnel, monopolisation of the national media services, the sacking of the Chairman of the Independent Electoral Commission, the sacking of the Deputy Inspector General of Police, the dismissal of the Auditor General, the deportation of non-Gambian journalists, the refusal to lift the ban on former politicians, Decree 45 (establishing the NIA and giving it sweeping powers), Decree 57 (giving the Minister of the Interior powers to detain suspects indefinitely, Decrees 70 and 71 which hamper the operation of a free press in The Gambia and Decree 89 which bans former politicians from participating in politics: all these are well documented examples of Jammeh’s style of government and the lack of democratic principles in our country to the present day.
According to the new Constitution, all Decrees should have been formally repealed (any law that is inconsistent with the provisions of the new Constitution should be repealed). Many appointments made by Jammeh reflect a nepotistic tendency and favouritism. Given all the above examples (just a few of many), Jammeh’s claims that he would return The Gambia to democratic values and practices are well and truly shattered. This regime is operating more in the style of a dictatorship: Jammeh is firmly in direct control of all the machinery of state, and government is most certainly not “by the people for the people”2. In April 1995, Jammeh promulgated Decree 36 which finally suspended the whole of Chapter 3 of the 1970 Constitution, thus permitting indefinite detention and illegal arrest.
Human Rights Violations in The Gambia are now commonplace, and on the record (refer to Amnesty International Reports on The Gambia, and to the US State Department’s Country Reports on The Gambia).Citizens like Dumo Saho, Lt. Lalo Jaitteh, Ebrima Yarboe, Momodou Mareneh and many others, have been detained illegally for almost a year, in gross violation of the 1997 Constitution.
Journalists continue to be harassed (Ellicot Seade was deported in November 1997; Alieu Badara Sowe and Yorro Jallow were arrested in July 1997; Citizen FM Radio Station was closed down by the government for two years before the Courts finally ordered the government to reopen it: staff at the Independent Newspaper have been harassed as recently as 2000.In June 1999, Shyngle Niasse, the UDP Youth Organiser, was kidnapped and detained illegally for several days.
In the US State Department Country Report for The Gambia in February 2001, it is stated that “the poor human rights situation in The Gambia has worsened”.The Amnesty International Report for 2000 The Gambia, states that “freedom of expression and association continued to be restricted. Journalists were harassed, detained briefly and threatened with a new law that would restrict their activities even further. Members of the opposition parties also faced harassment and arrest. There were reports of severe ill-treatment of prisoners. Discrimination and violence against women persisted.”
(Amnesty International: www.amnesty.org)3. Accountability. The principle of Accountability is vital for good governance and human rights protection.
Jammeh promised to set standards high, but he made sure that the new Constitution had a clause which provides total immunity for the President and his colleagues in the AFPRC and others who acted on their behalf, against any criminal or civil action, even if these crimes were committed in their private capacities.This clause made it clear that Gambian courts have no jurisdiction to entertain any criminal or civil action against members of the AFPRC or its appointees.
For a leader who promised that he would not be afraid to be accountable for his actions, good or bad, Jammeh is curiously reluctant to be scrutinised. The Commission of Enquiry Report into the 10th/11th April 2000 massacre, said that members of the Security Forces should be held responsible, but to date nothing has happened. Where is accountability demonstrated here ?4. Transparency. The Commonwealth described the 1996 Presidential elections as being “deeply flawed” and that the elections were tilted in favour of Jammeh and the APRC (in terms of the banning of the 3 major political parties, the monopoly of the state media, the inequalities in Campaign duration which for Jammeh lasted throughout the transitional period but for the opposition parties was restricted to one month, the availability of the whole machinery of the state to Jammeh and his APRC.)
Jammeh appointed military personnel as Divisional Commissioners during the transition period and it was therefore easy for him to get Provincial support through the offices of these Commissioners during his campaign.The IEC was set up by Jammeh and he appointed its members. Initially Gabriel Roberts, a strong supporter of the AFPRC, held the Chairmanship. Following his departure after the elections, his place was taken by Bishop Johnson. Johnson has now been arbitrarily dismissed and Roberts reappointed as Chair.
One wonders about the transparency on display here !During the transition period, Singhateh and Hydara made unannounced trips to Libya and Taiwan. Jammeh himself makes many unannounced trips, and his travelling entourage grows bigger and bigger.
Through Captain Ebou Jallow, we know that Taiwan gave The Gambia a loan of 35 million dollars, but Jammeh has still not disclosed this to the Gambian people, and the government’s dealings with Taiwan then and now are all surrounded in mystery.
Jammeh’s interference with the Judiciary is an open secret. We know of a magistrate, Borry Touray, who was sacked for transferring the Ousainou Darboe case from Basse to Banjul. Isatou Njie, the Judicial Secretary, was sacked without explanation in 2000. Recently, the Chief Justice resigned/was sacked (depending on who you read !) and then reinstated. Attorney Generals come and go – at the latest count, 6 (or 7 if you include ex-Solicitor General Amie Bensouda) have been dismissed.5. Probity. If Jammeh had any regard for probity, then we should ask ourselves why up until now, he has failed to set up a Commission of Enquiry to investigate the mysterious death of former Finance Minister, Ousman Koro Ceesay, who was found dead in his burned-out car in June 1995. Ceesay’s family are still demanding an official enquiry into his death, especially since there have been serious allegations that members of the AFPRC were involved in his murder.
In June 1995, Captain Sadibou Hydara also died in custody at Mile Two Prison. The government claim that the cause of death was related to high blood pressure, but Hydara’s family refute this and demand a Commission of Enquiry to look into the circumstances of his death. Their requests have also fallen on deaf ears.The deaths of many military personnel in unclear circumstances at the time of the November 1994 alleged coup attempt, are still awaiting formal investigation.
Yahya Drammeh, one of the rebels who attacked the Farafenni Military Barracks in November 1996, also died in custody at Mile Two Prison in May 1997. The Government stated that he died of a blood disorder, but Amnesty International (in The Gambia: Democratic Reforms without Human Rights. December 1997) states that the government should set up an investigation under Principle 36 of the UN Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons Under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment). To date, the government has failed to take action.In January 2000, Lt Manneh was killed for his part in an alleged coup plot, but his wife insists that Manneh was never part of any plot, and she has demanded an independent enquiry. Again, the government has failed to take action.
According to Patrick Smith in Africa Confidential Newletter August 2000, he told the BBC’s Focus on Africa programme (of 14th January 2000) that Jammeh had benefited personally from a crude oil deal with Nigeria under General Abacha: in return Jammeh supported Nigeria at the 1995 Commonwealth Heads of Government Summit. Following exhaustive investigation, Smith reckons that Jammeh must have pocketed in excess of 50 million Dalasis from the deal. To date, Jammeh has resisted any independent body of investigation into this Crude Oil Saga.
In 2000, Jammeh generously gave 40 tractors to farmers throughout the provinces, and said that they were his personal gift. When the Taiwanese Ambassador visited The Gambia, Tamsir Jallow (a strong APRC member) thanked the Taiwanese Government through the Ambassador, for its gift of tractors ! Tamsir later tried to retract his comments, but the damage had already been done.Wherein lies probity here ??
7. Good Governance. David Beecham’s four criteria as cited earlier, have not been met in any degree. Not in the openness of the electoral process, not in accountability, not in the protection of civil and political rights, not in a democratic society in which all have equal rights.There are reports of widescale corruption, and mismanagement in every area of government.
Two things are clear from this review:1. We can emphatically and honestly claim that Jammeh is a LIAR
2. Jammeh’s rule has fallen far short of the standards he set for himself and against which he wished to be judged.One can safely and legally claim that Jammeh is a fake, insincere, a liar, a prevaricator, undemocratic and a scoundrel.
To date, I have looked only at the man behind the office: when we scrutinise his seven years in public office, we shall all of us have an enlightened insight into what Jammeh actually represents for The Gambia.But that is another posting !
Ebrima Ceesay, Birmingham, UKPS: Soccer Fans: I am very, very down tonight; my soccer team, Arsenal FC, have been beaten by Valencia of Spain, in the quarter final of the Champions League. What a sad day for me!