*Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issue* *Issue No. 45/2006, 12-14 June, 2006* *Editorial* *The Press And The State*** *Any Threat to FOROYAA?* Many people have been calling to enquire about Foroyaa: This is only normal because of the information disseminated in the internet that Foroyaa is a target. It is in this regard that Foroyaa decides to deal with the topic, "The Press and the State". Foroyaa is older than the AFPRC and APRC Government. Foroyaa was a critical voice and is still a critical voice. Its role has been to amplify the voices of the deprived, oppressed, and marginalized so that they can never be forgotten. It does so without fear or favour, affection or ill will. This is why many could not understand why Foroyaa challenges the detention without charge or trial of personalities who may have been overjoyed if Foroyaa was shut down at given times. The reason why Foroyaa can come to the defence of even its opponents or publish the opinions of political parties of all shades is its commitment to inform the Gambian people about everything that is happening in the country, Africa and the world in order to enable them to be liberated to from their own opinions and make their own judgements and decisions. This is why Foroyaa is committed to the principle of publishing the truth in good faith in the public interest. This is why it carries the following slogans on its front page: *Know yourself! Know your Country! Know the World! Then you shall be the commanders of your own destiny.* All the papers Foroyaa met in the scene, *The Nation, The Gambia Outlook, The Gambia Onward, The People, The Torch, The Senegambia Sun* have disappeared. The papers which survived up to the time of the coup period are the *Daily Observer* and *The Point*. *The Gambia News and Report, the Citizen, the Independent* and *The Inquirer* emerged after the coup. At this very moment, the *Daily Observer* has become a mouth piece of the Government. *The Citizen* and* The Inquirer *are no more, *The Point* is publishing with its editor sitting on a knife edge after the murder of Deyda Hydara. *The Independent* is muzzled. As for as the private radio stations are concerned they are basically pushed to deal with issues unrelated to governance in the country. Citizen FM which entered the terrain of governance has been pushed out of the scene by the regime. One must now ask: What has the government gained from all its actions? Why is it engaged in such an unacceptable relation with different sectors of the press. The primary notion of the leadership of the government regarding the opposition and the press is flawed. It is not uncommon to hear the leadership of the APRC Government stating that there is no opposition in the Gambia; that a good opposition praises a government when it does good and criticizes it when it does bad. It is therefore clear that the notion of the leadership is not to see an opposition as an alternative government which should at all time tells the people what is wrong and what it intends to do differently instead of praising a government. In this respect, one must see persistent exposure of the regime and call for change by an opposition force to be a sign of hostility. The tendency is to become intolerant and abusive to such opposition. It is such intolerance that is transferred to agents of the state who may see dissent as subversion and may impose a reign of terror on those who oppose a state. In the same vein, the non government press is also expected to praise the government when it is doing the right thing and criticize it when it does the wrong thing. This is however an option before a press but not the only option section 207 subsection (3) of the constitution states that *"The press and other information media shall at all times be free to uphold the principles, provisions and objectives of the constitution and the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people of The Gambia."* This means that a government should always be before the public eye to render accounts. Those who do not want to shoulder such a responsibility should not request to be part of the Executive. In our view, no newspaper has ever published any information that is more damaging than the publicity the press agencies are disseminating in the world through petition to all those who matter in the world. We live in a world today where the burning of a press house is itself bad news. Hence one cannot evade bad publicity by burning a press house; on the country it makes matters worse. Many governments that had received bad publicity before had learned that to live with a press that carries dissenting opinions on the basis of tolerance provides a better image than an attempt to suppress it. If President John F. Kennedy could not be protected by the best security machinery in the world Foroyaa will be foolish to spend its time worrying about security threats. The best way to be secure under such circumstances is to be always ready to cope with the unexpected. We feel very secure to publish the truth in good faith in the public interest. If that makes anybody feel insecure we can only say that we are sorry and would only advise that they take the best medicine to ensure security and that is tolerance of diversity in public opinion in particular and all aspects of life in general. *TREASON SUSPECTS PLEAD NOT GUILTY* *By Surakata Danso* Fifteen suspects charged with treason, conspiracy to commit treason, accessory after the fact of treason and concealment of treason, all pleaded not guilty to the charges when they were read to them in a crowded courtroom at the High Court in Banjul on Friday 9th June 2006. The Acting Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Mr. Emmanuel Fagbenle, informed the court, presided over by Justice Monagen, of the replacement of the previous indictment with two separate indictments. The effect is that the accused are now divided into two groups. The first group consisting of eight accused persons will be tried by Justice Monagen, while the second group consisting of seven accused persons will be tried by Justice Agim of The Gambia Court of Appeal. The first group consists of Captains Bunja Darboe, Yaya Darboe and Wassa Camara, Second Lieutenant Pharing Sanyang, Tamsir Jasseh, Alieu Jobe, Omar Keita (alias Omar Faal) and Honourable Demba Dem (National Assembly Member). *Count One* All eight accused persons are charged with treason contrary to Section 35(1) (a) of the Criminal Code. The particulars of the offence are that the eight with others at large on or about the 21st of March 2006 prepared or endeavored to overthrow the democratically-elected government of The Gambia by coup d'etat. *Count Two* All eight accused persons are charged with conspiracy to commit treason contrary to section 35(1) (g) of the Criminal Code. The particulars are that the eight with others at large on or about the 21st of March 2006 conspired to overthrow the democratically-elected government of the Republic of The Gambia by coup d'etat. *Count Three* Alieu Jobe is charged with accessory after the fact of treason contrary to section 26(2) of the Criminal Code. The particulars is that he assisted Col. Ndure Cham (the purported coup leader) to escape punishment by providing funds for his escape knowing that the coup plot which he masterminded had been foiled. *Count Four* Tamsir Jasseh is charged with accessory after the fact of treason. The particulars are that he assisted the purported coup leader to escape punishment by driving him from Farato in The Gambia to Darsilami in Cassamance, Senegal, knowing that the coup plot he masterminded to overthrow the government had been foiled. *SECOND GROUP* The second group of seven accused persons to be tried by Justice Agim has been charged with two counts of concealment of treason. This group consists of Captains Abdou Karim Jah and Pierre Mendy, Lieutenant Momodou Alieu Bah, Samba Bah, Lance Corporal Babou Janha, Private Alhaji Nying and Hamadi Sowe. *Count one* All seven accused persons are charged with concealment of treason contrary to section 36(a). The particulars of the offence are that the seven and others at large knowing that Ndure Cham with some other army officers and civilians intended to overthrow the government by coup d'etat failed to give the information to a Secretary of State, a Magistrate, a Police Officer or a member of the Armed Forces. *Count Two* The seven accused persons are charged with concealment of treason contrary to section 36(b) of the Criminal Code. The particulars of the offence are that the seven with others at large knowing that Col. Ndure Cham and others intended to overthrow the Government by coup d'etat failed to use other reasonable endeavour to prevent the commission of the offence. The name, Mustapha Lowe, which appeared in the previous indictment, is not included in either of the two new indictments. Before adjourning the proceedings the presiding Judge advised relatives of Pharing Sanyang and two others to speed up efforts in providing lawyers for them. She cautioned that if they failed to provide a lawyer of their choice by 16th June, the state will provide one for him. At this stage the proceedings was adjourned to 16 th June 2006. *ECOWAS COURT OF JUSTICE PRESS BRIEFING* *By Surakata Danso* The president and staff of the ECOWAS Community Court of Justice are currently on a tour of the member states of ECOWAS. Shortly before their departure, the delegates held a press conference. In addressing the press in the office of the Chief Justice, the president of the court, Justice Hansine Donli, told the press that their mission is to sensitise the people of the member states of ECOWAS on the existence of the court. Justice Donli further indicated that the court came into being in 1991 and the revised treaty of the community came into existence in 1993. She said the court is the fourth arm of the ECOWAS Community. On the functions of the court, the president said the functions of the court are: 1. Interpretation of laws dealing with the treaty and human rights law. 2. Implementation of the ECOWAS treaty. She said she would work closely with the courts of the member states on all maters arising out of those courts on interpretation and implementation of the treaty. She said the languages of the court would be three official languages of the sub-region namely: English, French and Portuguese. *NO SEEDNUTS ON CREDIT* *By Abdoulie G. Dibba & Bubacarr Sowe*** Responding to a question raised by Honourable Sainey Mbai, National Assembly Member for Upper Saloum, SoS Yankuba Touray said: "There are no plans to provide seed nuts on credit to farmers. Seed nuts are only provided to farmers in instances of crop failure e.g. draught, floods etc." In a supplementary question raised by the National Assembly Member for Lower Saloum, Honourable Ndey Njie, asked the Secretary of State for Agriculture to clarify whether seed nuts will be available on sale since there are no plans to provide any on credit basis to farmers. In his response, SoS Touray said "of course there would be seed nuts for sale, but not from the Department of State for Agriculture." *ACHPR RESOLVED TO FIGHT IMPUNITY* Ambassador Salamata Sawadogo, the chairperson of the African Commission on Human and People's Rights is of the view that the arrest and indictment of Mr. Charles Taylor, former President of Liberia, constitutes the first step by the international community in the fight against the impunity of criminals. Madam Sawadogo made this remark at the 39th Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and People's Rights. She further posited that the African Commission remains resolved to pursue, indefatigably, its position of promotion and protection of human rights on the continent without yielding to the attempts of intimidation and the unkind remarks against members. She said the African Commission will contribute more effectively to a better promotion and protection of human rights in Africa. *UNITING AFRICANS THROUGH CULTURE* *By Fabakary B. Ceesay* The display of diverse cultures from all corners of West Africa during the official opening ceremony of the 8th edition of the International Roots Festival, on Saturday 3rd June 2006, was a sign of unity among Africans at home and abroad. There was a procession of dozens of traditional, cultural and ritual dancers, showing cultural and traditional talents. The audience, especially those from diaspora cannot control their emotion as some, both young and old, joined in the cultural display and dance. On her address the Vice President, Mrs. Isatou Njie-Saidy, told those from the diaspora that attending the festival is a physical and spiritual journey to the land of their ancestors. She described the Atlantic (Triangular) slave trade as one of the most barbaric incidents ever committed against human beings. She said: "Even though one can forgive, one can never forget." She called on The Gambian Ambassadors to lobby more Africans in the diaspora to attend this unifying festival. Speaking earlier, the Secretary of State for Tourism and Culture, Mrs. Susan Wafa Ogo, said that culture indeed is a unifying factor, which has played a leading role in the national liberation of the African people. SoS Wafa Ogo quoted the former Senegalese President, Leopord Sedar Senghore thus: "Culture is the Alpha and Omega of any meaningful development." She pointed out that the affirmation of cultural identity constituted one of the priorities of the government of The Gambia. John Watuzi Branch, a professor from the diaspora, said: "Culture can play a leading role in realising the dreams of Kwame Nkrumah." Present at the festival were Rita Marley, the widow of Bob Marley and her family, the Ghanaian Minister of Culture, Professor George Hagan, the Senegalese Minister of Culture, Mam Biran Joof, Cuban and Taiwanese Ambassadors, UNDP country representative and the US Ambassador. *LICENCE BOOK SHORTAGE AT LICENSING DEPARTMENT* *By Fabakary B. Ceesay* The police department responsible for issuing driving licence has come under sharp criticism for failing to issue license to drivers for nearly two months now. A distraught youth, who is desperately in need of a driver's licence told * Foroyaa* that he has been trying to get one since April but to no avail. He indicated that he was later told by an officer from the traffic unit that there is a licence book shortage. This reporter went to the police licensing department in Banjul to find out the authenticity of the young man's allegations. The reporter met many disgruntled people hanging in front of the said department waiting to hear any new development to take place. They said that many of them have since April been trying to get licence but were told that there is scarcity of license books. This reporter made many frantic efforts to speak to the police spokesperson who was said to have been engaged throughout the week and so could not comment on the matter. *REBUTTAL*** *By Ebou Gaye* I am a Gambian, currently residing in the UK. I subscribed as a reader of the online Freedom Newspaper. Pa Nderry Mbai, a US-based Gambian journalist, serves as Managing Editor/Publisher of the paper. On Tuesday 23rd May 2006, I woke up and found only one article entitled "Resume" on its website claiming that Pa Nderry had decided to stop producing the paper. The article went further to list the names and contact details of those who had subscribed to the paper, labelling the subscribers as informants. Sometime later, that article was replaced with another one denying the claims, attributing what had happened to hawkers. On Thursday 25 th May 2006, *The Daily Observer* newspaper of The Gambia published the list and contact details of the alleged informants, after which the Gambia Police Force issued a press release on the matter, asking all those whose names featured on the Observer list to report to them with immediate effect or face arrest and prosecution. The aforementioned press release was carried by both the *Daily Observer* and *The Point *in their editions of Friday 26th May 2006. The man at the centre of the issue, Pa Nderry ran a rejoinder in the *Freedom Newspaper*, threatening the *Daily Observer *with legal measures for disclosing the identities of his subscribers, trying to exculpate the subscribers by contending that they were mere readers, not informants. The said rejoinder was copied to different newspapers, namely: *Daily Observer, The Point, Foroyaa*, The *Gambia** Journal, **AllGambian**, **Gambia** Post *and* Freedom Newspaper*. On Saturday 27th May 2006, I received a telephone call summoning me to our High Commission in London, UK. After confirming my identity to the caller, I asked him his name but he refused to disclose it. He said I should just report there on Monday 29th May 2006 and ask for the NIA officer upon arrival. According to him, they had received instructions from The Gambia appertaining to the issue under discussion and want to have a word with me. As it is said that anyone who invites you to his house must give you something or say something to you, I have made up my mind to comply. Given the position I held in The Gambia and the fact that I am a writer, the publication of my name by the *Daily Observer* branding me as an informant against the Gambia Government is extremely grave and damaging, as I have been portrayed as a coward and a criminal. Therefore, I deem it necessary to issue this rebuttal. In my case, silence may be interpreted as confession of guilt. Pa Nderry has played his part by attempting to dissociate us from his informants but I feel I should do my job myself, for I have the ability as a writer, just as the adage goes, "*Let the bereaved mourn his death relative himself".* Now, allow me to proceed to refute the allegation against me. First and foremost, I would like to remind my compatriots that I wrote prolifically on various issues (political, economic, educational, religious, social, cultural, etc) in the *Daily Observer* from 1999 to 2004, with all my articles bearing my name. I was residing in The Gambia almost throughout this period, except for the period October 2002 - August 2003 which I spent in the UK, sending articles to the *Daily Observer*. My articles were qualified as hot, critical, powerful and contentious but I was never arrested, detained, charged or incarcerated. The question arises now: If I have the courage to write in The Gambia in such a manner for such a long time disclosing my identity, would I lack the nerve to do the same thing while residing abroad? Certainty not! Hence, it is illogical to believe or assume that I have been writing in the *Freedom Newspaper* under a pen name based on the fact that my name never appeared in the paper. Secondly, it does not make sense for me, as a writer, to give information to Pa Nderry to write and publish on my behalf. If I had information to disseminate through the *Freedom Newspaper *or any other media, it would be more logical for me to craft the articles myself and send them for publication as first hand information, just as the saying goes, "*A story is better narrated by the person involved in it*". The fact of the matter is that I subscribed solely to read the *Freedom Newspaper* as I read other newspapers. This is engendered by the fact that I am keenly interested in news, Gambian and non-Gambian, positive and negative, regardless of who is involved. I have never given information to Pa Nderry or written in his paper. All those using the Internet, including the hawkers, know fully well that subscribing as a reader of an online newspaper does not require giving information or contributing articles. If reading newspapers constitutes a criminal act, I can confess that I am a big criminal and shall remain so till doomsday, for I still read the *Freedom Newspaper* and other newspapers and will undoubtedly continue to do so wherever I am. It is worthy to note that I have been keeping low profile since I left The Gambia. People have been encouraging me to write but I never complied with their appeals. However, I hasten to add that this is not to say that I have stopped writing. I can resume my activities as a writer anytime and anywhere. Superfluous to say, any article or book published will bear my name, just as is the case with my previous publications. No hiding at all! I would like to point out at this juncture that the motive behind this rebuttal is merely to clear the air. I am ready to face any charges preferred against me. Any penalty handed down to me will be accepted in good faith, for even prophets had been punished based on false allegations. I am humble and modest enough to apologise to people when I wrong them, irrespective of their positions or status, but do not see the need to apologise in this matter. I am confident that I have not wronged anybody as far as this issue is concerned. God knows! Besides, I always try as much as possible to abide by the law and avoid offending or oppressing people. In conclusion, I would like to vociferate that those behind this act owe me an apology. As far as I am concerned, they and their collaborators will live to regret their act. ** *DARFUR** REPORT* *We are publishing the report of the report of the Pan-African Parliament on **Darfur** in series. The head of the mission was Honourable Abdul Katuntu, from **Uganda** and the rapporteur* *Halifa Sallah the **Gambia**.* *(Part 6)* *Part Seven* *THE STATUS OF THE AU **MISSION** IN **SUDAN*** *7.1 Principles Of The **Mission*** The briefings we received from the Peace and Security Department of the African Commission reveal that the AU was moved to action because of the realization that the responsibility for the security, stability and socio-economic development of the continent lies primarily with African states. This accords well with the principles enshrined in the Declaration of the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA) which has been endorsed by the members of the AU. The first principle indicates that "African countries will be guided by the principle of the peaceful resolution of disputes, with emphasis on seeking African solutions to African problems." Secondly, that while recognizing that the primary responsibility for the maintenance of International peace and security lies with the United Nations, the African Union, in close cooperation with the United Nations and Regional Economic Communities, remains the premier organization for promoting security stability, development and cooperation in Africa. According to the briefing the dictate of collective self interest of the African continent compelled the AU to open up a channel of communication with the Sudanese government to discuss how it can assist in the management and resolution of a crisis which had engendered the scale of humanitarian catastrophe that merited the attention of the security council, in particular and the international community at large. The experts from the peace and security department indicated that the Sudanese government was initially suspicious of the presence of any external force on its territory to deal with the crisis in Darfur; that it took some confidence building measures before the Sudanese government would agree to the establishment of an AU mission in Sudan to deal with the Darfur crisis. The mission was very much interested in conceptualizing the succession of events which culminated in the establishment of the AU mission in Sudan and its status. This is in line with Article 18 of the protocol establishing the peace and Security Council which makes it mandatory for the Pan African parliament to be intimated with developments regarding all missions undertaken by the council in matters of peace and security, upon request. Literature review revealed that the African Union could have intervened in Sudan on its own accord or through the invitation of the Sudanese government. This is clearly stipulated in Article 4(h) and 4(j) of the Constitutive Act of the AU. Article 4(h) affirms that the right of the union to intervene in a member state pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. Our enquiry revealed that no session was held by the Assembly of the AU to consider intervention in Sudan on the basis of war crimes, genocide or crimes against humanity. On the other hand, article 4 (j) accords member states the right "to request intervention from the union in order to restore peace and stability". Since the officers of the Peace and Security Department of the AU indicated that the Sudanese government did not request for intervention, the mission requested for more information on how the AU mission in Sudan became legitimized. The mission gathered that the AU did not wait to send experts to gather evidence on genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in order to establish a basis to intervene, on the contrary, the early warning signals of a humanitarian catastrophe was sufficiently evident. The AU had to intimate to the Sudanese government that it was more honourable for African states to solve Africa's problems than to wait for action by the Security Council and the international community. They indicated that the attitude of the Sudanese government eventually moved from suspicion and reservation to cooperation and accommodation. By April 2004, the AU had taken the initiative to assume a premier role in assisting Sudan to find a solution to the Darfur crisis. *7.2 Genesis Of The **Mission*** The first step to manage the crisis was to commit the Sudanese government and the armed opposition, namely, the Sudanese Liberation Movement and its army (SLA/SLM) and the Sudanese Justice and Equality Movement (SJEM), to a ceasefire agreement on 8th April 2004. The agreement was signed by Minister of Investment of Sudan; the Secretary General of SLA/SLM; the President of the Sudanese Justice and Equality movement; the Minister of State of Chad and a representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission. The Humanitarian Ceasefire Agreement on the conflict in Darfur addresses both political and humanitarian concerns. It has two components. The first component constitutes the cessation of hostilities by abandoning military action and hostile propaganda, facilitation of access to humanitarian assistance and ensuring free movement of goods and people. The second aspect deals with the political negotiation to establish a democratic political culture in Darfur that can guarantee the population, their political, economic and social rights. A protocol on the establishment of humanitarian assistance in Darfur was also signed on the same day. The protocol establishes six general principles and four specific directives to govern the provision of humanitarian assistance. The principles entail humanitarian consideration, impartiality, neutrality, dignity, transparency and accountability. The directives relate to unrestricted access, assurance of security, protection of providers and beneficiaries of assistance and the return of refugees and displaced persons. The Agreement provided for a Ceasefire Commission and mandated it to conduct investigation, verification and monitoring of compliance with the agreement. The agreement however, did not indicate the modalities of the Ceasefire Commission and how the observers were to be deployed. The role of the AU was not detailed in its specificities. The AU Peace and Security Council held a meeting on 25 May, 2004 which authorized the chairperson of The AU Commission to take all necessary measures to ensure an effective monitoring of the humanitarian cease fire agreement and called on the parties in Sudanto extend full cooperation to the cease fire commission (CFC) and the AU observers. The status of the AU mission in Sudan became clear in the Addis Ababa Agreement signed by the parties on 28th May, 2004. The Agreement indicated the modalities for the establishment of the Ceasefire Commission (CFC) and deployment of military Observers in Darfur. On the 4th June 2004 the status of the AU Mission with regards to the CFC was further clarified. The provision indicates that the Operational Arm of the Ceasefire Commission shall be the African Union monitoring mission. The Observers were to come from the government of Sudan, the armed opposition, African Union member states and other representatives of the international community. The Ceasefire Commission was mandated to request for the deployment of Military Observers and Military Protectors to safeguard their security. *MEET ETANA, (**JAMAICA** YOUNGSTER IN LOVE WITH MUSIC AND LIFE)* *By Fabakary B. Ceesay* Sweet, sultry, and soulful. Her smile reflects a high sense of confidence and boundless humility, Etana, the first lady of Fifth Element Records. This highly spirited songstress, Christened Shauna Mekenzie, was born in August Town, St. Andrew. The innovative 22 year old, speaks of music as her life. "Music is me,"she remarked. She discovered her intense passion for music at an early age. Later, she migrated to the United States to live in Miami. She continued to hold on to her dream and at the same time focusing on her education. At 17, she started performing at various venues across the United States, including spots and fed her home of Fifth Elements Records last year, when she was introduced by a friend to this musical family. Two weeks later she was offered a spot on as back up for Richie Spice, a recent super star who stormed the Reggae world with surprise. "Since then I haven't gone back to Miami ," she said. "This Fifth Element is my home. I feel very good being around people who take about music the way I do and who encourage and guide me," she said. In less than a year, she graced stages all over the world, encompassing two tours of Europe and a highly successful tour of North America. Aptly titled, "*In the Streets to Africa*," which is set to be concluded later this year in the motherland, this tour had stops over in some 12 states. It also marked the true blossoming of Etana as a solo performer to be reckoned with. On their stop over in Atlanta, Georgia, "Fifth Element's First Lady" made her debut as a solo performer and grabbed the attention of all who witnessed it. She has performed to rave reviews at every stop since then. But in all this success, life has not been easy for this charming young lady. As her name, Etana, which means "the strong one", she has gone through various trials and tribulations. "I have been going through a lot. There have been many obstacles that I have faced and had to overcome, but now, this is the most comfortable I have, since I have been in music," she said. It certainly shows, in her energy, hear it in her music, and see it in the flash of her vivacious smiles. Etana indicated that she has been influence by such renowned musicians and singers as Judy Mowatt, Marcia Griffiths, Rita Marley (The I Threes), Sizzla, Richie Spice, I Wayne and Jah Cure, Whitney Houston, India Arie, Jill Scott and Aheria. "I listen to and appreciate all kinds of music. I am also inspired through music other than reggae, as different melodies and lyrics trigger off different things. "The heart and the persons put into their music encourage me to write my songs," she said. Her career is signification directed and guided by Fifth Element Records, such as Stedy, Clevie and Tony Kelly. Currently working on a debut album, Etana has produced a melodious and haunting single, "*Wrong Address*." This song, accompanied by a Crisphy produced and well directed video, narrates the story of a young ambitious woman, striving to overcome adversity and is matched by the positive and thought provoking "Time," a fitting follow up. What does Etana bring to the music? "Reggae Soul," responds Sean Element, producer. He went on to say, "She sings from her soul." Etana's spirit is unmistakable as she delivers her positive message at The Roots International Festival Reggae show last Sunday. May her love of music and life live on! *TRIAL OF BANJUL MAYOR* *By Surakata Danso * In the trial of Mayor Jeng at the High Court in Banjul, a prosecution witness, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Banjul City Council, on Thursday 8th June 2006 informed the court that the payment for the printing of the information booklet of the Banjul community is not misappropriation of the funds of BCC. Continuing his testimony, the CEO indicated that even though the members of the council did not give their blessing for the printing of the booklet, there is a fund in the vote of the council for the Mayor to make annual reports to the community. He further told the court that during the cash payments the correct financial cash transaction procedures were used. On the issue of the contract signed between the council and one Pa Faal, concerning the public toilet at Albion-Old Primet Street Junction, the CEO indicated that he was not in the country at the time of the said signing of the contract. But after his taking over as acting CEO he saw the document and noticed that, going by the agreement, Mr. Faal was to build 10 toilets and some storage facilities. During cross examination by the defence, Mr. Batchilly confirmed that work had started on the structure by building two toilets before they were stopped by a commission of inquiry set up by government. The case is adjourned till 21st and 22 June 2006. It could be recalled that Mr. Jeng is charged with six counts of charges ranging from economic crimes to fraud. In December he had secured an order directing the Secretary of State for Local Government and Lands to reinstate him, but the order is yet to be complied with. *CASAMANCE REBELS ISSUE WARNING LETTER* *By Bubacarr K. Sowe* A rebel group in Cassamance has sent a warning letter to Gambian villages that are on the Casamance border. According to a villager from Sohm Village, Kombo East, the said letter contains a warning message from one of the rebel fractions in Casamance. He said the rebels are advising Gambians who usually go into the Casamance forest in search of firewood and charcoal to desist from doing so. "They said they do not want anyone to go into the bush, because they cannot distinguish between the civilians and their rivals who are fighting them," Mr. Jarjue said. He added that the message is directed not only to those producing charcoal but to all Gambians living by the border. They are advised to remain in their territory. The man added that they believe the rebels are around the Casamance villages of Kabakel, Sambulanjang, Barragesseh and Kajalokule. According to one Malang Sambou of Kafuta Tumbung (who read the letter), said some Gambians who were held by the rebels have been released. Residents of Sohm village who spoke to this reporter confirmed that they heard heavy gunshots coming from the Casamance area. Our reporter who was on the ground heard gunshots while returning from Sohm. According to a villager, the rebels are well armed. He posited that fighting continued throughout this week and that the fighting has intensified. *VEHICLES STRANDED AT YELITENDA* *By Lamin Fatty* A new ferry called *Farafenni*, named after the town of Farafenni in the North Bank Division, which has been deployed on the 23rd of May to ease travelling and crossing along the Trans-Gambia High Way, is yet to start operation. *Foroyaa* dispatched a reporter to see things for himself. Upon arrival at the crossing point, he found a long queue of Senegalese vehicles with the drivers and travellers waiting eagerly to cross. In an interview with our reporter, a Senegalese transport driver by the name Mustapha Seck expressed disappointment over the services of the ferry at both the Yelitenda-Bamba Tenda crossing points. According to Mustapha Seck, he spent nearly a week waiting to cross, but to no avail. He said sometimes the ferry spent 2-3 hours before reaching on the other side. Another driver, Alieu Jarju, who hailed from Casamance, said he was carrying mangoes to Dakar. He said he lost 150kg of mangoes on a daily basis because he could not cross. I managed to reach Mr. Gabisi, the GPA officer at the Yelitenda crossing point, who refused to comment and referred him to his boss at the Bamba Tenda point. When he went to Bamba Tenda, he was told by one Jerreh Jammeh that all what he could tell him is that they are to start training on the ferry, but if he need any further information, he can contact the PRO to shed more light on it. I went to the PRO's office at the Gambia Ports Authority, but the PRO told him that he was going out, but promised to be back. I waited for 2 hours, but the PRO did not return. Efforts to speak to him on office and mobile phones proved futile. It could be recalled that two ferries's named after Soma and Farafenni were brought by the GPA to ease crossing at Yelitenda and Bamba Tenda. But * Farafenni* which has already been deployed is yet to start work because of landing problem. いいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいい To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://listserv.icors.org/archives/gambia-l.html To Search in the Gambia-L archives, go to: http://listserv.icors.org/SCRIPTS/WA-ICORS.EXE?S1=gambia-l To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to: [log in to unmask] いいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいいい