Thanks LJD. My philosophy is not, however, in support of the begging
mentality or the sitting on your rights syndrome. As a matter of fact; I
consider such acts as unconscientious and a grave threat to the fundamental
rights and freedoms of all Gambians because it makes the perpetrators think
they can commission their crimes on anybody and get away with it. That is
why when Halifa Sallah floated the idea of pleading with the man you called
professor on behalf of Femi Peters when he was imprisoned for alleged
public order offences, I fiercely opposed it. That is still my position.

The issue is not about inaction or begging the professor but rather which
option- domestic court or Ecowas court routes- has the potential of
delivering our ultimate objective in terms of securing effective remedy for
the victims of detention without trial or as Foroyaa put it; disappearance
without trace.

I am aware that both the Ecowas Court and domestic court routes are fraught
with difficulties as far and that  makes the issue more about which route
is more prudent than the other.

I have advocated against the domestic court route on the grounds that it
provides the regime an opportunity to shrug off criticism and legitimately
refuse to be engaged on the matter by simply saying; ‘Well, the matter is
still in court and therefore, we can’t comment’. This is always made
possible because the judiciary has in the past either refused to expedite
cases or unscrupulously sit on them indefinitely without an end in sight.
This is the situation with the Kanyiba Kanyi case. The High Court ordered
his release but the state failed to comply. They then filed an appeal
against the order which the court of appeal arbitrarily refused to hear.
The file was then sent to the Chief Justice’s office for re-assignment- God
knows to which court now. This has effectively put Kanyiba Kanyi in limbo,
and under the principle of sub judicae, the state can justify their silence
on the matter by simply saying; ‘No comment as the matter is still in
court’ and this is notwithstanding the High Court Order that was hitherto
made in this matter and which still remains valid.

The point is; when it comes to human rights abuse, the High Judiciary is
one of the tools at the disposal of the regime and some of the judges are
willing collaborators.

This brings me to the Ecowas Court option. As I have stated above, that too
is fraught with difficulty as there is no guarantee that any positive order
issued by this court will be complied with by the regime. However, there is
a potential political plus with an international dimension to be gained
from this route and in my view, it is that advantage that can bear maximum
shame and pressure on the regime, as it happened in the Chief Manneh case,
 to see wisdom in releasing Imam leigh, Kanyiba Kanyi and all other
Gambians currently under detention and also to end the culture of detention
without trial or disappearance without trace in The Gambia.

It is also an opportunity for us to expose the sheer lack of confidence the
Gambian people have in their own judiciary in matters of human rights
concern and hopefully that too will bring shame and pressure on the
unconscientious judges serving our judiciary.

The  Gambian judiciary is no doubt complicit in this problem and therefore
cannot be regarded as an appropriate institution to seek redress from.
There is a reason why Fabakary Tombong Jatta, the Majority leader, invites
the family of Imam Leigh to pursue the matter in court. He would not have
done that if there is no benefit for the regime there.

I agree with you in principle that domestic remedies should be exhausted
first before any resort to an international jurisprudence. However, given
the precedents established by the cases of Chief Manneh and Musa Saidykhan,
this is not necessarily a requirement to gain locus standi at the Ecowas
Court and therefore not an issue.

I also recognise the theory you espoused under the law of succession but
again that has no bearing on the ultimate objective of this brainstorming
exercise which is; how to secure the release of the detainees.


Thanks

Daffeh



On Sunday, 24 March 2013, Lamin Darbo <[log in to unmask]> wrote:
> Excellently substantiated reasons Daffeh
> However, decisions against the State, even if unimplemented, are not
merely symbolic. I still consider it quite significant to shine a
searchlight on the higher judiciary, an impossible scenario if legitimate
cases are either abandoned, withdrawn, or not filed at all. The begging
mentality in either appealing to Professor Jammeh for mercy, or sitting on
your rights for fear of offending him is what troubies in the philosophy
you appear to be advocating. Like Dr Amadou Scattred Janneh, over time, it
would become impossible to keep Imam Baba Leigh in detention. To his
credit, Dr Janneh refused to plead with the Professor for his release
notwithstanding great pressure from family and friends. He would have been
released long before Rev Jessie Jackson's intervention.
> I take no issue with the evidence you presented, and I agree entirely
with your assessment of the higher judiciary. In any case, once domestic
remedies are 'effectively exhausted', either through final determination,
or refusal to determine at all in the Gambian courts,  the ECOWAS Court
route becomes a far easier process.
> A judgement validly obtained and subsisting, is a debt on The Gambia
Government. Under the law of succession, any government after the APRC must
still satisfy the judgments in the cases of Chief Manneh (US$100,000), and
Musa Saidykhan (US$200,000).
> If you agree with the Defence Fund principle, I count on your support
whether we are in the Gambian courts, or at the ECOWAS Court.
>
>
> LJDarbo
>
>
> ________________________________
> From: UDP United Kingdom <[log in to unmask]>
> To: "[log in to unmask]" <[log in to unmask]>
> Sent: Thursday, 21 March 2013, 22:25
> Subject: Re: [>-<] Imam Baba Leigh
>
> LJD,
>
> I can see wisdom in Imam Leigh’s family's allege refusal  to take this
matter to the Gambian courts for the following reasons;
>
> 1.  A Habeas corpus application before a Gambian court will only be
successful if the regime allows it or is indifferent as to what would be
its outcome.
> 2.  Precedents have shown us that even if such applications are
successful, they do not necessarily result to the subsequent and ultimate
release of the detainees. In the case of Ousman Rambo Jatta, it resulted to
his disappearance without trace for a considerable period of time as the
state continued to deny his where about until he was finally discovered in
sleepy remote Sera Ngai. That makes the purported concerns of Imam Leigh's
family very genuine and valid.
>
> 3.  We have seen in the case of Kanyiba Kanyi where the state was
repeatedly ordered to produce the body but to no avail. The last twist to
the fiasco was that when the state filed an appeal against the High Court
Order, the Appeal Court effectively decided it was not going to deal with
the case and as a result returned the file to the Office of the Chief
Justice for re-assignment. They provided no reason for this arbitrary
decision and it was crystal clear that none but the Appeal Court was the
right court for the appeal and that the application before it was competent
and appropriately filed. You will agree with me that this is nothing but a
charade that is not only unthinkable but unheard of in the world that we
live in.
>
> 4. There is only one Court of Appeal in The Gambia and that means if they
refuse to hear your case, unless it is a constitutional matter outside the
Human Rights Protection Clauses- you can take such matters directly to the
Supreme Court- your case is effectively stalled and indefinitely, if not
dead. That ‘s what happened to the kanyiba Kanyi case and the Office of the
Chief Justice for far did  nothing that resulted to the actual restoration
of this case in the appropriate court as it once was, for hearing. What
that does is effectively given an opportunity to the regime to shrug-off
any criticism in the matter especially their non compliance with the High
Court order, by simply saying; 'the matter is in court', full stop.
>
> 5. There is still a valid judgement against the state in respect of
kanyiba Kanyi and that is positive but that is as far as it goes- a mere
judicial pronouncement.
>
> 6.  In another development, an Employment Tribunal sitting in Kanifing
also threw away a case involving Dr.  Borro Suso, a close confident of the
UDP leader, and The University of The Gambia for apparent lack of
Jurisdiction but provided no basis for such a conclusion. The Claimant
successfully contested the decision at the High Court but when the matter
returned to the Tribunal, the same chairman decided to wash-off his hands
of it. That case file is now gathering dust on the shelves with no end in
sight.
>
> 7.  It is only in The Gambia that a court can effectively say; 'we don't
want to hear this case or that case' and yet gives no reason for their
failure or inability- not even a jurisdictional reason. That is the sad
reality and it always benefits the regime because and as I alluded to
above, they can always justify their refusal to comply with court orders
and the law or to entertain any discussion or criticism over the matter by
simply saying;  ‘well, the matter is still in court and therefore we can't
comment'. Meanwhile, it is the victims and their families who do suffer
more through prolong detention and emotional distress.
>
> 8. The point is; the Gambian judiciary does not have a good track record
of protecting and defending the fundamental rights and freedoms of the
Gambian people as enshrined in the constitution you alluded to, and the
lawyers the Imam's family consulted or came into contact with must have
factored this in their risk assessment- if they worth their salt- and
incorporated it in their advice to the family. Obviously, it is ultimately
up to the client to elect which path to take when faced with options and
having been provided with all the necessary information to equip him/her to
do that election and the lawyers are bound to respect that decision.
>
> 9. The likes of Justice Mam Yassin Sey have tried hard to ensure the High
Court performs its role of protecting and defending fundamental rights and
freedoms of all Gambians as enshrined in the constitution but without
success. She ended up resigning and is now/was serving in Sierra Leone as a
judge, a job he couldn't do in her own country despite her experience and
qualification.
> 10. I agree with the ECOWAS Court route but the problem with that too is;
there is no guarantee that a judgement delivered by this court will be
complied with by the Gambian government. However,
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