Thanks Haruna and LJD. I think we are all making valid points. However, for
me it is about what is most likely to give efficacy to our ultimate
objective. In that regard and notwithstanding your reservations, I still
believe the Ecowas court route is the best option. That is not to say it is
the perfect option and I have already conceded that this too is fraught
with difficulties in terms of getting effective remedy. That does not
however mean that effective remedy is not attainable through this route.


Yes, the state initially ignored the Chief Manneh case but when pressure
started mounting from all corners of the globe, the government through Ma
Marie Saine-Firadus , the then Attorney-General, announced their intention
to appeal  against the ruling and also not long ago, they conceded the idea
of a UN investigation into the matter. That shows that shame and pressure
have already been brought to bear and that the Ecowas Court route does
work. If they had a choice, they would not have gone this far.


 I accept your point that the Ecowas Court is not likely to accept itself
to be used as a court of first instance. However, this is just a general
rule rather than a strict requirement that one has to exhaust domestic
remedies first.  There are exceptions to this and as a matter of fact;
neither the Chief Manneh case nor that of Musa SaidyKhan started in the
domestic courts. See Prof. Karikari’s statement below in Chief Manneh’s
case;

*The third witness (PW3), Professor Kwame Karikari, is a native of the
Republic of Ghana and a professor with the University of Ghana , Legon. He
is the executive director of an organization called the Media Foundation
for West Africa which has correspondents in each of the fifteen countries
of ECOWAS. They monitor issues that concern the media and press freedom.
Professor Kwame Karikari does not know the plaintiff in person, but as a
journalist, who was working with the **Daily Observer** in The Gambia. The
organization received information that the plaintiff had been arrested and
detained without any criminal charge(s) preferred against him in July 2006.
This information was confirmed when they contacted other media men in The
Gambia. The Media Foundation contacted lawyers in The Gambia to facilitate
the release of the plaintiff but they were advised that they could not
obtain justice in The Gambia so they should pursue the matter before the
Community Court of Justice, ECOWAS.*

*
*

This means that the Ecowas Court have already accepted the fact that
effective domestic  remedy is not attainable in The Gambia. Therefore, the
exceptional rule you alluded to does apply to all cases of prolong
detention without trial in The Gambia and that gives the Ecowas Court no
choice but* to *accept Gambians using it as a first port of call in all
cases of detention without trial and/disappearance without trace so long as
effective domestic remedy remains unattainable. This is what has been
established as a matter of precedent.


Suffice it to say, the case history of Ousman Rambo Jatta and Kanyiba Kanyi
in the domestic courts have painted a strong picture of lack of attainable
domestic remedy in The Gambia and that too invokes the exceptional rule on
standing at the Ecowas court.


The other point is that; we need to make sure that funds are not only
appropriated in a just course but appropriated in a manner that is prudent
and cost effective. I don’t think that could be achieved using the domestic
courts as that would lead to nothing but utter wastage.

My concern with the Imam Leigh case is that given the continuing detention
of the Imam himself and this is not likely to end soon, if the family is
not willing to cooperate with the sui at the Ecowas court for whatever
reason, nobody else will be deemed to have sufficient interest in the
matter to file a case at the Community Court and that would grind
everything to a halt. For that reason, one may consider the domestic court
route to give the family some kind of courage to go for a  higher level in
the event that things don’t work there as I am absolutely sure they won’t.
I do not foresee this to be a problem in the case Kanyiba Kanyi which
should also be covered by this initiative.



I am still in support of The Defence Fund Initiative but I think a lot
needs to be worked out if we are going to deliver any meaningful result. It
is not about Imam Baba Leigh per se but all victims of prolong detention
without trial and that includes Imam Baba Liegh.



Thanks

Daffeh


On Monday, 25 March 2013, Haruna <[log in to unmask]> wrote:
> JDAM, given Daffeh's significant points and your comprehensive review, I
share your sentiments below vis:The proposed Defence Fund must be an
amalgam of the domestic and the international. And given its general nature
(not restricted to Imam Leigh but for all similarly-situated victims of
Yahya), I encourage us to begin putting this Fund together.
>
> As to satisfying the judgement, that cannot be regarded as irrelevant at
all. The point is clearly that Manneh, and Saidykhan, or their estates,
will get their judgments against the Gambian state in due course. But
accepting, for the purpose of argument your postulation that the succession
issue is irrelevant, what is the point of starting with the ECOWAS Court if
that too cannot enforce its judgments against the Gambia as demonstrated in
the Manneh, and Saidykhan cases. I am unsure efforts to internationally
shame Professor Jammeh got us anywhere so far.
> The ECOWAS Court is clearly an option, but it cannot accept Gambians
using it as a first port of call in all cases. The proposed Defence Fund
must be an amalgam of the domestic and the international. Gambia is the
battleground, and Gambia is where we can make greater impact over time. JDAM
>
> Haruna.
> -----Original Message-----
> From: Lamin Darbo <[log in to unmask]>
> To: GAMBIA-L <[log in to unmask]>
> Sent: Sun, Mar 24, 2013 7:53 pm
> Subject: Re: [G_L] [>-<] Imam Baba Leigh
>
> Daffeh
> The Chief Manneh and Musa Saidykhan cases fit under the exceptional
circumstances I mentioned. In the case of Manneh, the State accepted no
responsibility for his whereabouts and the matter could therefore not
proceed domestically. He was effectively denied any domestic remedy and
this could have been a factor in the ECOWAS Court accepting that he
exhausted domestic remedies. In the case of Musa Saidykhan, the torture
meted out to him was so severe he could end up dead by remaining in The
Gambia and pursuing legal action in the domestic courts.  He was also
effectively denied a remedy in the domestic courts.
> As to satisfying the judgement, that cannot be regarded as irrelevant at
all. The point is clearly that Manneh, and Saidykhan, or their estates,
will get their judgments against the Gambian state in due course. But
accepting, for the purpose of argument your postulation that the succession
issue is irrelevant, what is the point of starting with the ECOWAS Court if
that too cannot enforce its judgments against the Gambia as demonstrated in
the Manneh, and Saidykhan cases. I am unsure efforts to internationally
shame Professor Jammeh got us anywhere so far.
> The ECOWAS Court is clearly an option, but it cannot accept Gambians
using it as a first port of call in all cases. The proposed Defence Fund
must be an amalgam of the domestic and the international. Gambia is the
battleground, and Gambia is where we can make greater impact over time.
> With the dual approach, I think you should commit to supporting this
proposed noble project.
>
>
> LJDarbo
> ________________________________
> From: UDP United Kingdom <[log in to unmask]>
> To: [log in to unmask]
> Sent: Sunday, 24 March 2013, 22:51
> Subject: [G_L] [>-<] Imam Baba Leigh
>
> Thanks LJD. My philosophy is not, however, in support of the begging
mentality or the sitting on your rights syndrome. As a matter of fact; I
consider such acts as unconscientious and a grave threat to the fundamental
rights and freedoms of all Gambians beca
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