Thanks again!

Burama

On Sunday, July 6, 2014, Modou Nyang <[log in to unmask]> wrote:

Burama, maybe it is due to communication problems but down the road somewhere there are commonalities on which we can converge to sort out our problems. Some of these are out there gaping at us waiting to be tackled and on track. I hope true sons and daughters of our country will seize the moment and help chart a new beginning for our country.

Regards.

On Sunday, July 6, 2014 2:00 AM, Burama Jammeh <[log in to unmask]');" target="_blank">[log in to unmask]> wrote:

Modou

You sound like Bursma.........Surely not taken away any credit.

Burama

On Sunday, July 6, 2014, Modou Nyang <[log in to unmask]');" target="_blank">[log in to unmask]> wrote:

Gambian Diaspora: A Return to the Drawing Board or a Plunge into the Abyss

Modou Nyang

We may be far from the end to the accusations and counter accusations of what led to the split within CORDEG. What is not yet heard from the feuding parties is the underlying reasons or motives that informed their decision to call it quits. The brouhaha is sickening, no doubt, and it sure carry’s the venom capable of killing this body that has the promise to serve as the rallying point for Diaspora Gambia democracy forces. However, there are more important questions to be asked and issues to be straightened if the survival and relevance of the Diaspora pro-democracy group is to be ensured.

That GDAG, a leading proponent among the trio of the pro-democracy groups that ushered in the Committee for the Restoration of Democracy in the Gambia (CORDEG) into the consciousness of Diaspora Gambian politics, could walk away from what they helped to build and still could not clearly articulate its reasons for doing so, is rather intriguing.

But for a moment let us forget about the freeness or the lack of it in the election of CORDEG’s executive. I wish the process was not based on competitive elections rather, on a consultative nature focused on the geographic representation of the politically active Diaspora Gambians. This would have given it a true civil society representative nature that could legitimately talk and act on behalf of the Diaspora Gambian people. The other things like the opening of a bank account, registration of the organization and the internal politicking or frictions among the players could have been easily handled by the mature minds among the grouping.

However, what is of significance and this is where the fundamental issues that underpin the relevance and or effectiveness of CORDEG, is its outlined mode of operation in the quest for political change and democracy in the Gambia. To this end CORDEG’s outline of strategy and tactic is as blurred as Lamin J. Darboe put it and at worst unrealistic. And this is what needs to be addressed if Diaspora Gambians are to become useful and effective players in the Gambia’s political evolution to a democracy.

Detestable as the reference to the term “restoration” in the name of CORDEG is, - for there existed no democracy in the Gambia that needs restoring in the first place, nonetheless, what is worth fighting for are the crunchy nuts that are to help in the erection of a viable foundation for CORDEG laid on clear terms and purpose; A durable foundation that is to play a vital role in the bridge building process of a grand coalition of the democratic forces both within the Gambia and its Diaspora.

When the clamor for a pro-democracy conference in Dakar, Senegal subsided, Raleigh, North Carolina several months later, turned out to be the rallying point for the politically active Diaspora Gambians. Speeches were delivered and passionate debates ensued. At the end a communiqué was issued calling for a steering committee and promising to craft a policy that would help coordinate a unity of purpose among Gambia’s pro-democracy forces. To their credit a steering committee came into being leading to the election of an executive committee a few months later and the birth of CORDEG.

But to the keen political observer the flaws and contradictions in the setup to the establishment of CORDEG’s executive were clear and imminent. Alarm bells were ringed and people contacted to highlight the problems but business continued as usual. Those that made their concerns public were dismissed or at best ignored.

Fundamental to the flaws and contradictions within the setup that gave birth to CORDEG were its insistence on co-opting the opposition parties into its fold and followed by the erection of a gigantic superstructure that aimed to encompass even the main players when it comes to effecting political change in the Gambia. Consciously or unconsciously, the architects of CORDEG pursued this formula that is only expected of political novices. It was certain that the project was headed for failure unless its course was redirected. And to cap it all, a vision and mission of CORDEG was propounded clearly mimicking a government or opposition party white paper with clear emphasis of governance, economic and even agricultural policies.

For starters, CORDEG can only be a civil society organization unless and until it chooses to follow the process and register as a political party in the Gambia. As a civil society organization CORDEG’s mandate could not be more than articulating and championing the aspirations of Diaspora Gambians. It cannot and should never venture into the business of formulating financial or agricultural policies for the Gambia not so when it is even absent on the ground.

The Raleigh Accord that spelled out the objectives of CORDEG despite being ambiguous itself, chose to side with the political players on the ground in the pursuit of reforms vital to the predictability of political change and the nurturing of democracy. This is what is reasonable and attainable between citizen groups and political parties who plan to work together for the betterment of their country. But as it appeared there were other motives in play, all sorts of posturing and positioning became the order of the day albeit being hundreds of miles away from the battleground.

However, and introspectively, it is still not too late to chart a new course and refocus CORDEG. It may be a harder task trying to walk the opposition parties into an alliance, but it is easier championing the desire of Diaspora Gambians for enfranchisement. Furthermore, a partnership with the opposition and other interest groups both national and international on a pro-democracy agenda captured on the urgent need for electoral reform, will not only ease the internal squabbles and render desolate the intense positioning, but will earn CORDEG the respect and trust of its partners as well as influence and leverage among both ruling and opposition parties.

An agenda for the enfranchisement of Diaspora Gambians will not trigger any lobbying for positions of secretary generals or chairmanships rather; it will engender tremendous interest and impact among the growing Gambian populations outside of the Gambia for the cause of democratization and development. Demands for the respect of the civil liberties and freedom of the citizenry would only add to its political clout and respectability.

For the politics of alliance building among political parties, it is better leaving that in the hands of the parties themselves. Politics is not as simple a formula as the common sense one-plus-one. The most that civil society groups like CORDEG can ask as bonafide partners is to insist on a seat at the negotiating table to act as an arbiter and or mediator to resolve misunderstandings and bridge differences. Attaining that status or position becomes easier when especially a body like CORDEG becomes the initiator of such mediations. The choice is out in the open and waiting to be made. Cut to size the overzealous ambitions and focus attention to clear and reasonable goals that are within our bounds.

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