http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QeDm2PrNV1I
Please enjoy circumspect!
Haruna.
-----Original Message-----
From: Haruna <[log in to unmask]>
To: GAMBIA-L <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Sun, Jul 7, 2013 2:21 pm
Subject: Re: A review of A WEEK OF HELL by Papa Faal
Hear Hear JDAM!In your honor, I shall share a video interview of our son in Misera. Coming up.
Haruna.
-----Original Message-----
From: Lamin Darbo <[log in to unmask]>
To: GAMBIA-L <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Sat, Jul 6, 2013 5:45 pm
Subject: Re: A review of A WEEK OF HELL by Papa Faal
Thanks Haruna. Except for unbelievable advancements in the technological and other material side of things, modern times have nothing on antiquity. Cicero was just one of humanity's treasure trove of thinkers from societies across the world. I like him
LJDarbo
From: Haruna <[log in to unmask]>
To: [log in to unmask]
Sent: Thursday, 4 July 2013, 19:04
Subject: Re: [G_L] A review of A WEEK OF HELL by Papa Faal
Thanks JDAM for sharing Cicero once again, that luminary of Roman exigencies.
Romeis not merely a matter of geography. Rome is not defined by rivers, or
mountains,or even seas. Rome is not a question of blood, or race, or religion;
Romeis an idea. Rome is the highest embodiment of liberty and law that mankind
hasyet achieved in the ten thousand years since our ancestors came down from
thosemountains and learned how to live as communities under the rule of law”
Haruna. I will continue to take in of your magnificence in this review.
-----Original Message-----
From: Lamin Darbo <[log in to unmask]>
To: GAMBIA-L <[log in to unmask]>
Sent: Thu, Jul 4, 2013 7:10 am
Subject: A review of A WEEK OF HELL by Papa Faal
BookTitle: A Week of Hell, 378double-spaced pages
Author: PapaFaal
Review by LaminJ Darbo
Having finished readingA Week of Hell on 02 May, Kukoi SambaSanyang (may the God of infinite mercy forgive his sins), would have had theopportunity to read my thoughts on the seminal events that indelibly etched hisname in the national memory. More urgent matters intervened to place the actualreview on ice. His untimely and sad passing has no bearing on my view of A Week of Hell, Papa Faal’s very limited recollection, and even narrowerperspective, on the events that broke out on July 30 1981, but whose actualtriggers were to be found in The Gambia’s post-independence governance of thedecade prior. Astounding indeed was the day a civilian outmanoeuvred thecollective state security system of Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara’s (Sir Dawda)Gambia, and overthrew, if only briefly, his progressively decaying PPPgovernment. Whatever training and support he got from “rogue” governors in distantAfrican lands, Kukoi was the complete outsider whose pomp and ceremony, hispresidential prize, if you like, was snatched by neighbouring Senegal after aclearly successful overthrow of the partying, thieving, and generally decadentPPP.
Just out of the GambiaHigh School Sixth Form, and working in the very temporary position of atemporary reporter with Radio Gambia under the tutelage of Lala Hydara, Ioverslept on Kukoi’s big day, and missed work, without punitive consequence.Perhaps the military-type music being played by the putschists acted as alullaby and kept me in bed until about midday. Kukoi’s choice of music musthave had a similar effect on the “little boy that speaks Toubab”, aka SaulSaidykhan. We both slept through part of an extraordinary morning. I finallywoke to the pleasant news of the overthrow of the decadent PPP government. Whatdisappointment then at Senegal’s quelling of Gambia’s first successfulexperiment with a forceful overthrow of a so-called democratically electedgovernment! The point here is to simply underscore that having completed thehighest stage of academic training then internally available in the country, Iwas old enough to remember the terrain then prevalent, and to form anindependent view of its efficacy as far as the public good was concerned. It isregrettable that Papa Faal glorified that public life, almost completelydismissed its pervasive decadence, and in the process unjustifiably accentuateshis misplaced central contention that Kukoi was just a common criminal.
In A Week of Hell, Papa Faal recounts Life in a Family (chapter 1), Dayof the Coup D’etat, at Chapter 2, TheRumor. Chapter 3, Seeking Refuge,Chapter 4, Our Capture Part I,Chapter 5, Our Capture Part II: Maa and the others, Chapter 6, Our CapturePart III: Sheriffo Jawara, Chapter7, Arrival in Kembujeh, Chapter 8, Terror in Kembujeh, Chapter 9, Terror at Depot and Radio Gambia,Chapter 10, Road to Nyanibereh,Chapter 11, The Rescue, Chapter 12, The Return to Normalcy, Chapter 13, The Round-up, Chapter 14, Returning Home, Chapter 15, and The Trial, Chapter 16.
In trenchantcondemnation, Papa Faal confidently highlights Kukoi’s “incoherence”, and“irresponsibility”, and unequivocally depicts him and his fellow‘revolutionaries’ as “illiterate, drunk and overambitious bandits” who were“devoid of humanity and humility”. To him they were “juvenile”, a “gang ofthieves”, a “sorry and despicable” bunch of “lunatics” and “cowards”. Lamentingthe “more than five hundred citizens murdered” in the breakdown of law andorder occasioned by 30 July, Papa Faal laments the attendant human and materialdestruction, and calls them “... the consequences of an irresponsible criminallike Kukoi” (p335).
On the deeply Americanconcept of patriotism, Papa Faal quotes George William Curtis for theproposition that “A man’s country is not a certain area of land, of mountains,rivers, and woods, but it is a principle, and patriotism is loyalty to thatprinciple” (p 80). Fighting to overthrow Sir Dawda’s PPP government must neverbe equated with Kukoi’s lack of patriotism. In the eyes of numerous Gambians,many in leadership positions in that government were themselves not patrioticin light of their heedless looting of the national treasury, thereby creatingthe perfect conditions for a Kukoi to emerge. In any case, the George WilliamCurtis quotation originated with Cicero, that sage of ancient Rome, and thecontention was for an expanded franchise, not about patriotism, as that conceptis understood by the flag-waving citizen propounding the mantra ‘my countryright or wrong’.
As adapted in Imperium, by Robert Harris, Cicero“denounced as nonsense the logic whichsaid that a man who lived on one side of a stretch of water was a Roman andthat his cousin on the other side was a barbarian, even though they both spokeLatin”. In the famous words of Cicero:
Romeis not merely a matter of geography. Rome is not defined by rivers, or
mountains,or even seas. Rome is not a question of blood, or race, or religion;
Romeis an idea. Rome is the highest embodiment of liberty and law that mankind
hasyet achieved in the ten thousand years since our ancestors came down from
thosemountains and learned how to live as communities under the rule of law”
Againstthe overall tapestry of public life then extant, and on which an informedverdict must be reached, was Kukoi properly branded a common criminal?
On the evidence, theanswer is an emphatic no! It appears that Papa Faal’s concept of democracy, andthe rule of law, is rooted in the mere organising of periodic elections thatwere then overwhelmingly won by a do-nothing and utterly corrupt governmentlike Sir Dawda’s PPP. This is an abuse of the notion and principle of “ademocratically elected government” (see generally pp 55-59 on the curse ofcoups in Africa). Only a few days ago, the US President, Barack Obama, andpoignantly, on African soil, repeated his refrain that periodic elections donot equal democracy. In circumstances where the instruments of public coercion aremonopolised by the state through its police power, the perverse doctrine ofso-called legitimate change as achievable only through a non-existent“democratic” route must be rejected.
No matter the argumentagainst coups, or other forceful changes of government, the critical task forthe anti-coup camp must of necessity address the central question of how toremove coup-producing conditions from a nation’s public life. In The Gambiapre-Kukoi, those coup-producing conditions were, anomalously, an integral partof the daily fabric of public life. Anomalous because Sir Dawda was himselfquite a restrained leader with no serious track record of unearned flamboyance,either by him, or his adult children. A few years in exile, and he waspractically broke! But there was no question he allowed rampant corruption todefine his government, and as the man responsible for the public purse, withthe ultimate mandate to steer the ship of state from dangerous waters, hisabject failure to rein in the “rapacious mafia” that practiced economicmalfeasance on an industrial scale in such a small country meant that hisculpability was sealed.
According to Papa Faal,the internal causes of coups in Africa relate to “authoritarian rule andcorruption, tribalism, nepotism, poor governance, weak institutions, andpolitical instability which are themselves mostly external causes” (pp60-61). Rather extraordinarily, heposits that the causes of “the Gambia’s 1981 coup d’etat has not been welldocumented” (p. 61). In his view, “the opposition parties had levelledunfounded charges of corruption against the Peoples Progressive Party ... rightafter the country became a republic” (p. 61). Subsumable in “corruption”, and,or, “poor governance”, are the existential national threats of “tribalism”,“nepotism”, and “weak institutions”. In any polity where these predominate, thesystem self-undermines. Rampant corruption was the single issue that ultimatelysunk the PPP, but Papa Faal may be excused for not recognising this blatant realityat his tender age in 1981, and may be his antecedents as a member of theextended Jawara family. Over time though, he deprives himself of any excuse forfailing to recognise the overwhelming evidence of runaway corruption in SirDawda’s PPP government.
Papa Faal’s perspectivenotwithstanding, the PPP era was inseparable from the widespread corruptionthat took such firm root in the country, and i the process popularised thephilosophy that ill-gotten gain was something to flaunt, and celebrate, as normal.And this was the case even during the earlier years of the Republic. When theSpecial Criminal Court Bill was tabled in Parliament in 1979, two full yearsbefore Kukoi’s onslaught, then Attorney General M L Saho argued “It is notalarming to say that this country will be destroyed if this cancer is notarrested now. Me make no apologies for this Bill ... No stone would be leftunturned in the fight to protect the interest of the public from the rapaciousmafia within our society” (see p. 298 of Journey for Justice, by Hassan B Jallow). This was a high levelCabinet Minister speaking, but Papa Faal contends there was no evidence ofcorruption. In 1980, still pre-Kukoi, “one Member of Parliament expressed theview that more stringent measures such as hand amputation ought to beintroduced” to stem the tide of runaway corruption. “A Parliamentary Secretary,addressing Government accounting personnel, was reported by the Gambia NewsBulletin of 10th July, 1980 to have suggested the firingsquad for embezzlers” (p. 298 of Journeyfor Justice)
It was in this climateof mass disaffection with a do-nothing government that Kukoi emerged, and afterwhich Fafa M’bai, then Attorney General, shepherded the Evaluation of Assetsand Prevention of Corrupt Practices Bill which became an Act of Parliament in1982. As if the PPP learnt nothing fromthe tremendous sympathy for Kukoi, it went back to business as usual and in theprocess created a new free zone for unbridled corruption. Fafa M’bai washounded out of office and the PPP’s corruption empire remerged stronger thanever before. No surprise then that the meritless partying was abruptly ended in1994.
Recalling 30 July 1981,the “little boy that speaks toubab”, aka Bakari, to his grandpa Lang Mariama,now a much older, sober, and reflective commentator on Gambian public affairs,contends:
... Since his re-emergence, I have observed Kukoi – hispostings, his reaction to
questions, insults, condemnation, criticism, taunts, ornon-reaction to them. Kukoi
will forever be one of the most controversial figures in Gambianhistory. In the eyes
of many, he is a criminal, a murderer, and a coward, and willalways be one. My own
opinion of Kukoi is kinder.
First, I find it heartening that Kukoi has shunned Yaya Jammehand his open ethnic
baiting politics. Anyone with eyes to see, or a heart to acceptthe truth knows the fastest
way to progress in Gambia today is to jump on to Yaya Jammeh’santi-Mandinka
bandwagon. Countless people have been, and continue to be,rewarded handsomely
for no other reason than the fact that they’re playing thatdirty game.... And If Kukoi
were your average Gambian, he’d be by Jammeh’s side now pounding his chest for
being “vindicated,” or “celebrating our time to enjoy,” as they“move the country
forward.” No matter what one thinks of him, this is commendable.
Also, I believe Kukoi, as misguided and naïve as he was(remember his appeal
to Libya, Cuba, and Guinea Bissau to send him help ON RADIOGAMBIA
when the Senegalese army started parachuting in,) had his heartin the right place.
He was a young man in too much of a hurry to right what wasobviously wrong with
Jawara’s governance style. Like I stated before, Jawara is avery decent man –
intelligent, honest and upright at the personal level. But asgovernment leader, he was
simply too ineffective, too square for our round hole, to put itmildly. Jawara did not
seem to understand that it wasn’t enough for him to merelydo his own primary job,
which he did well to the letter. The problem was, it was alsohis job to watch his
underlings, and to bring down the hammer where they’re founderrant. In this,
he failed miserably. Jawara simply couldn’t put his feet down todo what needs done
to stop the shameless plunder of our common weal by hisappointees.
And truth be told, the anger and frustration that propelledKukoi into taking up arms
was very widespread among the youth in 1981. So, Kukoi was notan exception.
In fact, it was those same sentiments that Yaya Jammeh was totap into in 1994.
Kukoi had simply beat like-minded others to the punch... (July 30th, 1981, by Saul
Saidykhan, and published by Maaafantain July 2012)
Withoutquestion, Saul Saidykhan is right. Former Attorney General M L Saho was right,and the Parliamentarian who called for “hand amputation” was also right aboutcorruption. So too was the Parliamentary Secretary who called for the “firingsquad” as a way of dealing with corruption by public officials in Sir Dawda’sGambia!
Asfor the alleged trauma of Papa Faal’s immediate family, there is no compellingevidence to suggest anyone was particularly committed to harming them. Themelodramatic narrative around the so-called refuge and capture at Busurandingsounds somewhat removed from reality considering the author’s tender age at thetime, and his Hollywood-style recollection of events. Notwithstanding all thatallegedly occurred, no one was hurt, and without credible explanation, thefamily were effectively placed in protective custody with Pa Sanjally Bojang atKembujeh (see generally pp137- 151).
Asimilar incredulity surrounds the State House fire fight scene considering nomember of Sir Dawda’s family was hurt despite the utter intensity of the gun fightthat allegedly took place at “number one Marina Parade”. After an incrediblegun fight lasting some twenty minutes, “... Kukoi and his rebels were sure theyhad killed everyone in the compound. They left reassured that their mission wasaccomplished....” (see generally pp 70-74). Similarly, the nature of the fightat “Sankung’s compound”, at Brikama, between the intervening Senegalese soldiers,and the rebels, is difficult to comprehend. “The Senegalese forces directedtheir unrelenting fury towards Sankung’s compound and almost turned the placeinto smithereens. The fighting was so intense and severe that bullets wereriddling the house...” (p 122) And not asoul hurt?
Anotheraspect of the narrative that is somewhat baffling centres around the courtroomscene where it is suggested Alkalie was directly examined by state counsel. “BarristerJones stood up and said, Your lordship, the state calls prisoner, Alkalie tothe stand” (p 363, but see generally Chapter sixteen, The Trial). This is somewhat unconventional, and in PapaFaal’s adopted US, a criminal defendant may not be forced to give evidence inhis own trial.
Viewedbroadly, what Papa Faal, and his family ostensibly encountered was whatfamilies up and down the main theatre of operations - the Greater Banjul area -encountered in the tumultuous week commencing 30 July. The case is not madethat he and his family endured “a week of hell”. None of them were harmed,either physically or emotionally and the talk of “post-traumatic stressdisorder” is just exaggeration. In any case, Papa Faal remembers “A Week of Hell”, whereas other Gambianssituated as myself remember teenage years of indelible misery from the corruption,nepotism, and general mis-governance of Sir Dawda’s PPP government. Waking upin Sukuta between 0500, and 0600, and taking three hours to be in Banjul forschool, whereas some of our compatriots took under half an hour to arrive inBanjul in government vehicles, was an experience too difficult and humiliatingto forget. Neither in 1981, nor in 1994, did I mourn the passing of a decadent governmentlike the PPP.
LikeLang Mariama’s “Bakari”, I too have a “kinder” view of 1981. He should sleepwell then, and maybe, just maybe, a more politically grown-up Gambia would oneday reflect on, and appreciate Kukoi’s true legacy in the annals of our nation.Papa Faal is utterly mistaken about 1981. Kukoi stole nothing from the nationalpurse, and he did not harm a single member of the Jawara family, although theopportunity was there in Sheriffo Jawara, Lady Chilel, and Sir Dawda’s ownchildren. 1981 would have created a field day for a common criminal, but on anysensible analysis, that was not who Kukoi was. Although the deaths around 30July were regrettable, this is the “collateral damage” incidental to executivevandalism. A democratic mandate can be vitiated by executive vandalism, and withina year of his election to the Egyptian presidency, Mohammed Morsi affirmed thatcontention in spectacular fashion. No surprise that Egyptians in their millionsare celebrating his ouster!
Listeningto Papa Faal’s online interviews with Gainako,and Kibaaro, I am not surprised atthe many Americanisms in A Week of Hell.I recall phrases such as “game changer”, “collateral damage”, worried sick”, “forChrist sake”, “stepped on the gas”, “generous servings”, and words such as “grabbed”,“snitch”, “groceries”, etc. Even where he calls Sir Dawda his “great uncle”, PapaFaal refers to his mother’s father, the “self-made” Sheriffo Jawara, and SirDawda’s biological sibling, as his grandfather. A few consultations on thispoint suggest that in The Gambian context, Sir Dawda is also Papa Faal’sgrandfather.
Afuture edition of A Week of Hell cando with further minor editing including at pages: 82; 130; 135; 239; 243; 248;254; 258; 261; 265; 282; 285.
Among other outlets, A Week of Hell can be purchased fromAmazon
Happy July 4th
Lamin J Darbo
04 July 2013
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