Greetings Yero,
I am a democrat and believe in democracy but not in the context of The Gambia under President Yahya Jammeh. The Gambian situation is very complex and deeply troubling. In The Gambia’s case, it is my view that elections will never unseat President Jammeh. In fact, presidential elections in The Gambia are so predictable because the playing field clearly, is not level. The outcome of Presidential Elections in the Gambian under Jammeh is always a foregone conclusion, in my view. When I listen to Presidential election result in the Gambia, I do so, not because I am expecting an opposition upset, but just to hear how big Jammeh’s winning margin would be as opposed to the preceding elections.
The sad thing is that we are dealing with a person (Jammeh) who is ritualistic and believes in the superstitious practice of ritual killings. For instance, a western diplomat in Banjul said, off the record, just the other day, that he had seen enough evidence to convince him that the execution of nine prisoners in the Gambia in August 2012 was for ritual purposes. In July 2012, a Senegalese (female) ‘sorceress’ predicted Jammeh’s overthrow within 100 days, unless he sacrificed human blood and organs. To prolong his stay in power, Jammeh was told to kill an odd number of people (nine), including a woman, and then to retrieve some of their organs for ritual purposes. This explains why Jammeh has, to date, refused to hand over (or return) the corpses to family members and loved ones. It is an open secret that Jammeh, since 1994, has been practising the ritual slaughter/sacrifice of animals. Mutilated bodies of animals have been found in the gardens of State House in Banjul several times. A Malian (male) ‘sorcerer’ warned Jammeh to be wary of a woman in his Cabinet who was wearing a Muslim hijab. The next day, the President sacked his Higher Education Minister, Dr Mariama Sarr-Ceesay - she was the only one in the Cabinet who wore a Muslim hijab on a daily basis.
Dictator Jammeh gives the appearance of subscribing to the democratic process to The Gambian people and to the international community. For him, as I explained in great detail in my book, the elections have served the very useful purpose of giving him a ‘legitimacy card’ to play on the political scene in The Gambia. Jammeh has been careful to use elections to set the stage in his favour. However, the outcome of these elections has never been in doubt to the ruling regime in The Gambia. Defeat at the ballot box is not an issue since the regime rigs the elections to suit itself. The elections serve to give some credence to the existence of a functioning democratic state whilst masking the reality of an absolute dictatorship. The Presidential elections have over the years served the purpose of legitimising the Jammeh/APRC regime.
In fact, since the July 1994 coup, elections and electioneering processes in the Gambia have increasingly edged towards the consolidation of incumbency. Patterns of elections in The Gambia suggest a move towards a de facto one-party system and the status quo has not been caused by the lack of an opposition, nor is the opposition to blame for the fact that the Gambia is today for, all intents and purposes, a one party dictatorship. What has happened is that Jammeh has, over the years, used the politics of fear, force, terror and coercion quite effectively. He made sure that he has institutionalised, militarised and polarised the entire political and social spaces in the country. He has effectively used terror, force, fear and coercion as a driving and motivating factor, in order to get the Gambian people to vote for him.
In other words, by successfully employing the politics of fear, force, brutality, terror, and coercion, the civil service and public enterprises (institutionalisation), the security forces and party militants (militarisation) and society (polarisation) have all openly and actively supported and campaigned for the ruling APRC. And sadly, this has meant that the opposition has been squeezed out.
In the Democratisation (academic) literature, the phrase “fear-induced landslide election victories” has been used in relation to cases like the Gambia and Zimbabwe (under Mugabe). To understand the Gambian/African situation better, I suggest you read this excellent book, Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument African Issues, by Patrick Chabal, Jean-Pascal Daloz.
Comparing/contrasting elections in the pre-1994 period and the post-1994 era is quite instructive. Under former president Jawara, there was a sense of independence between government, state institutions and the rest of society. In short, there was autonomy between the State and other social powers, such as the military, the Mosque, Church, Public Enterprises and the social movements. But under Jammeh, their identities have been blurred - through the politics of fear, force, brutality, terror and coercion. Through fear, repression, tyranny, terror and coercion, Jammeh has had a total control of the political and social spaces, and this has meant that opposition voices cannot be heard and that the majority of the Gambian people cannot express their hopes and aspirations outside the structures of the ruling APRC.
Therefore, elections, in my view, will not unseat Jammeh, nor do I expect a successful coup or a people’s uprising. A coup attempt is possible, but a successful coup is unlikely, given the composition of the Gambia National Army, whose key positions are today, occupied/manned by Jammeh loyalists - mainly from his Jola tribe. In fact, it has since been confirmed that Jammeh’s personal security protection is provided by MFDC rebels from Casamance who belong to his Jola tribe. Uprising in The Gambia is also unlikely, as long as Gambians in the Diaspora are sending remittances to the country (which now amount to $150 Million Dollars per annum). Although there is severe economic hardship in the country, the remittances from Diaporan Gambians have meant that the real nature of the economic hardship gripping average Gambians today is not as evident/observable, as it should be. In other words, the true economic crisis in the country is not biting the average Gambian, as it should be, because of the endless financial support that local Gambians are getting from family members and loved ones in the Diaspora. But given the sizeable youthful population of the Gambia, one can speculate here, that an internally-driven uprising in the country would have been likely/possible if the remittances were to stop today. Although this is moot point (or unrealistic) given the fact that Diaporan Gambians will never stop sending money to family members and loved ones.
In my view, for now, only two things can only lead to the ousting of Yahya Jammeh.
1. A serious miscalculation on the part of President Jammeh, especially in relation to Senegal. The determination of the new Senegalese leadership to solve the Casamance issue in Southern Senegal could eventually cost Jammeh his presidency. He recently told a special envoy from President Macky Sall of Senegal, that he (Jammeh) was “ready to go to war with Senegal at any time”, as the Senegalese were harbouring his enemies. In fact, Jammeh decided to remove Dr Mamadou Tangara from the Cabinet and moved him to New York because he was “serving the Senegalese interest” by being a go-between. President Jammeh did not like the fact that the Senegalese authorities were having access to him via Dr Tangara. Therefore, Jammeh’s complacency, ineptitude and misreading of the Senegalese situation, as well as his lack of understanding of Senegal’s geo-political intentions could lead, sooner or later, to his downfall. I am reminded of the late president Idi Amin of Uganda who made a big miscalculation and invaded Tanzania in 1979. Idi Amin ruled Uganda with an iron fist and was feared by the people. He miscalculated the hatred Ugandans had for him and the reaction of the late Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere. Idi Amin's downfall came as the result of attempting to annex Kagera, a Northern Province of Tanzania. President Julius Nyerere sent his troops into the Ugandan capital of Kampala along with rebel Ugandan forces. Amin fled to Libya and eventually ended up in Saudi Arabia, where he died. Amin made a serious political miscalculation in launching an attack Tanzania and he paid the price. It led to his removal from power.
2. Divine intervention!! Jammeh is not immortal.
The political situation in The Gambia gives democrats throughout the world a huge cause for concern, which has not been lessened by Jammeh’s recent decision to take The Gambia out of the Commonwealth. Who knows what his intentions for this small country are in the next few years?
Regards,
Ebrima
Greetings Yero,
I have just seen your email, as I was watching football tonight. I do not mind granting interviews. In fact, I gave a long one to Radio France International in English, after the last elections, but to be frank with you, I am no longer interested in debates about the current political situation in the country. The tyranny (or the chaos) gripping the Gambia is there for everyone to see. As a student of political science, I am now more interested, these days, in the challenges of stabilisation, reformation and reconstruction in post-Jammeh Gambia. The challenges that the post-Jammeh reconstruction process poses should not be underestimated; and I sincerely believe that it is imperative that Gambians (should) now start planning ahead for some of the intractable problems that lie ahead (in the post Jammeh era). There are many pitfalls ahead for post-Jammeh Gambia and rebuilding the Gambian nation after Jammeh will certainly require collaborative efforts. Needless to say, it will be a long-term effort and an arduous task for that matter, with many set-backs to be anticipated. The future of post-Jammeh’s Gambia is at stake. In fact, I am of the view that the destruction that Jammeh has done to the country, especially in relation to the social fabric, is beyond repair. Can Gambia rebuild itself after Jammeh? Unless there is both ownership (repentance) and forgiveness, the divisions and wounds opened up by the Jammeh era will never be healed. Reconciliation will only occur if the offenders (Jammeh and colleagues) accept full responsibilities for their actions and we (the victims) forgive them.
Regards,
Ebrima
PS: However, let me place on record that I do applaud the efforts of all you – the indefatigable Fatou Jaw Manneh, the inexhaustible Pa Samba Jow (respect bro), Musa Jeng, Banka Manneh, Yanks Darboe, Bamba Mass, Dr Janneh, Siga Jagne, Joe Sambou, the brilliant Lamin Darboe, Mathew Jallow, Abdou Karim Sanneh, my in-law Essa Bokarr Sey (Archipo.com) and the tireless and able Pa Nderry Mbai
Greetings Yero,
Let me take this opportunity to congratulate you and Demba (belatedly) on Gainako's 7th anniversary. You, Demba and the rest of the editorial team, deserve commendation for maintaining Gainako these seven long years. It has been seven years of fruitful and selfless service. I/we wish you a very happy anniversary with many more years to follow.
On a different subject, I have some historic audio tapes on the July 1994 coup and the transition period (1994-1996) that I intend to send to Gainako for your radio listeners. I have already promised Demba - copies of these rare tapes, in a previous private email. These tapes include many BBC programmes on the Gambia featuring me, Halifa Sallah, Pap Cheyassin Secka, Zaya Yeebo etc. Panel discussions on the Gambia, conducted by the BBC Focus on Africa programme, featuring the same people. They also include several live (on air) interviews the legendary BBC's Robin White had had with me; the first press conference of Ousainou Darboe in Banjul - announcing the formation of the UDP. Darboe was assisted in this press conference, which I covered, by the late Sidia Sanyang, Ebou Manneh and others. I had an extensive interview with the eloquent Sidia Sanyang (deceased) afterwards, where he outlined the raison d'être for forming a new party. (Sidia Sanyang had an unsurpassed command of both oral and written English). There is also an interview Barnaby Phillips, formerly of the BBC and now with Aljazeera, had had with Sidia Sanyang and Ousainou Darboe when they sought refuge at the Senegalese High Commission in Pipeline, a day after the September 2006 Presidential Election in The Gambia. Will definitely find time to copy some of these tapes for Gainako.
Regards,
Ebrima
A very happy Arsenal Fan tonight
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To: [log in to unmask]; [log in to unmask]
Date: Mon, 30 Sep 2013 18:17:15 -0500
Subject: Re: [>-<] Alagie Yorro Jallow publishes a book on the Gambian media
Dr. Ceesay,
Thanks for sharing. Congrats to name-sake for the publication of his first book on matters Gambia, his scholarstic achievement and for his subsequent employment as a lecturer. I look forward to the many reviews and probably doing "snail" touches on these books for reference.
It is good to see many Gambians writing books now-a-days. We are moving from the oral account of things to written narations. It is a welcomed development.
Best of luck in all the positive endeavors bro Alagi!!
Yero.
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To: [log in to unmask]; [log in to unmask]
Date: Mon, 30 Sep 2013 18:41:28 +0000
Subject: [>-<] Alagie Yorro Jallow publishes a book on the Gambian media
Dear All,(The boom in Gambian Studies continues)Alagie Yorro Jallow, co-founder and former managing editor of the banned Independent newspaper in The Gambia, has just published a highly recommended book on the Gambian Media, which will be officially released (available for sale) on 26th October 2013. The book cover, meanwhile, is attached here, for your information; and the price of the paperback edition is £19 dollars per copy. Appropriately titled Delayed Democracy: How the Press Collapsed in The Gambia, the book has 250 pages and is by published by Author House, USA (www.authorhouse.com)The study is scholarly, extremely well-researched, theoretically sound and clearly structured, with endnotes, bibliographic references and acknowledgements. And although it is a scholarly text, it is, all the same, easy to read and written with clarity. It is a very compelling and well-written account of how the Yahya Jammeh regime has, since 1994, continuously targeted freedom of expression and opinion in The Gambia, and passed draconian laws that have been used to stifle journalists, human rights defenders and government critics.The book analyses the effect of President Yahya Jammeh’s takeover of the Gambia from a historical, political, and socio-economic context. It offers a useful and comprehensive contribution to the legal and political debate about freedom of expression—or more accurately stated, the lack thereof—in The Gambia. The study also proposes a theoretical framework specifically applicable to The Gambia, because the author maintains that the relationship between The Gambia and the media is in some ways unique. But there is a good balance between the theoretical material and empirical evidence, and this makes the study particularly refreshing. This is, by far, the best, most up-to-date, study available today on the state of the Gambian media since 1994. It certainly fills (or closes) a major gap in the literature on mass communication and the press in Africa generally.At the end of the book, the author offers useful suggestions for reforming the media in The Gambia. The author indicates that, above all else, lasting change in The Gambia can likely only be successful if the political climate in The Gambia shifts rather dramatically, or if the Jammeh regime shows signs of sensitivity to international political pressure. The author urges the government to repeal laws that inhibit freedom of expression, and ensure that both law and practice are in line with the standards enshrined in the human rights treaties to which the Gambia is a party to.Alagie Yorro Jallow has written an excellent and relevant study that provides a well-documented insight into the deteriorating freedom of expression in The Gambia, as well as offer some helpful/useful suggestions for effecting changes that could bring about improved human rights in the Gambia. The study will also prove a valuable source of reference for students, researchers and policymakers.The author, Alagi Yorro Jallow, is currently a lecturer in Media Studies and Communications at the Department of General Management, Martin de Tours School of Management and Economics, at the Assumption University in Bangkok, Thailand.Regards,EbrimaPS: See the table of contentsContentsDedication .......................................................................................... viiAcknowledgments ................................................................................ ixAbstract ................................................................................................ xiPreface ..................................................................................................xvForeword .............................................................................................xixIntroduction .......................................................................................... 1Brief History of The Gambia ................................................................. 5A Sketch of Politics in The Gambia ....................................................... 8The Fourth Estate ............................................................................... 10The Role of Journalists ........................................................................ 12The Concept of Press Freedom ............................................................ 13Overview of the African Press .............................................................. 17Early Development of the Press in The Gambia .................................. 20Pre-Independence Newspapers: 1883-1965 ......................................... 21The Various Pre-Independence Newspapers .................................. 22Other Publications ........................................................................ 26Circulation Information ................................................................ 26Post-Independence Newspapers: 1965-2013 ....................................... 26Policies Governing the Establishment of Newspapers in The Gambia ....... 27Broadcasting in The Gambia ............................................................... 29Radio Broadcasting in The Gambia ............................................... 29Telegraph Station Act, 1913 .......................................................... 31Brief Overview of Current Media Outlets ........................................... 33The Gambian Constitutions and Press Freedom .................................. 34National Media Commission Act ........................................................ 42Lawsuit against the National Media Commission Act ................... 44Defendants’ Response ................................................................... 50Initial Supreme Court’s Rulings .................................................... 55Reaction to the Supreme Court’s Rulings ...................................... 57Additional Acts Suppressing the Media................................................ 58The Press under the “Civilian Government”: 1997-2013 .................... 60Further Actions against Members of the Press ...................................... 67Libel ............................................................................................. 67Sedition ........................................................................................ 68Censorship .................................................................................... 68The Impact of Press Freedom on Processes of Democratization ........... 70Theoretical Framework of Limits on Press Freedom ...................... 71Techniques of Suppression: Subverting Freedom of Expression ...........................72Theoretical Framework on Press Freedom and Government Relations ............................73Hegemony as a Model of the Press-Government Relationship .................................... 75Hegemonic Elements in Yahya Jammeh ........................................ 77E-Democracy: Using Information and Communication Technologies in the Democratic Processes ....................... 86The Status of Information and Communications Technologies (ICT) in The Gambia Today .................................... 87Suggested Objectives of the Media ...................................................... 89General Objectives ........................................................................ 89Specific Objectives ........................................................................ 90Challenges in the Media Sector ..................................................... 91Recommended Reform to Media in The Gambia .......................... 91The Internet and Political Repression ............................................ 93Conclusion .......................................................................................Bibliography………………………………………………………..
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