Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issues Issue No. 130/2007, 5-6 November, 2007 Editorial THE END OF DECENTRALISATION Section 101 of the Constitution of the Gambia states categorically that no bill shall be introduced into the National Assembly of the Gambia, unless it is accompanied by an explanatory memorandum setting out in detail the policies and principles of the bill, the defects it is intended to remedy and the necessity for its introduction. An extra ordinary meeting of the National Assembly was convened to discuss and amend the Local Government Act. The bill which was placed before the National Assembly members was introduced by the Secretary of State for Local Government and Lands and Religious Affairs, Ismaila Sambou. Let us now examine the original principles governing Local government administration under the 1997 Constitution and weigh the amendments against the principles. During the early phase of the colonial period power was centralized in the hands of the governor. People paid taxes but had no way of determining who would manage their resources. The governor appointed the members of the executive and legislative councils to serve as advisory bodies for the Governor. It was Edward Francis Small who pioneered the clarion call for ‘no taxation without representation’. 87 years have elapsed since the National Congress of British West Africa called on its members to educate the people to know that they are the rates and tax payers and had the right to elect those who are to manage their taxes. One would have thought by now that the people of our era would be more enlightened than those who lived at the time of Francis Small: The 1997 Constitution made Section 193 subsection (1) an entrenched clause. This clause cannot be changed without a referendum: The section States: ‘’Local Government in the Gambia shall be based on a system of democratically elected councils with a high degree of Local Autonomy’’ In line with section I93 the constitution further asserted in section 194 paragraphs (a) and (c): ‘’An Act of the National Assembly by or under which a local government authority is established shall include provision for – (a) the election of members of the authority from among residents of the area within the authority’s jurisdiction at intervals of four years, and the qualifications for election; (b) the additional representation on the authority of District Seyfolu and representatives of local commercial, occupational or social interests or groups, whether by election or otherwise (c) the direct election of the mayor or chairman of the authority;” The Secretary of State started by calling for the amendment of this provision. Section 193 subsection (4) also states the object of the Local Government System as follows: “ It shall be the object of the local government system that as far as possible, issues of local policy and administration shall be decided at a local level and that local government authorities shall cooperate with the Central Government in adopting a policy of decentralization.” On Wednesday 31 October 2007, the Secretary of State for Local Government introduced the following amendments: “(1) Local Government Council shall stand dissolved ninety days before a Local Government election. “(2)On the dissolution of a Council, The President shall appoint, for each Local Government Area, an interim Management Team, consisting of such persons as he or she may determine, to perform the functions and exercise the powers of a Council until the day preceding the first meeting of a Council after a Local Government election.’’ This contravenes the letter and spirit of Section 193 of the constitution and should become null and void. The amendments further states: ‘’A Chairperson, other than a Mayor or Mayoress, shall be elected by the Councillors from among the Councillors.” This ousts the direct election of the Chairpersons of councils outside of Banjul and the Kanifing Municipality, and thus deprives the people in the rural areas of universal suffrage in electing chairpersons of councils as is reminiscent of the colonial days. To negate the principle of decentralisation completely, the following amend ment empowers the president to remove the elected members of councils and thus reduces them to subjects under the control of the Secretary of state: “Notwithstanding the other provisions of this section, a Chairperson, Deputy Chairperson or other member of a Council may also be removed from office by the President, on the recommendation of the Secretary of state, on any of the grounds set out in subsection (1) of this section.” This is the end result of the APRC revolution: One step forward and Two steps backwards. The following is part of the explanation given by SoS Sambou as principles for the Amendments: “In the light of constraints which the Department of State for Local Government and Lands experiences in the exchange and management of information and decisions with Councils, the Department considers it necessary to introduce the concept of the indirect executive chairpersons excluding mayors and mayoresses, where the chairpersons of councils are elected not by universal adult suffrage but by the Councillors from among themselves. This could not, however, be done without the Constitution being amended. The Constitution having been amended, this Bill seeks to amend the relevant sections of the Local Government Act to give effect to the Constitutional amendment. In the same vein, with the need for faster decision making in Council and for a more rapid and more responsive implementation of the decentralization process, the Department of State wishes also to propose the amendment of the relevant sections of the Local Government Act 2002 to reflect the need for the President to have the power to remove the Mayor/Chairman, Deputy Mayor/Chairman or other member of Council. And also to have Councillors in the local Government Authorities who can demonstrate a clearer understanding of issues and participate more effectively in chamber debates.” History is recording how the constitution is being butchered to suit the desire of the APRC to centralize power in the hands of its executive. In a democratic society where the electorate are sovereign and enlightened such an issue would be part of an election platform which should warrant MPs being sent packing at the end of their mandate. Gambia and Senegal Sign Communiqué By Bubacarr K. Sowe The Gambian Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Crispin Grey-Johnson and the Senegalese Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr. Cheikh Tidiane Gadio have signed a Joint Communiqué on Saturday, November 3, at the end of the 4th session of the Senegalo-Gambian Joint Ministerial commission held at the Kairaba Beach Hotel. The meeting was in accordance with directives of the two heads of state and issues discussed included trade, customs, transport, the environment, agriculture, forestry, wildlife, fisheries, education, energy, gender, culture, security and defence, immigration, health, tourism and the Senegalo – Gambian Permanent Secretariat. On trade, the Gambia and Senegal have agreed to exchange information on trade matters and a draft trade agreement between the two countries was submitted by the Gambia to the Senegalese authorities and their reaction will be forthcoming in due course. The two countries have also agreed and recommended that a meeting be convened between the two customs institutions as soon as possible in order to give adequate response to pertinent matters. The communiqué reads: “Pertaining to the transport sector, the Gambian side proposed the signing of a new road transport agreement before the end of 2007 given that the agreement signed in 2004 is not adequately implemented. It was agreed that a meeting be held in Dakar on 20th November, 2007 to finalise a new agreement.” The question of the bridge was raised. “It was decided that the matter be referred to the forthcoming Joint Consultative meeting.” On the environment, the delegations indicated their long standing cooperation in sharing information based on the use of Geographic Information System (GIS) and remote sensing. “Future collaboration will include coastal and marine environment management, enhancing environmental monitoring systems, and the strengthening of chemical management, including the control of obsolete and/or banned pesticides in the two countries,” the communiqué states. In the area of forestry, delegates of both countries agreed to strengthen collaboration by implementing joint activities and exchange of experiences in fire prevention, protection and monitoring techniques, community forestry, the management of mangroves and mangrove die-back, especially the Bintang Bolong. “The two countries will strengthen the control of the cross – border movement of forest products; exchange of research, trial results, data and documentations and sharing information on reforestation and afforestation, as well as collaborate on the implementation of regional and international agreements,” the communiqué states. On protected areas and wildlife management, the two governments are implementing a memorandum of understanding (MOU) of 2001 for the trans – frontier management of Niumi National Park and Delta du Saloum National Park. “In addition to these two areas of cooperation, the delegations of both countries agreed to the establishment of more trans-boundary protected areas, harmonization of regulation on sport hunting, wildlife management and cooperation on illegal poaching,” the communiqué reads. On climate change, the delegates have agreed to develop policies and regulations in implementing joint mitigation and adaptation plans and programmes. In the agriculture sector, the two sides underscored the need for the imple mentation of common policies and programmes geared towards poverty alleviation and agreed to cooperate in the harmonization of their regulations on phytosanitary, seeds, genetically modified organisms and movement of pesticides. “ They also agreed to prevent invasion of locust and other migratory pests and improve on exchange of research, training and experiences. The countries will endeavour to share experience in research in the agro-sylvo-pastoral area,” the communiqué indicated. The existing reciprocal fisheries agreement between the two countries will be reviewed in January 2008 in Banjul, in accordance with article thirteen of the agreement. On gender, the Women’s Bureau in the Gambia and the Ministry of Family Affairs in Senegal have initiated action for an effective and coordinated collaboration between them, and to that end the two countries are about to sign a bilateral agreement. The two countries agreed to factor and fully integrate children’s issues in their respective national policies and programmes. “The Senegalese side has invited children and teachers from the Gambia to attend the 3rd Children’s Week Celebration from the 11th - 16th December, 2007. The Senegalese delegation proposes that the Gambia considers the establishment of a “ Hut for Children” programme with the logistics, funded by Senegal,” the communiqué shows. In the area of education, they agreed to establish links between the University of the Gambia and other institutions of higher education in Senegal and exchange experiences in vocational training. They also intend to collaborate on the transcription of common local languages and share experiences in non – formal education. Both countries agreed to mobilise adequate funds for the improvement of trans-boundary electrification and inter-connections. On culture and heritage, the two countries are to undertake consultations at institutional level through meetings and exchange of cultural facilities and activities. “In this endeavour, cultural exchanges between them are of great importance,” the communiqué points out. On the issue of security and defence, the two countries have noted that an agreement is in place and that a final draft memorandum of understanding is yet to be signed by the Chiefs of Defence Staff of both countries. The communiqué reads: “Concerning the issue of security, the two sides reiterated their determination to fully implement the conventions signed by them in relation to extradition matters. In this regard, they will examine the procedures pertaining to the implementation of requests for extradition and will therefore exchange information in this respect as soon as possible.” On immigration matters, both parties agreed to jointly sensitise their respective officers at the borders to allow the free movement of people and goods. “The two sides agreed to organise regular contacts and periodic visits between the two police authorities. For the waiver on the abrogation of aliens’ cards, the two sides agreed that the request be submitted to the Gambian side through diplomatic channels,” the agreement indicates. Regarding the issue of health, they recommended that the competent committee be convened to review the existing agreement and formulate recommendations to the concerned authorities. On the Senegalo – Gambian Permanent Secretariat, it was agreed that the sub-committee should meet to decide on the salient points so as to address all outstanding issues. “The timetable for the establishment of the permanent secretariat will be decided upon by both sides,” the two sides agreed. On cooperation in tourism, they proposed that the experts of the two countries meet to study the draft agreement proposed by the Gambian delegation to the Senegalese side. Finally, the communiqué states that this meeting will be followed by a meeting of the consultative committee before the end of the year in December 2007 in Dakar and a Summit of Heads of State shortly thereafter. The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Crispin Grey Johnson, said there is a need for the two sister republics to dialogue. The lack of dialogue will lead to misunderstanding which could even breed crisis and conflicts. His Senegalese counterpart Dr. Cheikh Tidiane Gadio told reporters the two countries will not allow dissidents to use each others country as a platform to promote coup d’etats or separatism. Management Teams Appointed Country Wide By Sarjo Camara-Singhateh Reliable sources informed this reporter that management teams have been appointed in all the administrative regions of the country. This is in conformity with the amended Local Government Act which calls for the automatic dissolution of councils ninety days before election. In the Kanifing Municipality it is confirmed that Mr. Gibou Jagne, former NCP Member of Parliament, has been appointed as the chairman of the Interim Management Team. Mr. Jagne heads a nine- member committee. The names of the other members of the committee will be published in a subsequent issue. For the Banjul City Council, the former NTC Management Director, Mr. Alieu Mboge, has been appointed Chairman and Nancy Njie, APRC Stalwart, Vice Chairperson. Other members are Alhagi Njie-Biri, Alieu Gaye, a Businessman, Sheikh Omar Njie, Former National Assembly Member, and Ousman Jobarteh. In Kuntaur Area Council Mr. Ganyie Touray has been appointed Chairman of the Interim Management Team with Alhagie Ebou, Adam Cham, Seedy Bensuda, Momodou Lamin Jallow, Mrs. Emmily Nying, and Pierre Bah, Chief of Niani are also committee members. For Jangjanbureh Area Council, Mr. Ganyie Touray is Chairman of the Interim Management Team. Other members include Kebba Kora, Demba Bah, John Bah, Foday Saidykhan, Amie Jobarteh, Yusupha Gassama, Momodou Lamin Bandeh (Chief of Sankulay Kunda). Sources disclosed that the Governors are automatically the chairpersons of the interim management teams. The members of the Interim Management Team of Western Region are not yet known, but according to the Public Relations Officer, Mr. Modou Joof, the Governor, Western Region, Mr Abdou F.M.Badgie is the chairperson. He also said that the members of the interim management committee would be announced on Tuesday, 6th November 2007. National Assembly Approves US $8 Million Loan By Bubacarr K. Sowe The National Assembly in its extra-ordinary session on Wednesday, October 31, ratified two loan agreements of US $ 4 million dollars each between The Gambia and the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). The loans, signed in Vienna, Austria on September 5, 2007 are meant for the third public works project and the highway and street lighting project. According to Musa Balla Gaye, the Secretary of State for Finance and Economic Affairs, the third public works project “will build the capacity of beneficiaries such as local government authorities, village communities and public institutions”. “The project is expected to make interventions in providing education and health facilities, construct some roads in the urban areas, extend water supply network and electricity in the urban/peri-urban areas, provide water, reticulation system in some rural communities, fire stations around the country, markets, youth facilities and public buildings like post offices,” Mr. Gaye enumerated. The highway and street lighting project, according to the Secretary of State, covers the areas of Banjul and some parts of the Kanifing Municipality. “ The project’s scope includes a detailed design, supply, installation and commissioning of all equipment and materials required to ensure the satisfactory installation and connection of the entire lighting system for the areas already specified,” Mr. Gaye said. He added that government has decided that NAWEC will execute the project to build-up capacity and ensure sustainability. Both loans have a grace period of five years and a repayment period of fifteen years. Government will pay from time to time a service charge at the rate of one percent (1%) per annum on the principal amount of the loan withdrawn and outstanding, to meet the expense of administering the loan,” the Secretary of State said. Where Are Former Foni Kansala Chief And Others? After One Year Of Arrest By Modou Jonga The family sources of the former Chief of Foni Kansala, Momodou Lamin Nyassi, and two others, told Foroyaa that their loved ones’ whereabout are yet to be disclosed by the authorities. Family sources have it that the trio in the persons of the Foni Kansala Chief, Momodou Lamin Nyassi, Ndongo Mboob and Buba Sanyang were re-arrested by plain clothes officers at Bwiam in the month of April 2006. According to family sources, before their re-arrest the trio were previously taken to the police headquarters for interrogation before their first release. The family sources also noted that plain clothes officers at Bwiam rearrested the trio in April last year. Family sources complained “that since the trio were rearrested, they had made frantic efforts to locate their whereabouts but to no avail”. They said they consulted various offices in order to locate them. The sources have revealed that this situation has caused psychological strain on the family members of the trio, who are said to be the breadwinners. Family sources revealed that they have visited the authorities at the state Central Prison, Police headquarters as well as the NIA headquarters, but their efforts have proven fruitless. Continuation of Interview with Halifa Sallah Part 7 Why didn’t you get a publisher for such an important book? We are trying to build local capacity for book production. Edward Francis Small was a pioneer of the liberation struggle in the Gambia. Our printing press is named after him. The press is responsible for printing Dawda Faal’s history book. It is to print a Mathematics book prepared by Sam Sarr. Sidia Jatta has produced a book for learning in the local languages. I have five books in the pipe line: The manuscripts are ready. I will put one for sale and use the income as seed money to print the next one. President Jammeh has challenged his opponents to show what they can offer the nation during his term in office. We will be producing books which will enlighten the world. While he is purchasing musical instruments, we will be making savings to purchase printing machines and to build a Pan African Library. Since he claims to be a destroyer of HIV, we challenge him to put his knowledge in books for the medical students of the world just as we are going to be doing. How do you intend to distribute the book? I have engagements up to the 11th of November. I will do the launching after the 11th. I will give some school libraries free copies and distribute it locally at a price of 200 dalasis per copy plus sales tax, if I do not manage to get a waiver. Furthermore I will be willing to visit any country in the world where a group of students or persons numbering 50 are willing to patronize the launching with a contribution of between 25 to 50 pounds or its equivalent in dollars and Euros for a copy of the book and a cassette of the launching: This will enable me to meet all travel and accommodation costs as well as to keep seed money for more publications. Do you have a contact address? The requests should be forwarded to People’s Centre for Social Science, Civic Awareness and Community Initiative, P.O. Box 2306, Serrekunda, The Gambia, West Africa, Tel: 00220-4373138/ 00220-9902864, Email: [log in to unmask] Now. Let us move to the other issues. You have said that the preamble of a constitution is not a living part of a constitution and that the people of the Gambia did not support a constitution which undermines their sovereignty. Yes that is my position and no constitutional lawyer would dispute the fact that a preamble is just a mission statement or better put a declaration of intent. It is part of the spirit and not the letter of a constitution. Needless to say, where the spirit contravenes the letter of a Constitution the spirit must become null and void. Those who wish to do a critique of the 1997 Constitution should focus on its letter in comparison with the letter of the 1970 Constitution. This is what Foroyaa did to enable the Gambian people to be able to make an informed choice Some people are still claiming that the People should have rejected the constitution to defend their sovereignty? This is one claim I find very difficult to understand. First and foremost, those who truly wanted to defend the sovereignty of the people would have opposed the suspension of the 1970 Constitution by Decree Number One and the dissolution of the executive, the parliament and the political parties. Decree Number 1 was the worst assault on the sovereignty of the people. The Decrees were made to be supreme. This is what consolidated the AFPRC. From 1994 to 1997 it is these draconian Decrees which helped the AFPRC to consolidate its rule without any sign of protest from those who were opposed to military rule. In fact when we rose up against Decree No 1, we were criticized by leaders of major parties as being hasty and adventurous. The 1997 Constitution did not come into force until the new members of Parliament were elected and the President sworn in. Before that the country was governed under the supremacy of decrees. Even the Presidential and National Assembly elections took place under Decree 78. Hence the 1997 constitution could not be said to consolidate military rule; on the contrary it is the instrument which put an end to the supremacy of decrees and restored Constitutional rule in 1997 when it came into effect. Had the people not approved it, what would guide the return to Constitutional rule? Suppose there was a boycott of the referendum, what would have been the outcome? You should recall that the AFPRC wanted to stay in office for 4 years. Hence if the referendum was boycotted the regime could have either restored the 1970 constitution or prolong its stay in office pending the drafting of a new constitution. In My view, the AFPRC consolidated itself in 2 years by using patronage to take over the party, youth leaders and the chairmen and chairwomen of the PPP, NCP and GPP. If they were given more years to come up with an ideal constitution they would have consolidated their position all the more. On the other hand if the 1970 Constitution was restored, we would have missed many of the positive provisions of the 1997 Constitution which are currently being amended by the APRC government. In my view, once we agree that the provisions of the 1997 constitution are more profound than the 1970 one cannot give any legitimate justification for its rejection at a referendum. Even the Gambia bar association acknowledged the superiority of the provisions of the 1997 constitution over those of the 1970. Needless to say, if there were any forces capable of rising up to protest against the violation of the sovereignty of the people they would have done so when the many provisions of the 1970 constitution were suspended and the supremacy of the decrees asserted or after the referendum when the supremacy of decrees remained until the 1997 constitution came into force and made the decrees to be subordinate to the constitutional provisions. The Gambian people had adequate opportunities to take charge of their sovereignty before the 1997 Constitution came into force. If there was a force capable of leading the people to assert their sovereignty it would have won the Presidential and National Assembly elections or carry out a mass uprising during that period. It is evident that any attempt to attribute the consolidation of the APRC to a constitution which only came into force after the APRC consolidated its electoral machinery during the presidential and National Assembly elections is to replace facts with fiction. It is claimed that among the opposition parties only PDOIS was allowed to carry out civic education during the coup period. What is you reaction to this? If Momodou Soma Jobe, who slapped an agric assistant for transporting Suwaibou Touray to explain the essence of the constitution to the people of Jarra is reading this, he would marvel at the lack of information or honesty of some of our critics. The then Attorney General who pestered us to stop our civic education programmes which he deemed to be illegal under the decrees would also appreciate our ability to suffer silently to promote our cause and forgive and forget when we have the upper hand. PDOIS like all other parties was banned. We refused for Foroyaa to die. We never had access to The National Radio to conduct civic education. We relied on the generosity of Radio One FM to conduct non partisan civic education. Foroyaa also produced pamphlets and sent activists to the countryside to educate the mass. Anybody could have done what we did and we constantly call on people who could do a better job to take over but nobody ventured to do so. Now those who conducted everybody’s responsibility under tremendous difficulty are seen to have enjoyed privileges and those who refused to undergo the risks and the hardships are seen to have been deprived from conducting civic education. Justice, where lies thy scales? What are the wages of sacrifice in the Gambia? Castigation and vilification? Nobody gave us privileges during the coup. We were in the trenches fighting for every ground we conquered for our voices to be heard. Instead of people asking what role each political figure played during the coup and then assign new responsibilities to each of them based on merit some accused us of being an ally of the coup makers while others claimed that we got the masses to support a soldiers’ constitution and thus consolidated military rule. What more do you have to say on the 1997 constitution? I wrote a memorandum numbering approximately 60 pages to the Constitutional Review Commission stating our views on the debate regarding a new constitution. I have made this a chapter in my book: Ten years of Constitutional rule in The Gambia. Interestingly enough, no reference is made to this by critics to expose our own proposals. MARRIAGE AND FAMILY THE WIFE BATTERER Part 1 By Amie Sillah They are two friends Catherine and Ramatoulie. They attended the same schools from Nursery to University. Kate studied Law while Rama studied Journalism. Kate is not yet married but she has a wonderful boyfriend, Ronald. Ron is a true friend. He loves and respects Catherine. He believes in partnership between the sexes. Rama is unfortunate. She married a bully, or wife batterer. Dawda is a male Chauvinist. He distrusts all women especially those he labels as being feminists. He hates the activists. He calls them marriage wreckers, men haters. Dawda discourages Rama from practicing her profession. He is a business tycoon. He lives in a mansion and provides everything for Rama. When Rama pleaded with Dawda to practice her profession this was Dave’s response “ What do you need as a woman? You have everything a woman needs. Jewellery, shoes, clothes, bags, a beautiful house and a fat account. What else do you need? I hate working women. They can develop ideas. Concentrate on making babies and taking healthy allowance every month. I give your Mum a monthly allowance as well. What else would you ask for? Women go to Marabouts to ask for what you have. Concentrate on family matters. Forget about going out there to practice your profession. Journalism is dangerous. How many journalists are killed in the world? Male journalists are at risk not to talk about female journalists”. Dave hates Catherine with a passion. He does not want his wife to associate with her. “She gives her feminist ideas. I’ll desist their relationship ”. He confides in Ousman his best friend. Rama is the submissive type. She has no mind of her own. She totally relies on others to decide for her. What happens to the marriage? Read to find out. The Two Friends Kate And Rama Kate and Rama were friends since Nursery School. Rama came to visit Kate. Kate is a lawyer by profession. Rama is a journalist but she decided to be a housewife not by desire but through coercion. Her husband Dawda forced her to stay at home to be a housewife. She accepted it submissively. The two friends discussed about love and respect. “Respect covered it all. In respect there is love, care, non abusive relationship, compassion and empathy. My fiancé Ronald is a living lover. We are courting for four years now and I like it so. I am not in a hurry to get married. We want to know more about ourselves. We have to ascertain whether we are compatible or not. Ron respects me. My opinion counts in everything we do, all decisions of our lives. I respect him in turn. I’ve asked him for time and he has given it to me. But look at you girlfriend! Dawda is a graduate, rich and handsome. He houses you in a mansion but where is your peace of mind? You are scared whenever Dave returns from work. Girlfriend! You are not yourself. You are draining! You are a nervous wreck”. Kate posited. The Tyrant Dawda entered his mansion in style. He met Kate along the stairs. She greeted but he answered her rudely and impolitely. “What are you doing in my house? Didn’t I warn you to leave my wife alone? You want to initiate her into your feminist cult! That would be over my dead body. She is a married woman, leave her alone!” Kate stared at him and refused to comment a word. She just passed him and went away. Slavish Relationship The tyrant treats his wife as thrash. Rama cannot do anything to please Dave. He condemns everything Rama does. Dave threw obscenities at her. She calls her names. “Look at you! You are a bag of bones! You are as ugly as a duckling.” Dave started to go around the house touching furniture and blaming Rama for being dirty and filthy. He called her from the kitchen preparing food for him. “Rama come here!” Rama rushed in a jiffy. “Yes! You called me?” He showed her the furniture and gave her a nasty slap. “You dirty pig!” He showed her some orange seeds. “Where you eating in my executive sitting room?” He gave her another nasty slap. Rama ran for her dear life. Dave is a terrorist. He batters Rama at the slightest provocation and he is irritated by everything Rama does or says. She does not know how to avoid him. Rama is lost. She lost her appetite and her self esteem. She shakes like a leaf in Dave’s presence. Dave is a sadist. He enjoys battering his wife. Complains About His Food Dave criticizes everything Rama does. Rama cooked his delicacy and serves him. He complained that it was hot. He left it to cool then he complained again that Rama served him cold food. He got up and refused his lunch. “How can I eat cold food? You either serve your food too cold or too hot. I have lost my appetite!” He got up to go. Rama burst into emotions. “What can I do to please you? You are torturing me and you enjoy it. You deny me practicing my profession. I defy positive humanity and agree to your whims and caprices. I stay at home to serve your insatiable desires but you refuse to appreciate. What else do you want, my life? When I complain you say you love me. What is love without respect? Respect encompasses love, sympathy and empathy. Selfish love is limited love. You have wounded my soul and my body. I am depressed.” Rama rushed to her room and locked it up. Dawda rushed after her. He was deeply touch. He became defensive. “I love you that is why I married you out of the multitude. I am sorry. I just meant to correct your clumsy ways”. “By disrespecting me? Battering and torturing me? What have I done to deserve this? You refuse me to work and yet you make the house hell for me. How can you say you love me when you treat me like thrash?” Dave asked her to open the door. “ Open the door let us talk! I love you Rama. Forgive my excesses. I’ll make amends. I’ll change. Open the door I need to sleep with my wife. I cannot go outside. I have to have you”. He pleaded. “Here you talk! You battered and tortured me and you still want to have good time with me? That cannot be. Both my body and soul is numb. My heart is bleeding. Leave me alone!” Dave became frenzy. “Are you denying me my right? This is undone! Supply on demand, is the principle. I paid for your dowry. I own your body. Come to my room when you are sober. I am waiting for you. Don’t try my patience. When I react you blame me. I am waiting!” Dawda left for his room. He thought his trick will work. He expected Rama to warm his bed. Did she go? Read to find out. To be contd. Another Death Knell For Democracy By D. A. Jawo It is indeed quite hard to understand why, while the rest of the African continent is well on the road to democracy and good governance, this country is moving in the opposite direction, as it is clearly manifested by the unprecedented decision of the National Assembly to abdicate its responsibilities and give such sweeping powers to President Jammeh to take over direct responsibility of the administration of all the municipal councils. What is even more ridiculous, are the sweeping powers given to him to also remove mayors/chairpersons of councils as well as all other elected representatives of the people. Of course, he did not need the National Assembly to give him such powers, because he had already been exercising them without any legal backing. We can recall that he arbitrarily removed the Mayors of Banjul City Council (BCC) and the Kanifing Municipal Council (KMC) as well as the Chairman of Brikama Area Council. Therefore, the authorization by the National Assembly was merely to formalize what already existed in practise. However, by allowing themselves to be used to rubber stamp such undemocratic legislation, members of the National Assembly have clearly shown Gambians that they represent President Jammeh’s interests instead of the interests of the people who elected them. There is absolutely no way that anyone can justify giving President Jammeh the power to remove people directly elected by the people, just like him. I agree with Sidia Jatta that if President Jammeh is given the power to remove at will those directly elected by the people, then there is absolutely no point in anyone seeking election. This is just another additional death knell for democracy in this country. Of course, this sort of trend has been going on since the very beginning. We have seen the government, using the rubber stamp National Assembly to amend the Constitution and remove the provision that called for the election of chiefs, no doubt after the regime realized from the Sami chieftaincy elections t hat there was no way they can manipulate the system in their favour. There is no doubt that the next move would be to abolish local government elections and give him the power to be appointing people to manage all the local government structures. Therefore, this latest move is just a continuation of the trend to bring the entire local government structure under the direct control of the President so that he can continue to put in only those people he can easily manipulate. However, with the negative role that the National Assembly has played in helping President Jammeh to consolidate his iron-grip hold of all the democratic institutions, the members have really abdicated their responsibilities to the people of this country and as such, those who voted for that undemocratic law have lost any credibility they ever had in representing the people. It is therefore hard to see how the people can ever re-elect them when they have clearly shown that they have no regard for the welfare of the people of the country and they are ready to rubber stamp anything presented to them by President Jammeh. It is indeed a shame that while the rest of the continent is consolidating democracy and good governance, we in this country are moving in the opposite direction. With this latest move on the local government structure, it is now hard to see the United Nations system contributing to our local government decentralisation process, because instead of decentralising, we seem to be putting everything in the hands of the president. In view of this therefore, there is absolutely no way that anyone would now take this country seriously when it comes to democratisation. We have shown them that instead of moving with the tide of democratisation, we are retrogressing to the dark old days. FOCUS ON POLITICS KUKOI VOWS TO RETURN TO GAMBIA WAS THE THREAT REAL? With Suwaibou Touray We have been focusing on politics in general and Gambian politics in particular in this column. We have followed the narration of political events from the Pre-Colonial to Post-independence era. In the last issue we have stopped where we said the opposition to the SeneGambia Confederation continued to build up, pioneered by the PDOIS party; that narrow nationalist feelings were also developing mainly among the youth. Let us continue from where we stopped. By March 1988, the West Africa Magazine based in London reported the appearance of Kukoi Samba-Sanyang, the leader of the July 1981 upheaval in The Gambia in a seminar in Senegal. This report created quite a scare when the report mentioned that Kukoi expressed or renewed his intention to return to The Gambia. According to the Nation, that issue of West Africa was said to have been bought wholesale by government to prevent its circulation among the populace. Kukoi’s coming was also linked to Abdoulie Wade, the opposition leader in Senegal at the time. When Kukoi was asked by West Africa Magazine why he staged the coup in 1981 and whether it was out of political frustration, which necessitated it. Kukoi maintained that it was not as a result of political frustration; that the question was no longer whether they could join a political party and win an election; that their idea was, even if they were able to do things like winning an election, they wouldn’t be able to do much to help the masses because they had to abide by the constitution. Kukoi also opined that what could have happened through elections would have been cosmetic changes in the system; that what they wanted was to make radical changes; that was why they had in fact suspended the constitution in 1981 when they overthrew the Government. This interview by Kukoi created not only a scare in The Gambia but also criticism from many corners. Foroyaa observed that some of the criticisms seemed to be motivated by a power struggle between MOJA and Kukoi, but said theirs differed from others in the sense that they were not engaged in any power struggle with any party, and had no political grudge against anyone. Foroyaa maintained that the repeated broadcast over the air linking Kukoi to Abdoulie Wade, who had the support of over 290,000 voters, gave impression that Kukoi too had similar support in The Gambia. Foroyaa also said the revelation of Kukoi’s link with The Ghana Chief of staff and members of Libyan Central Committee also gave impression that Kukoi could be here at any time with the help of these countries; that instead of the state discrediting Abdoulie Wade, the PPP regime was giving Kukoi more importance than one would have expected under the circumstances. “The ruling party which does not sit down to analyze situations and develop correct tactics was bound to take steps which would make them attain the very opposite of what they intended” Foroyaa warned. But the state at the time must have believed, to a large extent, Kukoi’s pronouncement, because almost at that time, it had arrested one Musa Sanneh, Amadou Badjie, Adrian Sambou and Ousman Sanneh. These people were taken before the court and hearing commenced by 5th and 6th of April 1988. It was during this period when a huge rumour spread that Kukoi and Wade met to agree to overthrow both the Government of The Gambia and Senegal. That belief, Foroyaa said, was promoted mainly by government officials. Reports coming from court were that one Foday Sanyang, a witness, said Kukoi told him of such a meeting. Musa Sanneh also said in court that he was asked by DCP Bah why he didn’t write in his diary that PDOIS was part of the SOFA, so that SOFA would become legal like PDOIS. Many people became agitated and said the state was trying to implicate PDOIS. But according to records, Musa Sanneh said he was dictated to say that but the special Branch officers also denied saying so. Foroyaa called on its readers and PDOIS supporters not to be irritated by what was being said about PDOIS in court; that only PDOIS could trouble itself by engaging in something dubious; that it would be left with the judge to decide. The revelation that the first prosecution witness, Deputy Commander of Police, Demba Bah made in court that in his search of Musa Sanneh’s house, he discovered and took out a Piece of Paper, handwritten in English, Captioned “POLITICAL POWER GROWS OUT OF THE BARREL OF A GUN”. The contents as was read in court reads as follows; “2pm, 17th June, 1987.” Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun”. The time now demands the bullet not the ballot. This has been testified by the fact that for the fifth time now, President Jawara has been returned to power. PDOIS, which is trying to win power through parliament, will not succeed. Before they become successful they will be crushed”. Foroyaa maintained that whether Musa wrote this or not was left to the judge to decide. Foroyaa maintained that they had heard people say that PDOIS would be crushed when it first emerged; that eventually one PPP minister even promised to uproot PDOIS after the 1987 elections; that the minister in fact seemed to be afraid of engaging in debate with the PDOIS candidate for the constituency. They however said to conceive PDOIS, as Lilliputian under the whims of the PPP giant was to be an idle dreamer; that PDOIS was no more a tiny seedling struggling for a place under the sun etc. DCP Bah also told the court that in Musa Bah’s diary, dated 14 November 1987, he, Musa, stated that he was a PDOIS sympathizer and gave 24 sheets of paper for the publication of Foroyaa. DCP Bah also said in court that Musa noted in his diary dated 17th November, 1987 that he met S.S of PDOIS for the purpose of extending greetings from Dr. Manneh, an alias for Kukoi but that S.S did not trust him. Foroyaa asked whether S.S knows that he was dealing with a Kukoi agent if it indeed occurred. DCP Bah who was prosecution witness No.1 also said he took possession of a letter dated 28 August 1987 which Musa Sanneh said came from Kukoi through one Amadou Badjie; that it contained instructions from Kukoi for Musa which, among other things to get in touch with S.S and Co. in order to forge a link. DCP Bah told the court that where it is written S.S, Musa told him it means Sam Sarr. Foroyaa maintained that since the court was on, they would not make a comment. Foroyaa emphasized that if they were to go by the report then it becomes clear that PDOIS was not the creation of an outside force but an independent and authentic political party. It went on to shed light on the report, which stated that attempts were made to forge a link by 28 August but that this had not succeeded. Foroyaa then promised to comment on the many unanswered questions such as whether all these attempts in fact occurred. Was Musa distrusted? And so on. They then invited all Gambians to write and question whatever was in doubt to either Foroyaa or the PPP organ The Gambia Times so that it would be clear that they PDOIS were not sitting on any letters. Foroyaa continued its analysis and concluded that Kukoi’s insinuation that he was opposed to elections on the basis that if his party won they would not be able to bring any radical changes because they would have had to abide by the constitution is without foundation. The constitution, argued Foroyaa, left room for its alteration; that all that is essential to bring radical or supper radical change was the overwhelming support of the people. Foroyaa concluded among other things that, the one fundamental lesson that should be learnt is, a person has to accumulate a reasonable quantity and quality of historical and politico-economic knowledge before one can analyze a given society objectively and draw correct tactics and strategies to facilitate its transformation; that those who lack such knowledge cannot guide the destiny of nations. In actual fact, Foroyaa said it would be better for Kukoi to maintain his silence because his interview revealed unbelievable ideological shortcomings. However the long analysis and criticisms made by the Foroyaa made some Gambians uncomfortable. One Kebba Sisoho in Banjul, quoting from Foroyaa said: in your analysis, you mentioned somewhere that, “criticism of Kukoi’s interview have started to come from many quarters and that, those we have read so far seem to be motivated by a power struggle between Kukoi and MOJA.” Mr. Sisoho assumed that those criticisms read by Foroyaa were those that came from one Amadou Kabir Njie in Norway and one Tombong Saidy of the USA, because as he said these were the two people who criticized Kukoi in their letters to the West Africa Magazine. He expressed disappointment as to why those two criticisms should give Foroyaa a false impression that they were motivated by a power struggle between MOJA and Kukoi. Mr. Sisoho expressed his concern among other things that; associating them to MOJA may make things difficult for them when they come back home. See next issue as we delve into issues of mid 1988. Projected Supply of Pandemic Influenza Vaccine Increases Sharply By Sarjo Camara-Singhateh The World Health Organisation has recently released a news release on vaccine supply on pandemic influenza. Geneva — Recent scientific advances and increased vaccine manufacturing capacity have prompted experts to increase their projections of how many pandemic influenza vaccine courses can be made available in the coming years. Last spring, the World Health Organization (WHO) and vaccine manufacturers said that about 100 million courses of pandemic influenza vaccine based on the H5N1 avian influenza strain could be produced immediately with standard technology. Experts now anticipate that global production capacity will rise to 4.5 billion pandemic immunization courses per year in 2010. “With influenza vaccine production capacity on the rise, we are beginning to be in a much better position vis-à-vis the threat of an influenza pandemic,” Dr Marie-Paule Kieny, Director of the Initiative for Vaccine Research at WHO, said today. “However, although this is significant progress, it is still far from the 6.7 billion immunization courses that would be needed in a six month period to protect the whole world.” “Accelerated preparedness activities must continue, backed by political impetus and financial support, to further bridge the still substantial gap between supply and demand,” she said. This year, manufacturers have been able to step up production capacity of trivalent (three viral strains) seasonal influenza vaccines to an estimated 565 million doses, from 350 million doses produced in 2006, according to the International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers & Associations. According to experts working in this field, the yearly production capacity for seasonal influenza vaccine is expected to rise to 1 billion doses in 2010, provided corresponding demand exists. This would help manufacturers to be able to deliver around 4.5 billion pandemic influenza vaccine courses because a pandemic vaccine would need about eight times less antigen, the substance that stimulates an immune response. Vaccine production capacity is linked to the amount of antigen that has to be used to make each dose of the vaccine. Scientists have recently discovered they can reduce the amount of antigen used to produce pandemic influenza vaccines by using water-in-oil substances that enhance the immune response. The progress was reported Friday at the first meeting of a WHO Advisory Group on pandemic influenza vaccine production and supply. The Global Action Plan Advisory Group, an independent, international committee of 10 members, met at WHO headquarters one year after eight new strategies to increase pandemic influenza vaccine were identified and published in the WHO Global pandemic influenza action plan to increase vaccine supply At the Advisory Group meeting, other progress on the Global Action Plan was discussed, WHO reported it is setting up a training hub that would serve as a source of technology transfer to developing countries. The Advisory Group also discussed a new business plan which assessed options for further increasing vaccine production capacity and reviewed priority next steps. The three most valuable options include continuing to promote seasonal influenza vaccine programmes, supporting the industry to sustain production capacity beyond seasonal demand and enabling some vaccine production facilities to change, at the onset of a pandemic, from producing inactivated vaccines to live attenuated vaccines. Due to the higher yields obtained with live attenuated influenza vaccine technology, facility conversion could, by 2012, bridge the expected supply-demand gap and produce enough vaccine to protect the global population within six months of the declaration of a pandemic. LABA SOSSEH – The historical legacy of an African musical genius Part 3 By Wassa Fatty The roots of Salsa: The “clave” instrument produced its own rhythm which predates Salsa music. It was first known as the “Cuban son” music, but has its origins from the slave plantations of Santo Domingo or Haiti. Haiti became the first land liberated by Black people in 1803, when the greatest Black military genius, Toussaint L’ Ouverture, led a twelve year military campaign against the Spanish, British and French military powers and defeated all of them to liberate his people from slavery. The beauty of this Black revolt was the defeat of the greatest military commander in European history, Napoleon Bonaparte, in 1803. That military defeat forced the rich French slave owners to abandon their plantations in Haiti and fled to the Oriente province in Cuba with some of their African slaves, who managed to carry some of their improvised musical instruments with them. The impact of these improvised instruments brought by the African slaves was felt all over Cuba within a short period. The most popular form of dance among the African slaves in Cuba was what was then called the “Danzon,” which has been popular since 1879. In 1917, when the world was captivated by the Russian revolution, in Cuba there were changes taking place too at the cultural level instigated by African slaves. It was in that year that a new musical style called the “Cuban Son” music and dance styles was born and immediately dethroned “Danzon” as the Cuban nation’s favourite source of entertainment. It was the introduction of the “Clave” musical instrument in the Cuban “ Danzon” which altered the rhythm to something more sophisticated melodically and made the style of dancing more stylistic. The “clave” instrument removed the music from streets to the orchestra dancing halls and made it more appealing to the middle and upper classes of the Cuban society and laid the grounds for Cuban music industry to become a creative economy as a result prior to the 1959 political upheavals. As the “Cuban son” music expanded its popularity into other parts of Latin America, it absorbed other improvised African musical instruments such as the “Bongoes”, “Marimbula”, “Quijada”, “Cowbell”, “Timbales”, “The Guiro” as earlier mentioned, into the music and enrichened it further. The dance steps had directions and became quicker and adding to it the “Palmados” or the Flamenco hand claps. However, the addition of the “Maracas” or the guitar sent the Cuban music to another dimension of cultural progress, despite the political repression of the Dictator, Batista. The popularity of Cuban music, the world over, was recognized by many and Havana became the heaven for many Latin American music aspirants and dancers to learn their trade and orientation. To graduate as a professional Latin musician, the dance halls and musical venues of Havana, where the “Cuban son” was dominant, was the places to get inspirations from. By 1920, “Cuban son” music and dance has reached its peak. It was in that year also the great Gambian born Pan Africanist, Edward Frances Small, led the workers strike against colonial repression and exploitation, which shook British colonialism to its roots throughout West Africa and laid the foundation for modern politics in the Gambia. It was at this period too that the “Cuban son” music arrived in the Gambia and other parts of West Africa brought by Seamen, travellers, soldiers from the First World War and some of the West Indians and Black Americans returning to the land of their ancestors. What entered the West coast of Africa as music from Cuba was not “Cuban son,” but Proto-Salsa music or early forms of Salsa. Because prior to 1930, Cuban musical giants such as Ignacio Pinero began to compose “Son” music in the written form which changed it from its purest form relying solely on “Clave” and “Bongo” rhythms, he instead added the trumpets as the dominant instruments in the music. Ignacio Pinero’s composition of his popular music in the 1930s called the “Echale Salista” changed the “Son” music to Salsa. It was this type of music that captured the mind of young Laba Sosseh in the 1940s. The Salsa music took the world by storm and never stops to inspire to this day. What made it more attractive was the style of dance known as the “Mambo” dance it ushered into the dancing arena. (Understand that the dance was called “Mambo” because the European slave masters thought the dance was childish or foolish. The word derived from Mandingka) The “Mambo” dance in turn popularised Salsa music to a larger global audience, specifically in Africa where the people easily related to it. By the 1950s, the “Mambo” dance has conquered New York City and leading Latin American musicians and dancers moved to New York’s Palladium on Broadway. Among them were the Salsa greats such as Machito, Millie Donay, Cuban Pete, Tito Puente, Tito Rodriquez and the best known dancers such as Horacio Riambu, Joe Vega and Andy Vasquez, to name a few and Salsa was turned into a formidable sound the world over. Now what is the legacy of Laba Sosseh?. Part 4 The Legacy- The historical essence of Laba Sosseh’s contribution to African music was achieved through Salsa music. He was a leading giant in the popularity of Salsa in post independent Africa. If anything, he was the most committed individual to bring home the music produced from the improvised musical instruments our ancestors invented in the slave plantations back to the land of their origins, Africa. Secondly, his creativeness in the Salsa music scene allowed it to live longer in Senegal because he made it accepted, respected, appreciated and owned by the people. It should not therefore be surprising that Salsa was rechristened as the “Senegalo-Afro-Cubano” music. What this indicated is that Senegal has succeeded in claiming ownership of what our African ancestors have created in the midst of their social and economic misery in the slave plantations. No African country has done so and credit must therefore be given to Senegal. When Senegal gained independence in 1960, Laba Sosseh was the cultural icon of the newly independent state that was in search of itself. Senegal was struggling to rebuild its national institutions after centuries of French colonial miseducation and exploitation. One important area the newly installed Senegalese government under the leadership of the late intellectual Head of State, President Senghore, never failed to neglect was the cultural sector. Senghore ’s government prioritised Senegal’s cultural revival intellectually, politically and socially. For Senghore, without cultural consciousness, no society can advance. Again, for Senghore, culture cannot be isolated from historical awareness. With such state ambitions for national development, Senegal became the fertile ground Laba wanted to promote and popularise the Salsa music. The Gambia, the land of his birth could not offer him that while still under British colonial rule. To sustain any type of music for decades in any society is not an easy task for any band or singer, because the music must have certain characteristics to survive long: The music must be appealing to be accepted; it must have quality; it must satisfy emotions; it must carry messages of any type; it must be a national pride and identity; it must express problems in all forms; it must have feelings to sooth emotional pains; it must be responsive to changing situations and above all it must create its own creative economy to survive. Laba Sosseh carried these burdens as a musician for more than a decade to give Salsa music a long life in Senegal and other parts of Africa. This was an achievement. Anything that has the potential to develop with proper nourishment will develop to its full maturity. Maturity is the final climax for all things human and the rest is to blossom through changing processes in order to continue existence or if not to wither out of existence. This is what cultural history taught humanity in its definition. Human culture is nothing other than creativity and production for the survival of the future generations. Salsa music was not immune from this natural process of existence and it has to produce something more sophisticated in order to live on. Whatever later emerged out of Salsa, Laba Sosseh will always be the source historically in the Senegalese situation and experience if one looks at the historical links and continuity of our music. By the 1970s, Salsa has reached its climax in Senegal. It also coincided with the departure of Laba from Senegal to Abidjan, Ivory Coast, and then to America, where he won gold awards for his music. Laba did not return to Senegal again until in the 1990s and found the musical scene so changed that he could not recognize the city he once ruled as a vocalist. But he did not realized that what he left behind musically was also responsible for the emergence of the new sounds he heard in the city of Dakar and the little boys he mentored in his “Star band” have matured to dethroned him as the ruler of the music scene. Salsa did not die, but side lined to the periphery of the music entities. He was welcomed back highly in Senegal and his song, the “El Maestro” became an instant hit in Senegal and abroad, but he however could not push Salsa up again as the dominant music as the new citizens of the Senegalese population are now inhaling different musical oxygen. How did these changes occur in the Senegalese music environment? The changes that revolutionized the SeneGambian music have both internal and external factors and I will come to that later. The departure of Laba to the Americas in the 1970s left a gap that was filled by the bands that emerged at that period and mentioned earlier in part 1. These bands in their own ways have produced classics that are still sending minds back to memory lane anytime they are played. Among these classics was “Esta China” by Etoile de Dakar. “Guantanamero” by Number one. “El- Hombre Misterioso” by Eric Ndoye. “ Viva Number one” and “Gosando” by Number one. Most of these Salsa songs were sung in Spanish and some in Wollof. But young Yousou Ndure’s song, “Tielly”, even though he was neither the original singer nor the leading vocalist of any band, signalled him as a future potential vocalist. The other classics included songs like the “El-Carretero” by Etoile de Dakar. “Afromanicero” by young Alhajie Faye and Laba Sosseh and the early songs of the late Abdoulai Mboob and Ouza were part of the scene. What all these songs have in common was that they were all Salsa music, but with something different. Watch it out as the story reveals itself. The factors that contributed to the changes were two fold: Internally in Africa, there was crisis as the promises of the independence struggle did not materialize. Radical youth movements emerged in many parts of Africa to challenge the “Neo-colonial” status of post independent Africa. There were also the anti-colonial struggles in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea Bissau and also the struggle against the brutal apartheid regime, which all one way or other, galvanized the radical consciousness of the African youths. What further aggravated the situation in most African countries started back in the 1960s with the killing of Lumumba in the Congo, the overthrow of Nkrumah in Ghana and the assignation of Cabral in the early 1970s on the instigation of external forces who saw radical leaders as a threat to their interest and installing puppet regimes in their place. Externally, the Black Power and Civil Rights movements struggling for Social Justice, coupled with the assasinations of Malcolm X and Martin Luther King were equally seen as the same efforts of imperialism to subdue the Black race. The youths began to politicize the internal situation of their countries and protests and mass demonstrations took place in the streets of many capitals, including Senegal and the Gambia. In Dakar it led to the arrest and death of a student leader, Blonde Diop. In Senegal, no musical group or band picked up the demands of the youths artistically to sympathise with or use it to sensitise their grievances against the state. The only one who came close to expound that was Ouza who never shy away from controversy, especially when it involves the ruling classes. He was not given the name of the “Bob Marley of Senegal” for nothing. However, in the Gambia the situation was different for some reason. The “ Super Eagles band” had a better grasped of the youth frustration and sympathised with them openly. When the band left the Gambia for a European tour in the early 1970s, it turned out to be a disaster financially for them in London. The late Fela Kuti and Osi Bissa already had massive impact on the African Diaspora hungry for an African identity and social equality in Europe and America. The radical Jamaican music, reggae, has already gained momentum and for an African band to come and play European music to a mostly Black audience was seen as a cultural confusion. The shows were poorly attended afterwards and it was reported that the band members could not even afford to pay for their return tickets home and some where left behind and still stranded in London. From this experience abroad and the boiling anger of the radical youths at home in demand for radical changes and continental unity, the “Super Eagles band” responded by changing its name to “Infang-Bondi” and the “Afro-Manding” beat was born and became the most innovative music in the Gambia and gave the country an identity and pride. It ushered in the formation of the “Guelewarr” band fronted by young Musa Ngum and individual singers such as Abdul Corr . The “Afro-Manding songs such as “Xaaleli-Africa” (Children of Africa), “ Ovareier” (working class) and “Change the system” have entered the annals of Pan African history as among the most dynamic songs in post independent Africa. The Gambia could not nurture the development of the “Afro-Manding” beat due to poor marketing and promotional skills. Besides “Infang- Bondi” shows were held in poor and small venues in Banjul, weekend beach parties or shows in other parts of the country. The music did not grow to build up a creative economy to survive and diversify itself. To survive, like Laba Sosseh, Afro-Manding beat fled to exile in Senegal to escape stagnancy. Its arrival also coincided with changes in the Salsa music. The changes occurred early in 1970s when the “Tamma” or talking drum musical instrument was introduced into the Salsa music and it never became the same again. With “Afro-Manding” beat knocking at the doors; Salsa music faced a challenge in the absence of the “ El-Maestro,” Laba Sosseh. To understand these changes, one need to go back to the classics mentioned earlier and will notice that either from the middle or at the end; the “Tamma” becomes instrumental in the music and changes the dancing style or techniques to “Ndaga” dance form. The similarities with the way Salsa emerged after the 1920s, when the “Clave” musical instrument was introduced into the “Cuban son” music became clear at this juncture. In the case of Salsa, the introduction of the “Tamma” into the Salsa music laid the seeds that germinated to what it is now known as MBALAX music and “Afro-Manding” beat gave the signals to this opportunity and created the necessary conditions for its emergence. In all situations, changes have to be explained and here it is. The factors that led to the emergence of “Mbalax” varied, but some of it can be attributed to the favourable conditions available from the early to the mid 1970s. “Afro- Manding” beat was already hot in the Gambia and at the same time in Senegal. Salsa was taking a different dimension. The guitar on some occasions would inject the “Ndaga” rhythm in the Salsa tunes and with the addition of the “Tamma” armpit drum the music never look the same again. The rise of the late Senegalese vocalist in the early 1970s, Abdoulai Mboob, was also a major factor, because despite the fact that his music was Salsa Music, he mostly sang in Wollof, rather than Spanish, allowing the “Tamma” drum to adjust Salsa music closer to home. The new situations in the continent in terms of national identities that can relate to something African within national boundaries, which the social movements brought to the political landscape, was also instrumental. For example, the “Afro-Manding” beat was associated with the tiny Gambia; the Congolese music was associated with the Congo; “Afro-Juju” beat with Nigeria; “Chimorenga” music associated with the independence struggle of the then Rhodesia (Zimbabwe); there was something musically associated with Mali (Rail Band); Guinea Conakry (Bembeya Jazz Band) and the anti-apartheid songs of Masekela and Mariama Makeba associated with South Africa. In Senegal, there was nothing that was Senegalese music. Salsa was popular and adopted; it was however more associated with Cuba and Latin American countries than Senegal. Therefore, the need for change for something national was more prevalent in Senegal than in many West African countries. The young Senegalese musicians did not look far to create what was lacking musically in Senegal. The Gambia is just a border away and some of them such as Ouza, Yousou Ndour and others visited the Gambian musical scene either to play or learn about the new changes. They saw the “Afro-Manding” beat at its early developmental stage and gained the insight, idea and vision of what was to be done. Young Yousou Ndour had a better grasp of the necessity to change than many of his contemporaries. Everything has been done with the Salsa music locally and there was still something alienating in it and that was the Spanish language. The end of “Etoile de Dakar” in the late 1970s and the formation of “ Super Etoile de Dakar” could be credited for the new development. The tense battle between Yousou Ndour and Alhajie Faye after the break up of the first “ Etoile” band had fundamental effects on the Senegalese music history. The era of “Mbalax” arrived and every band in existence in Senegal were forced to convert to it and those emerging do not have go through the difficult road that Yousou, Ouza, the late Pape Seck of Star band, Alhajie Faye, Gomez,Medoune Diallo, Balla Sidibe, Ndiouga Dieng, the late Lai Mboob and the other great pioneers experienced. “Mbalax” today is a national pride. It has created its own creative industry and economy. It has expanded into other types of “Mbalax” such as “Salsa Mbalax”, “Rock Mbalax”, “Jazz Mbalax”, “Reggae Mbalax”, “ Wrap Mbalax” (‘Tassu’ in Wollof} “Kwassa-Kwassa” (Congolese) ‘Mbalax’ and “Folk Mbalax” among others with a single root. The conclusion: To conclude, it is time to lay to rest the argument that “Mbalax” music originated from the Gambia. To say so and believe it is to deny the historic figures such as Yousou Ndour, Lai Mboob, Ouza and others their contribution to our cultural development. Secondly, to say “Mbalax” is a Gambian product is an arrogant assertion in itself. There is no evidence to support this reasoning other than the old argument that “Afro- Manding” beat came from the Gambia. So what? The pioneers of today’s SeneGambian music were also listening to the popular African Diasporan musics of James Brown, Otis Redding, Roberta Flack, Etta James, Aretha Franklin, Wilson Picket and many others and related to it simply because they could see the link between those music and the traditional ones in Africa. In addition, the “Tamma” was used in the “Afro-Manding” beat and did not make much difference as it did in Salsa. Further more, it must not be forgotten that “Toure Kunda” band of Senegal also were playing the “Afro-Manding” beat. “Mbalax” and the “Afro-Manding” beat are African music with roots within the same community, tradition and culture in the SeneGambian region. However, both have their own unique qualities specific to them. The longetivity of salsa in Senegal had major influence on the emergence of “Mbalax”. I think this is where the role and contribution of Laba Sosseh came to fruition. We can be rest assured that he will never be forgotten in the land of Senegal. PRO-PAG On Message Development For MDGS/PRSP Campaign By Amie Sanneh The Pro-Poor Advocacy Group (Pro-PAG) on Thursday 1st November completed a two-day workshop on message development for the MDGs/PRSP Advocacy and Dissemination Campaign for The Gambia. The campaign will, among others, create awareness and a sense of ownership on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) related projects and programmes implemented by partners and aimed at meeting the national and international targets. In her opening remarks the Director of Pro-PAG Dr. Siga Fatima Jagne described the workshop as crucial. She said without the development of an Advocacy Strategy, they would not know what to do. She pointed out that every Gambian needs to know the MDGs and PRSP. Dr. Jagne stressed the need for the increase in budgetary allocation to poverty reduction through sensitization workshop, the use of the media etc. She noted that appropriate funding is a crucial factor if they want to achieve something and improve the lives of people. She expressed hope that participants will develop a kind of message that will make a difference in the lives of the people. Speaking earlier in her welcoming remarks Adelaide Sosseh, the Chairperson of Pro-PAG, said the workshop is important in charting the way forward. She described it as a road map in meeting the MDGs and Vision 2020. Mrs. Sosseh remarked that poverty is the first goal highlighted among the MDGs. She said that shows its importance in the Global agenda. She pointed out that it is a major course for concern that poverty is increasing. She urged participants to fully participate in the process and contribute to eradicate poverty. Throughout the workshop participants were engaged in-group discussions and were expected to come up with advocacy and dissemination strategies on meeting MDGs and the PRSP, which should show a remarkable change in the lives of citizens. German National Convicted Of Child Pornography By Musa Barrow Birk Padberg, a German national was on Thursday 1st November 2007 convicted of child pornography and related offences by Principal Magistrate B.Y, Camara of Banjul Magistrate Court. Mr. Padberg who has been a regular visitor to The Gambia since 1973 was charged with three counts. Count one, conspiracy to effect an unlawful purpose contrary to section 371 (e) of the Criminal Code Cap 10 Vol III Laws of The Gambia 1990. The particulars of the offence states that Birk Padberg, with others, at large in diverse places and dates in The Gambia conspired together to take obscene photographs of themselves and other persons thereby committed an offence. On count two Mr. Padberg was charged with trafficking obscene photographs contrary to section 15 (9) of the criminal code cap 10 Vol III Laws of The Gambia 1990. According to the particulars of offence, Mr. Padberg on diverse dates and places in The Gambia was in possession of obscene photographs and thereby committed an offence. On count three Mr. Padberg was charged with child pornography contrary to section 8 (1) (9) of the Tourism Offence Act, 2003. The particulars of the offence states that Mr. Padberg, on diverse dates and places in The Gambia took indecent or naked photograph of Rosaline Meurer and thereby committed an offence. After the charges were read to Mr. Padberg, he pleaded guilty to all of them. However, Lawyer Jobarteh, the German’s defense lawyer, made an appeal. He urged the magistrate that given that his client Mr. Padberg had completely cooperated with the police during the investigation, thereby saving their time and also shown remorse, his client be given the minimum punishment. Lawyer Jobarteh further said that Mr. Padberg has got some expensive and immovable properties in this country and is therefore contributing to the Socio-economic development of The Gambia. On the basis of these facts lawyer Jobarteh pleaded for leniency. Given Mr. Padberg’s health condition as a heart patient, the counsel urged the Magistrate to tamper justice with mercy. In delivering his verdict, Presiding Magistrate B.Y. Camara fined Mr. Padberg a total sum of twenty five thousand dalasis for the three counts brought against him. For counts one and two he was ordered to pay seven thousand five hundred (D7, 500) dalasis each. Furthermore, Magistrate B.Y Camara told Mr. Padberg that such immoral and indecent acts are totally incompatible with the customs, culture and values of Gambian society. He also told the German that given his frequent visit to this country since 1973, one would have thought that he would also contribute to the building of a brighter future for Gambian children, rather than exploiting them. Magistrate B.Y Camara stressed that although tourists are welcome in The Gambia, irresponsible tourism is not encouraged. He further told Mr. Padberg that he had to thank the brilliant advocacy of his defense lawyer, Jobarteh, for receiving such a fine. Standard Chartered Bank Organizes Eye Screening For Partners By Musa Barrow Standard Chartered Bank on Thursday 1st November 2007 organised an eye screening exercise for its customers and media practitioners at its headquarters in Banjul. Speaking just before the exercise began, the Acting CEO of Standard Chartered Bank, Mr. Wilfred Ntuba, said his Bank is highly committed to have positive impact on the communities and the environment in which they operate. He noted that in pursuing their business objective, they aim to contribute towards sustainable development. Mr. Ntuba pointed out that by addressing these challenges, Standard Chartered Bank could stand as a unique bank in the market. He also revealed that to date, Standard Chartered groups have contributed at least twenty two (22) million US dollars in community activities globally. Acting CEO Ntuba stated that one of Standard Chartered Bank’s most valued global initiatives are “Seeing is Believing” (SIB). According to him this initiative was launched in 2003 and up to date Standard Chartered Bank group has raised more than US 8 million dollars, which is enough to give sight to more than one million people. He further disclosed that Standard Chartered Bank aims to raise another six million US dollars over the next three years to assist another one million people. In this regard, Mr. Ntuba said Standard Chartered Bank, Gambia, in collaboration with Sheikh Zayed Regional Eye Centre, had carried out the eye test on a cross section of their staff, customers and the media. In address to this activity, Acting CEO Ntuba explained that Standard Chartered Bank, Gambia, would be volunteering at Sheikh Zayed Eye Centre next week. He noted that the bank encourages employees to contribute towards the development of their local communities by sharing their knowledge, skills and talents where the bank lives and operates. Media groups such as the Foroyaa, Observer and the Point have so far benefited from the initiative. End of Season for Dawda Bah By Modou Nyang Finland based Gambian star Dawda Bah has played his last match this season for club HJK. Bah is cup tied, meaning he is not eligible to play for the Helsinki club in the Finnish Cup (Suomen Cup) competition. Helsingin Jalkapalloklubi (HJK) currently has any hope of glory this season left in the Cup competition having finished in a disappointing mid-table position in the league. And Dave, who has fallen in Coach Aki Hyrylainen midfield pecking order, is not eligible to play in the clubs remaining matches in the Suomen Cup. He played for former club KPV (Kokkolan Palloveikot) in the same competition earlier in the qualifying stage before joining HJK in July this year. Super Nawettan Battle Lines Drawn By Modou Nyang The fixture for this year’s Super Nawettan championship has been released, presenting some interesting dates among the big Nawettan zones. The Super Nawettan which is scheduled to start next week – Wednesday 14th, will feature defending champions Serrekunda East against Kombo North representatives Sukuta, at the Serrekunda West football grounds on match day one. Whilst longtime Super Nawettan rivals Bakau and Banjul, resume their age long football hostilities at the Serrekunda East grounds on the same day. Last year’s runners-up Brikama will take on fellow Western Division brethrens Gunjur on Thursday 15th November, at SK West and former winners Lamin face Serrekunda West at the East grounds. Battles to reach the last four of the competition will then resume two days later when SK East takes on Bakau and Sukuta play Banjul. Brikama will then square-up with Lamin on the next – Sunday 18th, and Gunjur face SK West at the East grounds on the same day. According to reports the Gambia Football Association has this year included a new prize for the most disciplined zone and top scorer in the crowd pulling inter Nawettan zones competition. A mouth watering D25, 000 prize money awaits the winner of the competition while the runner-up will bag D15, 000. D6, 000 participatory fees will be disbursed to the remaining participating zones. Each zone was earlier handed D4, 000 as preparatory fee. ************************************** See what's new at http://www.aol.com To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://listserv.icors.org/archives/gambia-l.html To Search in the Gambia-L archives, go to: http://listserv.icors.org/SCRIPTS/WA-ICORS.EXE?S1=gambia-l To contact the List Management, please send an e-mail to: [log in to unmask]