Ousman , The soothsayer did warn The Mighty Julius Caesar " Bware the ides of march"

Remember Caesar was killed by his own comrades including the noble Brutus (et tu brute). Mark Anthony is out there ready to give his well known speech " I come to bury Caesar not to praise him, the evil that men do is often interred in their bones ,so let it be with Caesar" etc

Nothing is permanent . Being powerful does not give one the right to overide the world's weaker nations nor does it mean that the weak ones are always right so we should take heed and exercise some patience - The same applies to G W Bush. It is not late!!!

The Roman Empire Fell dispite it's power just like all the other mighty Empires like Babylon ,Ottaman , Mali ,Shonghai ,Chinese, Byzantine and many others we all know. Is the mighty USA Empire under Bush any different ? No , I guess . The days of force and imperialism are over for good and never to return . Double standards will not hold any more.

Money can buy some countries and votes but at whose expense and for what reason - to fulfill GW's ego . The US army is powerful and no one doubts that but God is mightier.

Let us give the inspectors more time to disarm Iraq without war. Saddam is fully contained .

Today most of the British parliament in Tony Blair's own party OPPOSE a war without a UN approval first . Bush is just bent on war at all costs why ? Then his dad and Dick chaney plus Rumsfeld must face charges as they helped Saddam ARM to this level with thier previous commercial deals

In Washington today we had a large demonstration against Bush's policy not Americas. Next weekend we expect another million folks , when will he get it ? I guess when it is too late

Goodnight

Habib

>From: "Ousman Gajigo" <[log in to unmask]>
>Reply-To: [log in to unmask]
>To: [log in to unmask], [log in to unmask]
>Subject: [>-<] Waiting Game - The New Republic
>Date: Sat, 08 Mar 2003 20:14:45 -0800
>
>[ This e-mail is posted to Gambia|Post e-Gathering by "Ousman
>Gajigo" <[log in to unmask]>]
>
>
>
>
>Waiting Game
>by the Editors
>
>Post date: 03.07.03
>Issue date: 03.17.03
>The debate over war with Iraq centers on means rather than ends.
>Unlike Vietnam, where opponents questioned whether the goal of
>repelling Hanoi's aggression was worth the price in blood, nearly
>all war critics today concede the necessity of the goal at
>hand--disarming Iraq. Yet they insist it can be achieved at a lower
>cost, either by forcing Saddam Hussein to relinquish his weapons
>peacefully or by obtaining U.N. approval before invading. Those who
>oppose war are not mistaken to think that either outcome would be
>preferable to fighting without the imprimatur of the Security
>Council. Where they go wrong is in believing that those outcomes
>remain possible. The case for waiting--a case that still appeals to
>a depressingly large number of liberals--thus rests upon a delusion.
>
>Consider voluntary disarmament. The best way to get Saddam to
>relinquish his weapons was for the United Nations to draw a line in
>the sand, in the form of Resolution 1441, and back it up with the
>threat of force. Alas, the Iraqi dictator has stomped over that
>line. He failed, weapons inspectors say, to submit a full accounting
>of proscribed weapons, as he was required to do under 1441. His
>scientists--no doubt threatened by his secret police--have refused
>to be interviewed outside the country or have insisted upon
>tape-recording their interviews. Hans Blix has been reduced to
>praising Iraq for partial compliance.
>
>War opponents describe this state of affairs as "progress." In fact,
>it's just the opposite. When crafting Resolution 1441 last November,
>Russia and France worried that the United States would declare war
>over some ultra-technical violation. Today, Iraq is allowed to
>engage without sanction in substantive violations that not even
>France countenanced three months ago. Resolution 1441 is effectively
>a dead letter--a development that has only fed Saddam's confidence.
>As The Washington Post reported last month, "Saddam Hussein's
>government, apparently emboldened by antiwar sentiment at the U.N.
>Security Council and in worldwide street protests, has not followed
>through on its promises of increased cooperation with U.N. arms
>inspectors." This further degradation of the U.N.'s credibility has
>erased any slim possibility that the mere threat of force might
>compel Iraq to disarm.
>
>Some war opponents have therefore retreated to a fallback argument:
>Even if Iraq never disarms completely, at least the presence of
>inspectors will keep it from expanding its arsenal. "What can
>[Saddam] get away with?" Democratic presidential candidate Howard
>Dean asked recently, "as long as Iraq is inspected, under constant
>surveillance, surrounded, grounded because of no-fly zones?" But
>this assertion rests upon an ignorance of history. In the 1990s,
>while UNSCOM, considered by many weapons experts to be more
>aggressive than the current inspections regime, prowled Iraq,
>inspectors and American intelligence were convinced the Iraqi
>nuclear program had been eradicated. Only a series of high-profile
>defections--a lucky break unlikely to recur--revealed that Saddam
>had been working toward a bomb under their noses. And, even if
>today's inspections are working, history suggests that the minute
>the threat of force recedes, Saddam will end even his current
>minimal compliance. Many liberals complain that war will end the
>inspections, but, if we reach the summer, when war is deemed
>impossible, it is a sure bet that Saddam will end them himself.
>
>Just as naive is the hope that further delay will convince the
>Security Council to authorize force. Many Democrats have presented
>the dearth of international support as essentially a conscious
>choice by President Bush. As Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle said
>this week, "The only way to do this and do it right is through the
>auspices of the U.N. and an international coalition. I think in both
>cases this administration has fallen short." Yet the Bush
>administration has demonstrated more interest in the Security
>Council than the Security Council has demonstrated in Iraqi
>disarmament. For a dozen years, France and Russia fought to weaken
>inspections and resisted even modest punishments of Iraq. The last
>few months have followed the same pattern. When Iraq withholds full
>cooperation from inspectors, Paris and Moscow are unmoved because
>this violation falls short of a "smoking gun." When a breakthrough
>does occur, such as the discovery of the Al-Samoud missiles, they
>see it as evidence that inspections are working.
>
>It's now clear that the Security Council endorsed Resolution 1441
>only as a gambit to avoid war. French President Jacques Chirac
>revealed perhaps more than he intended last week when he blurted out
>that "disarmament must happen peacefully." This gives the game away.
>Disarmament could only come about either through war or the threat
>of war. If disarmament must be peaceful, then there will be no
>disarmament. And, when Democrats insist that war must have U.N.
>approval, they are attaching themselves to the French position. It
>may seem they are arguing for a certain means, but in fact they are
>arguing for an end.
>
>
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>
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