*Independence Revisited – Part Two*

By Baba Galleh Jallow

It was not only chiefs and colonial officials who made strange statements
during African independence ceremonies. Taking a cue from their party
leadership, ruling party stalwarts and newspapers loudly exhorted their
countrymen to put all their political differences aside and join the ruling
party. The practice has not entirely disappeared from Africa to this day.
In Ghana, the *Accra Evening News* was particularly vocal in its
uncompromising insistence that all Ghanaians join the CPP or else. When
Nkrumah proclaimed that “the CPP is Ghana and Ghana is the CPP”, party
loyalists tried to make this a reality through every possible platform.

In Bathurst, *The New Gambia*, mouthpiece of the PPP declared that “all
politicians of all tendencies should rally round the Government of the
masses, the PPP, so that the country’s concerted efforts will bear golden
fruits. We must not allow factions to undermine the real issues of the day”
(Rice, 331). The PPP was indeed the government of the masses; but more
significantly, it was the government of the Gambian nation, which was
larger than its supporters, defined here as the masses. In effect, the real
issues of the day were parochialized and defined in absolute, narrow terms
by the emergent African leadership and its supporters. Paradoxically, the
emergent African nation was seen at once as a monolith, a single entity
encompassing everyone, as well as a fractured entity composed of the
government and its supporters on one hand, and everyone else on the other.
In many African countries, the latter remain sadly marginalized in their
national politics to this day, over half a century after independence.

After independence, African nationalists performed an ideological
about-face that was astounding and profoundly damaging of the new nations’
political, and by extension socio-economic and cultural wellbeing. Having
served their purpose of helping end colonial rule, the universal and
inalienable rights and freedoms of expression and association deployed by
the nationalists were now relegated to the outskirts of independence. This
was perhaps because many African anti-colonial nationalists either did not
understand or did not believe in all the hype they made about their people
being equally deserving of independence – understood as freedom, democracy,
human rights, the rule of law and other lofty humane ideals. As soon as
independence was granted, it was sought to impose a uniformity of views and
opinions on all matters political that reflected only the views and
opinions of those in power. It was quickly forgotten that had the colonial
state insisted upon and was able to enforce such uniformity of views and
opinions, independence would not have come as easy as it did in some cases.

Nationalists understood that the colonial state collapsed precisely because
it tolerated the colonized people’s rights and freedoms of expression,
association and self-determination, all of which were promptly branded
enemies of Africa after independence. Nationalists understood the power of
a free mind expressed in political dissent and organization. They
recognized the power of a free press and proceeded to systematically curb
it for their own reasons. They saw what it did to the mighty colonial
state; and being too concerned about “losing” power, they made sure that
political dissent was either effectively discredited or weakened, as
happened in Gambia under Jawara, or totally criminalized and abolished as
happened in Ghana, Guinea and elsewhere in Africa. The idea of power
belonging to the people was only useful as a rhetorical weapon against
colonial rule. Like the international rights instruments the nationalist
drew from in their UN, Commonwealth and other speeches against colonialism,
the African people had also served their purpose and could conveniently be
relegated to the dusty outskirts of independence and national politics.

While actively participating in the majestic ceremonies and openly basking
in the pomp and glory of the imperial spectacle, Africa’s incoming
government officials often made bold to reaffirm their unflinching loyalty
to the imperial power and to declare their expectations of independence
from both within and without the former colony. Independence was often
understood as empire weaning babies who were welcome to continue suckling
at the imperial breast for the foreseeable future.  In perhaps its most
damaging misconception, independence was taken to mean the incoming
government’s right to assume a monopoly on all political truths, knowledge,
decisions and policy directions and options for the new nation. Dissenting
knowledge and opinion, however brilliant, was sacrificed on the altar of
political expediency. Witness the sad fates of people like Diallo Telli in
Guinea, J. B. Danquah in Ghana, and Sheikh Anta Diop in Senegal. Their
ideas represented a rich fund of intellectual wealth that could have
wonderfully energized their nations. Instead, they were hated and violently
struck down for daring to express their legitimate political opinions. To
this day ideas - the building blocks of human civilization - have not found
their rightful place in Africa. Hence, Africa remains utterly “uncivilized”
in its politics (see Gambia since 1994 for a contemporary example of
“uncivilized” politics).

Independence was also understood to mean that the new African government
was entitled to the material support of ostensibly private commercial
entities existing within its territorial borders. In *Enter Gambia*,
Berkeley Rice reports that three weeks before independence, the incoming
PPP government called a special session of parliament to pass new
immigration and naturalization laws and “to provide the administration and
other Members of the House a public opportunity to voice their sentiments
at this historic moment” (Rice, 29).[i]
<file:///C:/Users/jallow/Documents/Documents/Independence%20Revisited%20-%20Part%20Two.docx#_edn1>
The first speaker of the evening, a former Minister of Agriculture, “had a
word of ‘advice’ for the commercial firms in Bathurst which, he assumed,
were planning to make independence gifts to the government. From the United
Africa Company, whose local British manager sat across the hall (the MP)
hoped for at least 50, 000 pounds in cash or kindness. Such a wealthy firm
should set an example to others.”  To the five French trading firms
operating in Gambia he said, “We do not want just a saucer with De Gaulle’s
photograph.” For the Lebanese firm of S. Madi Ltd., owners of the Atlantic
Hotel, Gambia Construction Company, the larger of the two peanut oil mills
and many other local enterprises, (the MP) also had a word of advice: “I
know the Lebanese – they are broad-minded people. Let their gift be one
that will be remembered by generations of Gambians yet unborn”’ (Rice, 30).
How unborn generations could remember what happened since they were not
there is everybody’s guess.

More interesting speeches followed: The Member from Lower Baddibu “lamented
what he took to be the fact that 300 Englishmen had been invited to the
Independence State Ball and only 35 Gambians.” “It is Gambia’s
Independence!” yelled another MP who became a household name in Gambian
politics. “Gambians should have priority. All these expatriates are invited
to all these functions. This should not be. It is Gambians who should be at
the center of things. We have been so long under colonialism that these
things are now insults” (Rice, 31). An MP from Bakau tried to quote
something Jesus said but forgot what it was; but his idea of independence
were captured in a letter he had written to an American official who had
visited Bathurst. The portion of the letter reproduced by Rice reads as
follows, unedited: “As is known by the World news, our constitutional
advance was successful by the attainment of Full internal self government.
Gambia was backward but will be perhaps one of the most advance places in
Africa for the good hope we have and determination of purpose. For its size
and population many many thinks it is so forth. However, the inhabitants of
the country are naturally unique by most human level. I do not bother into
details but even the English whose rule the Gambia is perhaps do not fully
well know this people. I can better conceive of something than what I
should express in this letter” (Rice 31-32).

It needs to be said that Jawara’s utterances during Gambia’s independence
ceremonies and on Independence Day itself suggest that he understood better
than most the implications of what was happening. When the MPs above
complained about white invitations, Jawara pointed out that in fact, all
Gambians were (symbolically) present at the ball, even though 300, 000
Gambians could not physically attend. “Remember,” he said, “we will be
judged not by the measure of our jubilation, but by the energy we bring to
solving the problems of independence” (Rice, 31).  In his closing speech
for the evening, Jawara also expressed his understanding that “independence
brought with it new complex problems which henceforth we shall have to
resolve on our own” and “in time, Gambia will prove that a small country
can stand on its own feet, and play its own part in world affairs providing
an example of stability and progress and good sense” (Rice, 34 – 35). On
Independence Day, after receiving from the Duke the “Constitutional
Instruments” formally granting Gambia independence, Jawara said among other
things, that “we are very conscious that the task which lies before us is
formidable and, this being so, we are the more determined to strive
relentlessly to overcome the difficulties that make the task formidable”
(Rice, 48).

Earlier at the special session of parliament, United Party leader P. S.
Njie had welcomed independence but warned against “exchanging one set of
masters for another” (Rice, 34). It appears that Pierre Njie’s warning
proved prophetic. Jawara and his government were not outright dictators of
the sort we had in Guinea or Mali, or in today’s Gambia; however, the
master-servant relations between government and governed that characterized
colonial Gambia characterized – if only in a benign form - the thirty years
the PPP government was in power.  Yes, Gambia “the improbable nation”
became a nation under the PPP, and a respected one at that. Sadly, like
many of his counterparts across the continent, Jawara assumed too much
about the democratic nature of his de facto one party, and one-man rule,
which eventually gave us a ruler who could pound his chest and proclaim to
the world that he is a dictator.  The good news is that if Gambians were
not ready for the challenges of independence when it happened, they are now.



------------------------------

[i]
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All quotations in this article are from Berkeley Rice*, Enter Gambia: The
Birth of an Improbable Nation*. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1967


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