Hamjatta, You really do amaze me. Why didn't you send a copy to George w. Bush, Kofi Annan or better still to the heads of state of the G8? THE FIRST REPUBLIC IS DEAD, LONG LIVE THE SECOND!!!! Gassa. >From: Hamjatta Kanteh <[log in to unmask]> >Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list ><[log in to unmask]> >To: [log in to unmask] >Subject: The Gambia: The Writings On The Wall >Date: Thu, 16 Aug 2001 14:31:46 EDT > >This piece was this morning mailed to some senior members of the British >Government: the Prime Minister, Tony Blair MP; the Foreign Secretary, Jack >Straw MP; the Development Secretary, Clare Short MP. The piece was also >forwarded to my MP and the two main Opposition parties of the UK. I hope, >by >this piece, to renew the clarion call for those who can aid our efforts to >defeat the cancerous disease in our country, to remember us as our battle >for >decency in the Gambia reaches a make or break point as we enter the crucial >presidential elections of October 2001. I hope i can succeed in pricking a >conscience or two. > >All the best, > >Hamjatta Kanteh > >****************************************************************************** > >****************** > >The Gambia: The Writings on the Wall > > >On Wednesday 28th February, 2001, three British Labour MPs - Jeremy >Corbyn, >Diane Abbott, and John McDonnell - delegates from some of The Gambia's >local >political Opposition, the Gambian Diaspora in the UK, concerned friends of >the Gambia, representatives of international organisations interested in >governance and development issues on the African continent and >representatives of both the British media [interested in African affairs] >and >the Gambian print media convened at Committee Room 10 at the House of >Commons >to hear briefings from members of the Gambian Opposition on the rapid >deterioration of the social, economic and political situation in the >Gambia. >This gathering of peoples from all walks of life and diverse opinions >marked >a watershed in Gambian history; especially, as it relates to the new >political assertiveness the Gambian Diaspora has of late demonstrated. The >Gambian Diaspora was ready to be part of the diverse stakeholding that >accounts for modern political entities in an increasingly submerging world >where events at even remote corners of the world have the cumulative >effects >of pricking world conscience into moral indignation and action. Of >fundamental importance here also is that this House of Commons Committee >Room >10 gathering marked the inaugural event of a movement that has undertaken a >civic response to the catalogue of rapidly deteriorating events - which if >left unattended, could amount to another African tragedy. This movement - >Movement for the Restoration of Democracy in the Gambia, United Kingdom or >MRDGUK, as its acronym goes - has since that inaugural event of Committee >Room 10, made it a sacrosanct duty to respond morally to this rapid >deterioration of the political, economic and social situation in the >Gambia. >To understand the philosophical rationale of the movement and how the >Gambia >got to be where she is right now, a thumb-nail sketch of events that has >mutated into this degeneration of things in the Gambia, is well in order. > >Since July 22nd 1994, when some junior military officers dislodged the >democratically elected government of Sir Dawda Jawara, the Gambia had >lurched >back and forth from the precarious to the uncertain. Indeed, for the first >since her existence as a sovereign nation-state, the Gambia began an >Odyssey >typical of African crackpot military dictatorships: bad governance, >economic >mismanagement, looting of State coffers, gross Human Right abuses, >intolerance of the opposition, the gradual withdrawal of basic civil >liberties, disregard of the due process of the law and in extension the >rolling back of the frontiers of an independent judiciary. To be sure, all >was not rosy with the old order that the military replaced. If anything, >the >ancien regime was a benign autocratic capitalist functioning pluralist >political system - which while deficient on the rigorous machinations of >probity, open-ness and accountability of older democracies of, say, >Westminster, was relatively equipped to guarantee basic civil liberties, a >functioning and impartial civil service and most importantly, the due >process >of the law. With the military and July 22nd 1994, all these became part of >the country's receding past. > > Initially, the military remained impervious to demonstration on the need >to >a return to democratic governance as soon as feasible. Indeed, it set up a >four-year timetable in which it enumerated a detailed and very ambitious >programme for a return to the democratic process. This was unacceptable to >both Gambians and friends of The Gambia. And when push came to shove >[mainly >through the Major government's laudable and effective travel advice, the US >and EU suspension of aid to the regime], the regime was literally forced to >see sense in reducing their initial time table from four to two years and >in >the event quickening the pace of the democratisation process. As it >happened, >the result was a consultative exercise, which saw the reaching of a >consensus >that will pave the way for a very smooth transition to democratic >governance. > Needless to say - and this shouldn't surprise anyone - things didn't go >that >smoothly. The ruling military junta - The AFPRC - managed to manipulate >that >consensus to its advantage and the result was a Jerry Rawlings [who >maintained a mentor relationship with the junta from day one] type of >pseudo-democratic set up in which the military junta transforms into a >political party and rigs the elections in its favour. On the 26th of >September 1996, the military junta held elections and with the stage set >for >electoral fraud, won hands down. > >However, elections or no elections, virtually little has changed in the >Gambia. To be sure, the inauguration of the Second Republic did to an >extent >liberalise the tyrannical and despotic impulses of the regime. Yet, the >withdrawal of basic civil liberties, corruption, the bludgeoning to death >of >the independence of both the judiciary and the civil service, disregard of >the due process of the law, economic mismanagement and political repression >- >especially of the political opposition - remained the order of the day >albeit >the quasi democratisation. The political repression reached a crescendo on >April 10th last year when students went out peacefully in the streets to >demonstrate their disgust of the regime's handling of two of their >colleagues >who were abused by security forces; one of whom was raped [a young >teenager] >and the other also a youth still in his teens who subsequently died as a >result of the tortures he received from the authorities. In the event, the >head of State and commander in chief of the armed forces, Yahya Jammeh, >reportedly told the Vice President to "deal with them" - the students. The >result was an unprecedented butchering of some 15 people [mainly students >with a child as young as three, a journalist and a Red Cross volunteer], >maiming of school children and wanton destruction of property. > >Even after this, the regime remained remorseless and unrepentant in its >tyranny against the Gambian people. Under pressure, it set up a commission >to >investigate the April incidents, the Report of which - together with that >of >the Coroner's Inquest - it callously dumped into the bin refusing to >prosecute anyone as the Reports advised. To this very day, none has been >brought to justice for these heinous crimes committed against Gambian >children as young as three. Against such a backdrop, the Blair government, >and contrary to common decency, went ahead and re-established military >cooperation with the same criminals who gunned down children as young as >three. Nothing could be more callous. Coming right after a very repressive >military butchering of school children, the re-establishment of this >military >cooperation with the Jammeh regime was like rubbing salt in a festering >wound. When petitioned on the rationale behind this retrogressive move, the >FCO took the usual official escape routes. As Nicholas Hackett of the FCO's >Gambia desk puts it to a concerned Gambia, "the Gambia has repeatedly >proven >herself ready to support international peacekeeping efforts under UN >auspices >in trouble like Guinea Bissau, Sierra Leone, East Timor and Kosovo. This >was >a key factor in our decision to support Sandhurst training for Gambian >Subaltern: we are keen to support Gambian efforts to create professionals >capable of carrying out its international and domestic duties to the >fullest >extent possible." > >Needless to point out that this is humanitarianism turned topsy-turvy: >sending murderers to police potential or indicted murderers. This is just >akin to helping train Milosevic's thugs so they can go and help police >thugs >in, say, East Timor. Be that as it may, it remains to be seen how such >military assistance could help things in a country that is under the same >yoke of oppression that the mandarins of the FCO believe the likes of >Kosovo >are suffering from to warrant humanitarian intervention. Perhaps, if >Hackett >and his seniors read the recent US State Department Report on the Gambia >[http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2000/af/index.cfm?docid=799], they >will >have a rethink on the Gambia. Or better still read the damning UN report on >the Blood-Diamond trade, in which the Gambian government was severely >indicted and sanctions recommended against it. This is a regime known to >harbour, aid and sympathize with insurrectionists fighting for independence >in Southern Senegal. > >Added to this bleak vignette of political repression, is a general economic >meltdown that has seen the Gambia's economic performances plummeting from >bad >to worse. Without a productive base to sustain the economic vandalism of >the >ruling elites with their total disregard of international law as it relates >to foreign investors, the Gambian economy is experiencing its worst ever >inflationary upsurge as basic commodities hiked to over 100% whilst >consumers >spending powers keep dwindling with the aid of a depreciating national >currency. This economic malaise is not helping the repressed, increasingly >restless and forlorn Gambian populace. > >It is not too late for the Blair government to rectify its phenomenal >foreign >policy misjudgment in a country that is ever lurching precariously to what >Rwanda was like before the genocide. And like Rwanda, the writings are on >the >wall. The year 2001 is a make or break year for the Gambia - if left >unattended. In October, the country is due to hold presidential elections >and >all indications are that a repeat of the electoral fraud of the1996 >presidential elections is being hatched or is in the making. The only >difference is that this time around civilians - morally bolstered by the >recent wave of despots being beaten at their own games around the globe - >are >ready to go that final mile of head-on confrontation should the incumbency >steal the elections. That can mean anything; internal civil strife and in >the >extreme, the Gambian going down the abyss of anarchy - if things are left >untempered. And if the Gambia goes down, rest assured it will with the >whole >sub-region. It will not spare the modest gains that neighbouring Senegal >has >achieved in her social, political and economic pursuits since the >government >of Liberal Wade came to power. It is not too late for the Blair government >to >set an imperium vis-à-vis containing and diminishing the brutality of the >regime by ensuring that any form of cooperation is hinged on - and this is >to >paraphrase a recent Economist editorial - commitment "to honest government, >free elections, a tolerance of dissent and the unfettered rule of the law". >Also the Blair government should do all that is within its powers to >pressure >the regime to come to its senses by complementing the decent efforts of the >democratic forces in the campaign to renew decency in that part of Africa. >In >the final analysis - and like all other troubled spots of Africa - the >writing is on the wall: Left unattended, the Gambia could unleash another >Great Lakes type of situation in that sub-region of Africa. > >Hamjatta Kanteh > > > > >---------------------------------------------------------------------------- > >To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L >Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html >You may also send subscription requests to >[log in to unmask] >if you have problems accessing the web interface and remember to write your >full name and e-mail address. >---------------------------------------------------------------------------- _________________________________________________________________ Get your FREE download of MSN Explorer at http://explorer.msn.com/intl.asp ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html You may also send subscription requests to [log in to unmask] if you have problems accessing the web interface and remember to write your full name and e-mail address. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------