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From: Horace G Campbell <[log in to unmask]>
Subject: [BRC-NEWS] Jonas Savimbi Must Be Arrested and Put On Trial
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October 1999

Jonas Savimbi Must Be Arrested and Put On Trial

By Horace G. Campbell <[log in to unmask]>

As we approach the twenty fourth anniversary of the Independence of
Angola, it can be said that there is not one year that these people have
seen peace. Even after the signing of the Bicesse Accords in 1991, the
majority of the peoples were held hostage by the military activities of
Jonas Savimbi and the military section of UNITA. The killings, sufferings
and destruction visited on the Angolan peoples in this period has been
unspeakable. All of the efforts towards peace up to 1994 sought to
conciliate Savimbi as a legitimate leader. However, since the outbreak of
the war in December 1998, the new round of city sieges, murder, rape and
violence can only stop when Jonas Savimbi is either arrested or rendered
militarily incapable in Angola and Southern Africa.=20

Savimbi has built up the most formidable military/commercial network in
Africa and nearly every government in the region of Southern Africa is
compromised by association with the criminal networks.. If the leaders of
SADC were serious about the implementing of UN sanctions, then there could
be no resupply of food, fuel, weapons and alcohol to the soldiers of
Savimbi. Current loose talk in the SADC of mobilizing military forces to
assist the government of Angola would only serve to prolong the war.
Instead, there should be international humanitarian support for the people
in the cities occupied by Savimbi. There should be an international arrest
warrant for Savimbi and the US should take the lead in freezing his bank
accounts, and jam the communications infrastructure that Savimbi uses to
fight the war and hold hundreds of poor Angolans as war hostages.=20

Below, there is a revisit of the failed Lusaka protocol, the new military
skirmishes and the appeals of the Angolan peoples for peace. The
validation of the lives and humanity of the Angolan peoples should take
precedence over the activities of those who are involved in war as a
business. The United Nations has dithered since 1994 always promising new
sanctions if Savimbi did not hand over Bailundo and Andulo to state
administration. When the UN Special Representative in Angola, Alioune
Blondin Beye, realized that Savimbi's network extended far beyond Southern
Africa he had begun to use his experience as a diplomat in West Africa to
expose the linkages between certain governments in West Africa and Jonas
Savimbi. Beye lost his life trying to make this exposure public so that
the Angolan people can live in peace. Since the untimely death of Beye,
there has been a public UN sanctions movement across Africa. Jonas
Savimbi's commercial and criminal networks have proven more effective than
the United Nations.=20

It is with the clear limitations of a military solution, the failure of
the UN process and the continued killing of the Angolan peoples that
should force the arrest. The citizens of Kuito have resisted Savimbi.
Those in the civil society in Angola have made urgent pleas. They said in
August that. "the Angolan people want a lasting peace, social justice,
good governance and the right of citizenship, and mutual respect for the
diversity of people and cultures, which form the Angolan Nation project.=20
These are the fundamental principles for the setting of a common ground
among the Angolan people.  In essence, these principles are the foundation
for an in-depth revision of the Nation's concept and valorisation of the
Angolan citizenry. As well as the consensual definition of a vision for
Angola and its course towards the future. Unfortunately, the war is still
being used against the Angolan people."=20

This author agrees that the war is being used against the Angolan peoples.
Nearly every leader in the SADC region is complicit in this warfare, with
the most guilty being the South African leadership. It behoves, the rest
of the region to reengage the question of peace to join with the women,
youth, traders, ordinary soldiers and other citizens who want peace and
reconstruction.=20

The capture of Bailundo?=20

In the most recent SARIPS colloquium held in Harare (September 1999), it
was announced that the ARMED FORCES OF Angola (FAA) forces had entered the
town of Bailundo. Every year the UN Security Council had threatened that
there would be more sanctions if UNITA did not hand over Bailundo and
Andulo to state administration. On August 28, 1997 the UN Security Council
had threatened to impose additional sanctions (Resolution 1127) if UNITA
did not hand over Bailundo.  These threats were repeated in October 1997
(Resolution 1135) and in June 1998 (Resolution 1173) In 1993 during the
carnage in Kuito and Huambo the United Nations had initiated its first
sanctions against UNITA (the first against a non state). In 1994 an arms
and petroleum embargo was imposed on UNITA. These sanctions were followed
by a travel ban on UNITA in 1997.The sanctions were never respected. The
people of Angola were hostages in bailundo and the other cities under the
military coercion of UNITA. Women were the most violated in these areas.=20

For these reasons, the assault on Bailundo was significant because the
entry had pierced the central administrative marshalling area for the
military, commercial and propaganda base of the war. In the last century,
Bailundo was the base of the most sustained resistance to Portuguese
colonialism. It is a historic place in the history of resistance in
Angola. Savimbi used this traditional ethnic symbol to manipulate his
linkages to the Ovimbundiu people and orchestrated international meetings
with UN officials and other emissaries who came to entreat him to
recognise the Lusaka accords. Savimbi had retreated to Bailundo in
November 1994 after being routed from Huambo. The military advances of the
government had been achieved at a huge price for the Angolan peoples.
Savimbi has counter-attacked using long range artillery and promises to
take the war to Luanda, to an expanded war in Uige, in Luena and Moxico
and to strengthen the activities from Andulo.=20

This military strategy of Savimbi demonstrates that in a country like
Angola (larger than France, Britain and Germany combined), with eight
fully trained and equipped battalions spread all over the country, Savimbi
could tie up the Angolan army until he is eighty years old. At sixty five,
Savimbi, who has been investing in fighting for the past thirty five
years, can still fight the war from relative safety, whether he is based
in Jamba (the base established with the assistance of the Pentagon and the
CIA), Andulo (the most important supply base for the army), Togo (the base
for bribing African and UN officials) or Burkina Fasso (one of the many
bases for diamond dealings). The budget that Savimbi has at his disposal
for fighting, moving weapons and for bribing government officials all over
the world is more than the budget of ninety percent of the governments of
the SADC region. It is these resources that are used for fighting. Though
the military strategists and conflict resolution consultants write about
Savimbi controlling more than seventy percent of the territory, there is
no evidence that there is popular support for the army of Savimbi. The war
in Angola is unpopular and soldiers of both UNITA and FAA are conscripted.
But more than any of the military forces, the armed men that are engaged
with Savimbi fight under thereat of coercion and are themselves as
intimidated as the mass of people they intimidate.=20

The citizens of Huambo and Kuito demonstrated to the world in 1993 that
the myth of a "civil war" being fought from the Ovimbundu heartland was
simply wartime propaganda orchestrated by the psychological operations
section of the Savimbi military machine.=20

When this author was in Huambo and Kuito in 1996, the citizens all spoke
of their outright opposition to the war and most directly to the
opposition to the attempts by Savimbi to bring more death and misery.
Every family in these two towns has been touched by the levels of
destruction, violence, rape and violation. It is this consciousness more
than anything else that prevented Savimbi from seizing Kuito when he
started the war again in December 1999.=20

From experience it can be predicted that the strategy of Savimbi from this
point onward will be a repeat of his strategy in 1994 when the towns of
Huambo and Uige were about to be taken by the Angolan army. Savimbi will
try to retreat to secure bases such as Andulo, in Moxico and Jamba.
However, there are severe limitations of fighting from these isolated
bases. The most important , is the absence of a sizeable population to
give him a bargaining card with the so called "international community" so
that he can again resupply his forces to launch his bid for power. Savimbi
has carried out so many acts of criminality that the ordinary people of
Angola are the ones most opposed to this war. Citizens of towns such as
Malanje have not forgotten the promise that Savimbi made that the
"Malanjinos will pull the train with their teeth." The citizens of Luanda
who rallied to expel Savimbi from the city in 1992 are even more focused
on the need to defeat Savimbi. His threats to carry out guerrilla warfare
in the capital remain real threats because it does not take a whole army
to carry out terrorist acts against defenceless civilians. This is why the
next strategy of Savimbi will be confirming the chain of criminal
activities carried out against the Angolan peoples.=20

Savimbi must be arrested

The Lusaka Protocol provided for a cease-fire, the integration of UNITA
generals into the government's armed forces (which were to become
nonpartisan and civilian controlled), demobilization (later amended to
demilitarization) under UN supervision, the repatriation of mercenaries,
the incorporation of UNITA troops into the Angolan National Police under
the Interior Ministry, and the prohibition of any other police or
surveillance organization. Both the government and UNITA had agreed to
halt new arms acquisitions as part of the accords.  But the embargo on
UNITA was not enforced, and both sides openly continued major arms
purchases throughout the process. Savimbi was supposed to be granted a
special status as a civilian leader with a demobilized army. Jonas Savimbi
never accepted the Lusaka peace accords and soon after the signing the
UNITA official who signed the accord was put under arrest in Bailundo. It
was in 1998 after four years of violations of UN sanctions that the SADC
heads of state declared Savimbi a war criminal. What is now needed is for
one of the states to issue a warrant for his arrest.=20

>From the signing of the Lusaka accords in 1994 to the present the Angolan
war has spawned the whole region of Central and Southern Africa. In an
apparent effort to cut off the bases and support for Savimbi, the army of
Angola invaded Congo Brazzaville, sent military forces in to the
Democratic Republic of the Congo to remove Mobutu, and threatened to
invade Zambia in 1998. These offensive acts of the armed forces of Angola
have not limited the capabilities of the Savimbi military. If anything,
the web of the military/commercial networks were widened beyond southern
Africa to incorporate greedy leaders and intelligence officials in West
Africa and Eastern Africa.=20

The Savimbi model of waging war, holding citizens hostage and linking to
external networks is now a successful model that has been copied with
disastrous consequences in Liberia, Somalia, Sierra Leone and parts of the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. This is a model that thrives on the so
called liberalization of markets and the freedom to move money and weapons
without strict national or international controls. This model that was
perfected by the CIA in the era of the cold war gave Jonas Savimbi the
leading position in money laundering, operating offshore banking accounts
and gaining time for more war by seeming to be reasonable and calling for
negotiations.=20

The model is simple. The military entrepreneurs such as Savimbi or Charles
Taylor (called warlord by conflict resolution specialists) exploit natural
resources such as diamonds, gem stones, timber and rare genetic materials.
These entrepreneurs operationalize the control of resources within the
territorial areas which they control militarily. These resources are set
in motion to generate resource flows (arms, cash, supplies, intelligence
and media coverage). Such military operations, while appearing to be based
more on an internal logic or regionalized civilian support, are in fact
more dependent on external resources than internal resources. The
military/ commercial model can only be operationalized when it is linked
to international resource networks for marketing, supplying and
transporting of resources. Such a model has meant that the external
support for war is more important than internal resources and it is in
this context that real and meaningful sanctions against Savimbi makes
sense.=20

The networks of UNITA are well known and all during the period of the
Lusaka Peace Accords when there was supposed to be sanctions, Savimbi
openly moved weapons, fuel and diamonds in violation of UN sanctions
because of the awareness many government officials in the region can be
bribed.  Jonas Savimbi is very comfortable with suggestions in the South
African media that there should be new peace accords and new negotiations
because these negotiations provide the breathing space to resupply. This
much is known to the ordinary citizens of the region of Southern Africa.
These citizens wonder if the UN sanctions program is not just another
charade to deceive the peoples of the region that the UN and the member
states want an end to the war. Savimbi flies between West Africa and
Angola routinely despite the UN ban on travel for UN officials.. His
pilots, the make of the aircraft involved, the flight plans and his flight
paths are known to the Pentagon, the French military and Interpol.. His
communications networks are open secrets in Cheltenham and Langley. Why is
this information not before the sanctions committee of the UN? This is the
question that must be answered by the USA.=20

The other question that must be answered is why the accomplices to the war
in Angola that operate from South Africa are not arrested by the present
South African government. The former apartheid operatives who send war
materials and food to the forces of Savimbi are accomplices to crimes
against the African people. When the ANC was in opposition they declared
that apartheid was a crime against humanity,. There was an impressive
international campaign to isolate those doing business with apartheid. Why
can the ANC government led by Thabo Mbeki not arrest and confine the
forces in South Africa that resupply Savimbi and violate international
law?  In many senses the defeat of Savimbi leads through South Africa and
the USA. The other countries in the region such as Zambia, Namibia,
Zimbabwe and those in East Africa and West Africa would have to cease
their operations if both the USA and the South Africans were serious in
arresting Jonas Savimbi as a war criminal.=20

The responsibility of the USA in arresting Savimbi

The present government of the USA bears direct responsibility for the
criminal activities of Savimbi. Those military operatives from the private
military contracting firm , MPRI, who are seeking a private contract to
train the Angolan military are the same ones that established the smooth
international networks for Savimbi. The vast network now being employed by
Savimbi was set in place by the Central Intelligence Agency and the
Pentagon during the cold war. The millions of dollars, sophisticated
communications and information systems and the equipment that was
transferred to Savimbi during this period gave the USA a vested interest
in the future of the Savimbi operations. These officials who supported
Savimbi are still ensconced in the bureaucracy and provide valuable back
channel information for Savimbi. Though the USA proclaim that the present
Clinton administration want better relations with the Angolan government,
the present administration must demonstrate concretely that it wants peace
in Angola by weeding out those officials in the State Department and in
the Defense establishment who are still in contact with Savimbi. These
elements are accessories to crimes against the Angolan peoples.=20

When the USA wanted the United Nations to enforce sanctions against
Serbia, the apparatus of the USA was set in motion to expose the resupply
of weapons for the Serbian army. The USA used its listening devices to
expose how Russia was using humanitarian convoys to bring in weapons and
spare parts to Serbia. In one much publicized interdiction, the USA used
its massive information apparatus to expose the violation of international
sanctions. The bank accounts, the information networks, and cyberplatforms
of the Serbians were all exposed as components of the cutting off of the
supplies to Serbia. Why is there no similar operation to cut off the
supply of weapons to Savimbi?=20

The arrest of General Augusto Pinochet of Chile in London has lifted the
veil off the immunity for cold war murderers. The international pressures
for the extradition of Pinochet to Spain, his continued house arrest in
London and the avalanche of information on his crimes against the Chilean
peoples, have established important precedents from which the USA can
follow for the neutralization of Savimbi.. The USA has the most impressive
capability for cutting off the communications and travel of Savimbi's
lieutenants, for freezing the bank accounts, stopping the supply of food
and the weapons, and the putting out propaganda apparatus.=20

In a recent book on the so called peace process in Angola, Paul Hare, the
USA representative in the Lusaka peace process, detailed the massive
amount of time that was spent in attempting to conciliate Savimbi in the
period 1993-1994. The book entitled, Angola's Last Chance for Peace
omitted the role of Jeff Davidow and those operatives from the US
security/diplomatic network that wanted to reward Savimbi for going back
to war after he lost the elections in 1992. This book and the writings of
US specialists on Angola still treat Savimbi as a legitimate leader who
must be brought into the government of Angola. They are still deluded by
the idea that the war in Angola is a "tribal" conflict and without Savimbi
there can be no peace unless Savimbi is in the government. It was this
view that led to those who counseled the Angolan government not to go for
an all out defeat of Savimbi in November 1994.=20

The reality is that the papers from US peace institutes and from the
propagandists for the Pentagon treat Savimbi as a leader who the people of
Angola should tolerate regardless of his present or past criminal acts.=20

The forces that support Savimbi and Pinochet in the USA are the same
forces that prevent the US from signing the treaty for the creation of the
international criminal court. The international human rights lobby that
came together to establish this new legal instrument in July 1998
envisioned a kind of global Nuremberg -- a permanent court where
individuals (such as Jonas Savimbi) accused of atrocities and genocide can
be tried and punished. The meeting establishing the international criminal
court took place in Rome and wrote into international law the fact that it
is a crime "if any military operation begun with the knowledge that such
attack will cause incidental loss of life and injury to civilians." Under
these rules of engagement the military leader in the Balkans who is being
hunted as a war criminal and others who targeted civilians in war would be
tried as war criminals. Under these very same rules Savimbi qualify as a
war criminal.=20

The USA has certainly been active in tracking the generals who are war
criminals in the Balkans but provide no information on the movements of
war criminals in Africa. Is this because the linkages with Savimbi run so
deep in the national security apparatus of the USA.=20

Savimbi is wanted as a war criminal on three grounds:=20

1. the crimes against the Angolan people when he collaborated with the
Portuguese colonialists.=20

2. The crimes against the peoples of the region and against Angolans when
he collaborated with the apartheid military machine to destroy the lives
of hundreds of thousands of Angolans.=20

3. The crimes committed in Kuito, Huambo, Uige and all those cities where
hundreds of thousands died between 1993 and 1994.=20

It is up to the ordinary people of the region to pressure their
governments to put teeth to the sanctions against Savimbi. The USA will
not cut off the supply lines to Savimbi as long as African governments of
SADC continue to allow their citizens to do business with Savimbi. It is
in this respect that the major responsibility for arresting and checking
Savimbi lay with the present government of South Africa.=20

The Defeat of UNITA leads through Pretoria

The present South African government ranks next to the US government as
accomplices in the criminal activities of Savimbi. The intricate
mining/mercenary weapons network that emanate from South Africa to the
hostage territory of Savimbi is well known to those in the old apartheid
networks. Of the more than fifty private airfields from which the supplies
go to UNITA the government has been able to close or cut off more than
half. All of these supply limes must be closed. Those who have served as
peacekeepers in the UN operations know that the South Africans have pride
of place in the UNITA network.=20

The recent announcement that Debeers will no longer buy diamonds from
Angola implicated only one part of the minerals/mining/mercenary network.
Though this step is welcome, there are the cynical who will argue that
this was more a move to control the spiraling supply of diamonds on the
world market, especially in the face of new diamond fields rather than
supporting the people of Angola.=20

The proposed embargo on UNITA diamonds by Debeers will only make sense if
Debeers also cut off buying of UNITA diamonds from as far afield as
Burkina Faso and Tel A Viv. To implement the embargo on UNITA's diamonds
there is need to be able to technically identify Angolan diamonds as
separate from diamonds emanating from the DRC or Central African republic.
The very nature of the global diamond industry, with a global monopoly
buyer(Debeers) and thousands of traders working in both UNITA and MPLA
held areas, makes diamond sanctions very difficult to implement. UNITA
diamonds were and are still heavily traded in DRC/Kinshasa. Mobutu
provided DRC as an outlet for Savimbi. The current government of Kabila
has had little impact on UNITA diamonds from being traded/mixed with DRC
diamonds by Congolese traders. It is known that all diamond deals in
Tshikapa and Mbuji Mayi are tied to the same dealers who are with UNITA.=20

The South African government is well aware of the corrosive nature of the
diamond trade throughout the region of Southern Africa. UNITA is and will
be able to obtain certificates of origin As long as the Angolan economy is
organized for warfare and these elements from the apartheid get rich from
this business, there will be those who want the war to continue. The
reconstruction of the region of Southern Africa demands peace. Those in
South Africa who feel that Savimbi can be brought under control similar to
the weakening of Buthelezi erroneously compare the conditions in South
Africa to Angola. The discussion within the Interstate defense and
Security Committee of the Organ on politics defense and security on
military support for the MPLA is misplaced because this will only
intensify the capabilities of those who make money from war. The view from
the South African foreign ministry that Savimbi can be dealt with is
incorrect and supports the agenda of those who profit from the lucrative
under the counter business of Angola.=20

The very forces that should be advising the government of South Africa on
how to support the incarceration of Savimbi are the ones who would like
the war to continue. For this reason more pressure must come from outside
South Africa so that Thabo Mbeki does not organize another visit of
Savimbi to South Africa. The alternative is for Thabo Mbeki to invite
Savimbi in order to facilitate his arrest. After all South Africa was
present at the SADC heads of state meeting when Savimbi was declared a war
criminal.=20

The complicity of other states of the region, eg Zambia

It is common knowledge in western Zambia that the army and political
thrust of UNITA into Zambia has corroded the fabric of that society. UNITA
as a military formation could not exist without the collaboration of
officials in Zambia at all levels of the government. It is openly
acknowledged that the Government of Angola wanted to carry out a Congo
Brazzaville type military operation in Zambia.  Such an operation would
only have extended the planning and corruption of more officials in
Africa.. The arrest of aircraft and the proper policing of the airspace of
Zambia and the whole SADC region is an operation that the present US
government could support through the United Nations sanctions committee if
there was political will for ending the war in Angola.=20

The fact that planes can leave from as far as Kiev through airports in
East Africa to Zambia without interdiction makes a mockery of the so
called sanctions against Savimbi.=20

The government of Zambia can sit in meetings of SADC and agree to
sanctions because they are aware that nearly all of the other leaders have
diplomats or military personnel who are also on the payroll of Savimbi.
The flexibility of Savimbi in opening new fronts that can escalate in the
whole region was recently demonstrated by the skirmishes in the Caprivi
strip.=20

The role of ordinary persons on the region

The question of peace in the region is too important to be left to
governments. The present escalation of the war and the battles around
Bailundo actually benefits those who sell oil and diamonds for weapons.
This article has focused on the operations of Savimbi because this is the
most important obstacle to peace. Those from the government who want war
have been accused of all kinds of dealings with UNITA in order to extend
the war. These elements must be unmasked by civil society in Angola. Those
from the political wing of UNITA who signed the Lusaka peace accords in
1994 are in Luanda. Former generals of UNITA who have been integrated into
the national army are exposing the linkages. The testimony of Eugenio
Manuvakola on the machinations of Savimbi before, during and after the
signing of the accord should be important evidence in demonstrating that
the present feelers for peace being promoted by Savimbi and his external
supporters are actually part of the strategy to extend the war. The
peoples of Angola were excluded from the Lusaka process and any future
peace accord should take the interest of the ordinary people of Angola
before those of Savimbi and his generals. Current overtures by Savimbi to
sections of the European Union calling for a mini partitioning of Angola
should be exposed.=20

Margaret Anstee attempted to conciliate Savimbi. This effort ended when
Savimbi cast aspersions on her character and the siege of Kuito made it
impossible for any decent person to operate in a capacity to say that they
were mediating peace.=20

Blondin Beye thought that his approach as an African would be more
effective than Anstee but Savimbi used his presence to buy time, retrain
his army and re-equip his forces. When Beye started to move against
Savimbi in West Africa, he lost his life.=20

Savimbi must be neutralized by the organized opposition of decent people
throughout the world. The arrest of Pinochet should point the way. This is
an appeal for the arrest of Savimbi. Peace is a long process that requires
healing in Angola. This process cannot begin as long as Jonas Savimbi
entertain his ambition to be President of Angola. He has demonstrated that
his lust for power will be achieved over the cadaver of millions of
Angolans.=20

It is time that those in collaboration with Savimbi be exposed and
arrested as accessories to crimes against the African people. The task of
building peace from war is a long and slow process. Regional cooperation
between truly democratic peoples in Southern Africa must be the basis for
peace in Angola and the Congo. Peace cannot be left to the United nations
and experts. Potentially, were both Congo and Angola democratic states,
they would be a major force for reconstruction and self development in the
region. Right now, even with their rich potential, the resources are
organized for warfare. It is from the depths of the destruction that has
taken place that the peoples of Angola and the Congo will rise to move to
a new mode of politics beyond militarism.=20

Horace Campbell

October 1999

-30-


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