Hi Lamin! Thanks for your reply. The essence of your first paragraphs do not seem to disagree with what I wrote. You agreed that none can claim to be ?speaking for the opposition segment of The Gambia, either in the Diaspora, or in-country?. You also agreed that people can choose to be silent and even take it further by deleting posts they are not interested in. You further wrote with reference to the ?most outspoken people? that ?logic again dictates that their views are properly viewed as personal to them?. Indeed. However, the views of the less outspoken are also personal to them. You are right that those that partake of discussions are going to be more visible than those that remain silent. In your fifth paragraph, you made a couple of points with regard to the alignment or not of the aspirations and opinions of Gambians on the ground and those in the Diaspora. These are: - That the opinions and aspirations fully coincide - That it is only the strategy of expression that differs due mainly to the issue of proximity On the first point, whilst there are some areas where such is correct, there are others where there are differences. On the differences, one of the most obvious is the issue of infrastructure and what constitutes development. Ask the average Diaspora Gambian about the schools, hospitals and other infrastructure built by Yaya and you would probably get the response that these are white elephant projects. What is the use of building hospitals without medicines and the qualified personnel to man them? What is the use of building schools without books, without qualified teachers etc.? Ask the average Gambian back home and the response you get is ?waja ngeh ligaye?. This is what many Diaspora Gambians hate to hear but that is the reality of what you hear in Gambia. For many whose kids used to walk kilometers to go to school carrying chairs etc., having a school built in their villages or towns is a huge relief and is something that can be seen and touched. The second point deals with the issue of strategy juxtaposed against proximity. You opined that what the ?the Diaspora media and on line commentators may say without the slightest bother, media and commentators within the sovereign boundaries of The Gambia dare not even contemplate.? I agree with you. Behind my keyboard, I can be Rambo or whoever I want to be. I can even write with a pen name. I can write whatever I write knowing well that I am thousands of miles away. The average Gambian speaking his / her mind in Serrekunda or Banjul does not have the privilege of distance. Given the Gambian attitude of if it doesn?t affect me or my immediate family I don?t care, I think Diaspora Gambians should leave the choice of expression of dissent to those who may be in the line of fire should they choose to speak out. However, if I sit in Stockholm knowing that I have no plans to go back home soon and that I am beyond the reach of the authorities and say whatever I like and expect someone in Banjul to make the same radical pronouncements, I would not be fair to him / her. You wrote: ?Are we right in assuming that the average "Samba or Demba" is unconcerned about the human rights violations that are fixtures of Gambian public life, that he believes Daba Marena and others escaped whilst being transferred from Mile 2 Central Prisons to wherever, notwithstanding being completely shackled?? I did not say that the average Samba or Demba is ?unconcerned? about human rights. I wrote that we accord democracy and human rights ?positions of necessity discordant with those accorded them by the average Samba or Demba?, i. e., the level of concern we attach to them is not the same level attached to them by the average Gambian. The same applies to the economic hardships encountered by the average Gambian. When was the last raucous post about the economic hardships Gambians go through on a daily basis on either list? Someone forwards an article now and then and the issue takes a rest yet we always talk about human rights and democracy. If you go to Gambia, people talk about the economic hardships on a daily basis and comment on human rights issues if something dramatic happens like the arrest of Halifa or the Daba Marena case you mentioned. If I agree with you that the average Gambian as you contend ?embraces the view that Daba Marena's whereabouts is a responsibility properly assigned to the Professor and his government?, what has he / she done about it? Has he / she made strident demands for restitution as has been made on the mailing lists? Why not? I agree that ?there may be an argument for expediency in particular circumstances, it should be rejected as a general philosophy of life.? However, does your stating and my agreeing that this should not be the status quo as it prevails make the average Gambian change his / her attitude to ours? I don?t think so. Attitudinal change is a process preceded or accompanied by a change in socialized behavioural patterns and circumstance. The change that people wish will not take place overnight just because they deem it urgent. On Yus? comments, what he presented was a departure from his previous positions and the prevailing view. As I stated, I cannot remember the exact exchanges but what I got from them. If you go to Gambia, you realize the importance people attach to tangible things like roads, buildings etc. Some Diaspora Gambians brushing these off as white elephant and unnecessary things whilst they are being provided as proof of development is foolhardy on their part. That the APRC can point to hospitals, schools, roads and other visible and tangible things whilst some Diaspora Gambians point to intangible things gives the APRC a huge advantage because they can always point to their proof of development. What Yus presented as you reminded me provided a huge opportunity if it was properly dealt with. If the essence of his argument was taken, i. e., the necessity of providing tangible things, one could have adapted it to suitable models. Instead of building a road or hospital (which the opposition did not have the means or mandate to do), one could have dug a well in some village that had water problems etc. However, since Yus? proposals were thrashed, what do we have in their stead? Nothing. There has indeed been a long history of talk about fence-sitting on both lists. I also enjoy your posts. Have a good evening. Buharry. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ----Original Message---- From: [log in to unmask] Date: 2009-03-14 15:38 To: <[log in to unmask]> Subj: Re: [>-<] Of Militants, Cowards and Fence-sitters: Disaporan Gambians and the Political Situation in Gambia Buharry Thanks for your thoughts, and may you sustain the energy to regularly bombard us with your views on the struggle against a state of affairs that continues to ravage the only place on earth where our essential humanness will likely ever be taken for granted. Poignant observations overall, and I propose to deal with the key points in your current instalment. I accept your conclusion that no single person or organisation may legitimately pretend to speaking for the opposition segment of The Gambia, either in the Diaspora, or in-country. In itself, this basic point presents no particular issues in the sense that those Gambians motivated enough to make their views known are able to partake in that enterprise as a way of engaging with others, thanks chiefly to outlets such as the Mighty, and Gambia-L. If only in the sense of having the ability to garner some insight on the world view of those we bumped into in cyberspace, the value in such engagement may be tremendous. Having never encountered Buharry in person, I am nevertheless confident that should that opportunity present itself, I may not be totally adrift in the department of small talk. I also accept that individuals refraining from on line dialogue are motivated by all manner of considerations, and that even where there is an absence of any readily discernible reason, our silent colleagues must be accorded the freedom "not to partake in discussions". Unquestionably, they are clearly able to take disinterest a step further by deleting all post emanating from Buharry, a form of spite that does not offend at all. As to "the most outspoken people" and their views, logic again dictates that their views are properly viewed as personal to them. However, the dynamics of conversation suggest that those who are willing to place their intellectual wares in the streams of public discourse are likely to gain more notoriety than those not enamoured of the activity. This is not to suggest that value inheres in the activity of public conversation per se, but a person who announces her membership of a community is likely to be more readily recognisable than the member whose comfort zone is exclusively in the backroom. Again, motivations for belonging to a community may differ in fundamental ways, and we should probably accord people their wishes by not indulging in undue interference. On the question of "whether the opinions and aspirations of Diaspora Gambians" coincide fully with those on the ground in so far as our governing tapestry is concerned, the answer is probably yes. If there is any difference, it probably resides in the chosen strategy of expressing disgust at the system, and that may be a function of proximity. What the Diaspora media and on line commentators may say without the slightest bother, media and commentators within the sovereign boundaries of The Gambia dare not even contemplate. On this issue, the key consideration is proximity to the repressive power of the Professor. What I am struggling with is your contention thus: "In order to be effective conduits of progressive change, we should realign our thought patterns and think on the level of the average Gambian and learn to identify the issues that Gambians hold dear and not the issues we expect them to hold dear. Whilst democracy, human rights etc. are basic necessities in any decent and civilised society, we accord them positions of necessity discordant with those accorded them by the average Samba or Demba preoccupied with how to find the next meal for his / her family. This does not absolve the Samba or Demba of his / her responsibility to demand his / her God-given rights. It just shows that expediency takes precedence over principle". On first impression, your observation appears not to embody any controversy, but its orchestral harmony may collapse on further examination. Are we right in assuming that the average "Samba or Demba" is unconcerned about the human rights violations that are fixtures of Gambian public life, that he believes Daba Marena and others escaped whilst being transferred from Mile 2 Central Prisons to wherever, notwithstanding being completely shackled? I take the view that human beings are generally endowed with the ability to distinguish right from wrong, and this may be the only explanation for murderous dictators engaging in generous displays of affection toward their children and spouses, even as they subject the children and spouses of others to great trauma through all manner of gratuitous brutality. I contend for the proposition that the average "Samba or Demba" embraces the view that Daba Marena's whereabouts is a responsibility properly assigned to the Professor and his government. Although there may be an argument for expediency in particular circumstances, it should be rejected as a general philosophy of life. The "average Samba or Demba" hustled what he could out of Jawara, and he is now wilfully partaking in the excesses of the Professor. I am unsure as to what "average" denotes, but urge that you examine Barmy Jagne's declaration on the Mighty that the Professor is the preeminent propounder of of Pan Africanism among the current coterie of African leaders. This kind of pronouncement by a resident of the United States of America is more akin to wilful disregard than cluelessness. Barmy's deliberate mis-analysis places him in the same category with your "average Samba and Demba" who, with faculties intact, is fully aware of the unacceptable human rights situation that obtains in the Professor's Gambia. Transiting to what Yusupha said on return from a Gambian visit some years ago, the concern was less with the veracity of his factual narration, and more with the prognosis he suggested for the opposition segment of Diaspora Gambia. Yusupha's central contention was that in the battle for the hearts and minds of the Gambian electorate, the opposition should embark on some community development efforts to counter the strides mad by the Professor, especially on visible infrastructure such as roads. If the opposition cannot fund serious election campaigns, I do not see how it could come up with the humongous amounts necessary to challenge on development projects properly the responsibility of the State. Even if such funds are source- able, we must remember that with a totalitarian system, the opposition would be prevented, with force, if need be, from embarking on any independent development initiative. The police power resides with the State, and the Professor is not known for his timid projection of national power. At the time, and in eloquent support of Yusupha's prognosis, Ousman Gagigo argued that all of the Professor's victims were in The Gambia. Even after the intervention of some three years worth of weeks and months, Ousman's contention stays with me for the simple reason that the Professor's policies are draining the country of capacity for development. Those who are staying out of the country because they have to are as much victims as anyone within territorial Gambia. I accept there is a difference in so far as bodily integrity is concerned, but a wasted pool of talent is a tragedy on both the personal and national levels Moving The Gambia forward means nothing less that dislodging the Professor's government from power. Our national struggle is about the political values we want at the core of our governance system. On the one hand are governmental minimalism, and constitutionalism within the broader context of the rule of law in a democratic society. On the other hand is totalitarianism that rejects, any, and all restraint on its power. As far as the Professor is concerned, there is no middle ground. On fence-siting, there is long standing banter on that on both the on the Mighty. In recent weeks, I myself teased Pa Musa by urging him to come off that fence, but only as a joke. Please indulge us more often with the provocative thoughts of the scholarly Gassamas'. LJDarbo --- On Fri, 13/3/09, Momodou Buharry Gassama <[log in to unmask]> wrote: From: Momodou Buharry Gassama <[log in to unmask]> Subject: [>-<] Of Militants, Cowards and Fence-sitters: Disaporan Gambians and the Political Situation in Gambia To: [log in to unmask], [log in to unmask] Date: Friday, 13 March, 2009, 5:12 PM [ This e-mail is posted to Gambia|Post e-Gathering by Momodou Buharry Gassama <[log in to unmask]> ] Of Militants, Cowards and Fence-sitters: Disaporan Gambians and the Political Situation in Gambia In all enterprises, introspection and retrospection are necessary tools in quantitative and qualitative analyses to determine success or failure. As stakeholders in the future of The Gambia, Diaspora Gambians have, since the seizure of power by the A(F)PRC, taken various stances ranging from outright support to outright opposition. Such stances have found outlets ranging from discussions at social functions to online fora and mailing lists. The proponents, active or passive, of such stances have taken various forms and personalities, some timid, some nonchalant and some militant. Whilst most Gambians have some form of opinion, it is not all who have the ability or courage to make such opinions known especially on fora such as Gambia-l or Gambia Post, due among other things, to limitations in the usage of the English language and fear of personal attacks. As such, only those who have the courage and/or ability to partake of discussions on those fora appear to have carried the mantle for the identification and proposal of solutions to the problems facing Gambia. Does this however mean that the silent majority have no opinion? Does this mean that they accept as panacea the solutions thrown around or pertinent the problems identified as affecting Gambia? In trying to deal with such issues, some questions need to be asked and such questions include: - Who speaks on behalf of Gambians? - Are the opinions of outspoken people on the internet to be taken as representing the opinions of online and offline Diaspora Gambians? - Are the aspirations and opinions of Gambians abroad and those at home similar? - Is the failure of people to participate in the discussion of Gambian issues online tantamount to sitting on the fence? - Is the failure of people to engage in the discussion of Gambian issues online tantamount to cowardice or a passport to ensuring their ability to visit Gambia without fear of harassment by the authorities? - Are the hard-line, militant stances taken by people online realistic? Do such stances correctly and objectively identify the problems affecting Gambia and are the solutions put forward workable ones? - Do the militant stances stifle discussion of the issues that are pertinent to all of us? - Do Gambians have a right to freely choose the party of their choice to support and be able to propagate and defend their views without fear? The questions are many and in trying to deal with the topic at hand, these and other issues will be dealt to see whether Diaspora Gambians who, for one reason or other, fail to participate in discussions are indeed fence-sitters or cowards or those who take hard-line positions are justified in taking such positions and whether the solutions they propose are indeed practicable ones. Since the prosperity or failure of Gambia as a state affects all Gambians and non-Gambians who have interests in the country, it can be taken as a given that all Gambians have an inherent stake in its affairs. As such, it can be expected that they have a duty to participate in all aspects of its governance. This means being expected to take stances on issues that affect the country. However, as proponents and supposed proponents of democratic values, it should be expected that those who push for democratic change in Gambia?s governance should respect and protect the rights of fellow Gambians to either take stances or not. This brings to the fore the question of who speaks on behalf of Gambians. Since Gambian communities abroad are microcosms of Gambians at home, they can be expected to comprise of opinions and political leanings as diverse as those found in Gambia. As microcosms, the same problems and issues lamented as debilitating the social, moral, religious and political fabric of Gambian society back home are a reality within our own Diaspora societies. The values and opinions are equally diverse. This by natural extension results in contrariety of opinion with regard to the identification and proposal of solutions to the problems affecting the country. As such, it can be concluded that none has the mandate to speak for and on behalf of Diaspora Gambians. What is to be expected and accepted is a diversity of opinions with regard to both identification of problems and proposal of solutions. What should be avoided is obfuscation of issues and the imposition of what one regards as the way things should be. People are more passionate about some issues than others. In situations where people disagree, one should provide proof or other material or facts to convince others of the superiority of one?s ideas and positions. Since different tactics are required during different debates or phases of a debate, one can be expected to assume various postures and personalities depending on the characteristic of the debate. However, when all is said and done, the ultimate aim should be the convincing of the adversary of the superiority of one?s ideas. Failing that, one should agree to disagree. The simple reason is that every Gambian has a right to his / her opinion no matter how disagreeable and should not be cowed into silence. No one online, be it my very self or anyone else, has a mandate to speak on behalf of Gambians no matter how deluded we might be in our assumptions of responsibility. The second issue is whether the opinions of the most outspoken people online should be taken as being representative of the majority of Gambians. As alluded to earlier, many people are discouraged from partaking of the discussions online due to various reasons including limitations in the usage of the English language. Some do not have the time to engage in the back and forth that characterizes many discussions, the name-calling, the labeling etc., some are discouraged by relatives back home and some are plain scared. Does that mean that they do not have opinions? Does that mean that they do not express their opinions in platforms different from the internet? The answer cannot be in the affirmative in all cases. There are many people who just read and do not participate in the discussions and do not make their opinions known regarding the situation back home but might be contributing in other ways. Since writing online exposes one to unpredictable and sometimes unpleasant responses, many choose to keep quiet. However, their silence should not be misconstrued as being in acceptance of the positions of the most vocal. Their silence should not be misconstrued as abnegating their opinions and positions. As such, it should be accepted that anyone who expresses an opinion online speaks on his / her own behalf or those who opine with him / her and is not a representative of the sum total of Diaspora Gambians. The next issue is whether the opinions and aspirations of Diaspora Gambians and Gambians at home are the same. Some of us, including myself, sound like broken records regurgitating the same rhetoric for many years without the most miniscule of changes having been effected with regard to the status quo in Gambia. This means that we are either not effective in delivering our message or that we are out of sync with the opinions and aspirations of those we claim to be fighting for. It is very easy to blame the Gambians on the ground be they political leaders, religious leaders or the ordinary Samba or Demba. This takes away the responsibility of introspection from us. The same things we accuse Gambians back home of are dividing and tearing our Diaspora societies apart. Tribalism, indifference to or even gloating about the suffering of fellow Gambians, lack of support for each other, self- interest at the expense of community etc. are equally prevalent in our societies abroad as they are in Gambia. Whilst we are pointing the finger of blame at Gambians on the ground, we should be doing more introspection to correct ourselves. If we are as we want Gambians on the ground to be, the issue of showing solidarity to people being victimized would not arise. However, if we close our eyes to our inadequacies and pontificate to Gambians at home, the gap in our opinions and aspirations will widen. One mentions a gap in opinion and aspirations because that is the reality. Some of us have become so fixated with what we deem to be the problems affecting Gambia and what we believe are the solutions that we have become intolerant of differing opinions. This is a liability because in many an instance, we have been away from the country for a long time and the ideals and opinions we hold dear are no longer the same as those of the average Samba and Demba in Gambia. If I can remember correctly, Yusupha Jow tried to educate us about this disconnect between our ideals and opinions when he came back from his visit to Gambia some years back but people got on him. I cannot remember the exact exchanges but what I got from those exchanges was that he was somehow being painted as a sellout because what he saw made him present opinions contrary to the prevalent view. I saw the same disconnect when I visited Gambia. During the Yaya AIDS cure period, many online said all kinds of things and some even wanted to change citizenship because of embarrassment but many, many people in Gambia actually believed that Yaya could indeed cure AIDS. I was in the country at the time and even educated people believed it. People, even educated people, believe that Yaya has magical powers. Many believe that Yaya ?dafa yaa bopa?. People sitting in Bakau would be afraid of talking about Yaya because they believe he can hear them whilst sitting in Kanilai. This might sound ridiculous to many but people actually believe it. That is the reality of things in Gambia. Why would people impose curfews on themselves during the time it was said Yaya?s spirits escaped? They did so because they actually believed it. In order to be effective conduits of progressive change, we should realign our thought patterns and think on the level of the average Gambian and learn to identify the issues that Gambians hold dear and not the issues we expect them to hold dear. Whilst democracy, human rights etc. are basic necessities in any decent and civilized society, we accord them positions of necessity discordant with those accorded them by the average Samba or Demba preoccupied with how to find the next meal for his / her family. This does not absolve the Samba or Demba of his / her responsibility to demand his / her God-given rights. It just shows that expediency takes precedence over principle. Maybe ignorance of one?s rights is the reason. Can he / she be faulted? Most if not all of us who come online do so on a full stomach with roofs over our heads. Many in Gambia do not have this privilege. How would we behave in their positions? Is the failure of people to participate in the discussion of Gambian issues online tantamount to sitting on the fence? The participation in discussions online is a voluntary endeavour. As such, the time and importance accorded to individual topics and issues are governed by the time an individual has, interest in the topic, willingness to engage etc. An individual might fail to participate in a topic because he / she simply does not have time due to work, health and domestic priorities. He / she might fail to participate because he / she is not interested, is not willing to expose himself / herself to back and forth arguments. As years come and go, people?s participation has varied. Some have been vocal or active for a few years, silent for a few only to reemerge to restart the cycle. Failure to participate in a given topic, no matter how important to those discussing it, should not be misconstrued as representing fence-sitting. Even if it represents fence-sitting, people might sit on the fence because they have no opinion about a certain issue or their opinions are not strong enough to warrant engagement. Should they have this privilege? TO BE CONTINUED. Buharry. ----------------------------gambiapost. NET------------------------------ SUBSCRIPTION: http://thegambiapostforum.com/membershipWe thank you for joining our forum. 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