US imperialism, 9/11 and the Iraq war 28 November 2009

While the American corporate media has given little attention to it, an
official British inquiry into the war with Iraq has brought to light damning
testimony about the Bush administration’s deliberate launching of an
invasion to overthrow the regime of Saddam Hussein and subjugate Iraq to
American domination.

Former British diplomats and security officials from the 2001-2003 period
began testifying this week under oath before a panel headed by Sir John
Chilcot, charged with examining the entire course of the war, from its
origins to the final British pullout in June 2009.

More than enough evidence has already been produced to indict top Bush
administration leaders, including Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Powell and Rice,
on the same charge for which Nazi leaders were convicted at the 1946
Nuremberg Tribunal—deliberately waging an aggressive war.

Jeremy Greenstock, British ambassador to the United Nations from 1998 to
2003, described the Bush administration as “hell bent” for a war with Iraq
for more than a year before the actual invasion in March 2003. He described
the US and British diplomacy to obtain a UN resolution that could be used as
a pretext for war, and the impatience of US officials with the delays
imposed by maneuvering at the UN Security Council.

The feedback from Washington “included noises about ‘this is a waste of
time, what we need is regime change, why are we bothering with this, we must
sweep this aside and do what’s going to have to be done anyway—and deal with
this with the use of force,’” Greenstock testified.

The sole effect of British diplomacy was to delay the invasion by two weeks,
he said. “The momentum for earlier action in the United States was much too
strong for us to counter,” he said in a written statement to the inquiry.

Greenstock claimed that the US-led invasion was legal under international
law, but admitted that it was of “questionable legitimacy” and did not have
“democratically observable backing” either among the member states of the
UN, or from the population of Great Britain. Some two million people marched
in protest of the war in London in February 2003, the largest demonstration
in at least a generation, and perhaps in British history.

Both Greenstock and Christopher Meyer, former British ambassador to the
United States, told the inquiry that a meeting between Bush and British
Prime Minister Tony Blair at the Bush ranch in Crawford, Texas was the key
decision point for war. This took place in April 2002, nearly a year before
the invasion and well before the discussions at the United Nations Security
Council in the fall of 2002.

Their testimony confirms the notorious “Downing Street Memo,” leaked to the
press in 2005, which pinpointed the April 2002 meeting and declared that all
subsequent US and British diplomacy was merely posturing to delude public
opinion.

Even more important is the testimony from senior British security officials
that the overthrow of Saddam Hussein was being openly discussed in
British-US talks two years before the invasion, even before the terrorist
attacks of September 11, 2001.

Sir Peter Ricketts, then chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, said
that while regime change was discussed as desirable, an invasion for that
purpose “was something that we thought there could be no legal basis for.”
He said that US and British officials were concerned that the sanctions
regime against Iraq was collapsing and that more direct action would be
required to oust Saddam Hussein.

Ricketts added that he was “conscious that there were other voices in
Washington, some of whom were talking about regime change,” citing in
particular an academic article written in 2000 by President Bush’s National
Security Adviser, Condoleezza Rice, which warned that “nothing will change”
in Iraq until Saddam was removed from power.

Sir William Patey, a former Foreign Office official, said that he had
commissioned the drafting of a paper on regime change as one of a variety of
options in dealing with Iraq. He said the references to regime change were
removed as the paper was moved up to the Cabinet level, because this option
“was dismissed at the time as having no basis in law.”

He added that the main change brought about by the 9/11 attacks was that
responsibility for US policy towards Iraq was shifted from the State
Department to the Pentagon, headed by Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, a
hardline supporter of war with Iraq.

Former ambassador Meyer described a conversation with then US National
Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice, on September 11, 2001, in which she first
suggested that Saddam Hussein might be connected to the terrorist
attacks—one of the principal lies used by the Bush administration to justify
the US invasion.

The other major lie was that Iraq possessed vast stockpiles of “Weapons of
Mass Destruction” (WMD). But Sir William Ehrman, director of international
security for the Foreign Office from 2000 to 2002 and director-general of
defense and intelligence from 2002 to 2004, told the inquiry that British
intelligence was aware, before the US-British invasion, that Saddam
Hussein’s regime had dismantled its chemical and biological weapons and
hence had no WMD capability.

Meyer added that US officials also cited the anthrax-contaminated letters,
which killed five people in the eastern United States in the months after
9/11, as further reason for targeting Saddam Hussein. Bush “just wanted to
get over there and kick Saddam out,” he said. “The US military timetable was
already in place before the weapons inspectors went in.”

In other words, the Bush administration came into office with a preconceived
foreign policy agenda, which included an aggressive push for regime change
in Iraq, to “finish the job” begun in the first Gulf War. The 9/11
attacks—carried out by a group formed out of the CIA-organized Islamic
fundamentalist guerillas in Afghanistan—was seized on as a useful pretext
for justifying an open-ended program of military aggression.

None of this will come as a shock to long-time readers of the *World
Socialist Web Site*. From the inception of the Bush administration
propaganda campaign for war with Iraq, the WSWS exposed and denounced the
lies about an Iraqi role in the 9/11 attacks, Saddam’s alleged ties to Al
Qaeda, and the “danger” of Iraqi WMD—this coming from the country with by
far the largest stockpile of weapons of mass destruction on the planet.

But this record is worth pondering as Bush’s successor prepares to make his
propaganda case for another unprovoked imperialist war of aggression—the US
war against Afghanistan. Barack Obama goes on national television next
Tuesday to claim that—more than eight years after September 11, 2001—tens of
thousands more American troops must be sent to Afghanistan to fight those
responsible the 9/11 attacks. At the same time, the occupation of Iraq
continues and none of those responsible for launching this war crime have
been held accountable.

Millions voted for Obama in the illusion that he would put an end to the
militaristic foreign policy of the Bush administration. Instead, more
American troops are fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan than at the height of
the Bush “surge” in Iraq. The “commander-in-chief” is different, the lies
have somewhat refined, but the axis of imperialist foreign policy remains:
the defense of the strategic and economic interests of the financial
aristocracy that rules America, served by Obama no less than by Bush.

On the eve of the invasion of Iraq, the WSWS warned: “The war itself
represents a devastating failure of American democracy. A small cabal of
political conspirators—working with a hidden agenda and having come to power
on the basis of fraud—has taken the American people into a war that they
neither understand nor want. But there exists absolutely no established
political mechanism through which the opposition to the policies of the Bush
administration—to the war, the attack on democratic rights, the destruction
of social services, the relentless assault on the living standards of the
working class—can find expression. The Democratic Party—the stinking corpse
of bourgeois liberalism—is deeply discredited. Masses of working people find
themselves utterly disenfranchised.” (“The crisis of American capitalism and
the war against Iraq,” March 21,
2003<http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/mar2003/iraq-m21.shtml>
)

Six and a half years later, this perspective has been fully vindicated. The
struggle against imperialist war cannot be conducted through the election of
Democrats or through putting pressure on the twin parties of big business.
Putting an end to war is the task of the working class, in the United States
and internationally, which must carry out an independent political struggle
on the basis of a socialist program.

Patrick Martin
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