Hi, Is there any way you could furnish me with the article on Nyerere by Prof. Ayittey and co-writer? I unknowingly deleted it. PLease send it to my e-mail account. Thanks. Cherno B. Jallow Detroit, Michigan >From: Madiba Saidy <[log in to unmask]> >Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list ><[log in to unmask]> >To: [log in to unmask] >Subject: Re: The Burial Of Julius Nyerere >Date: Tue, 26 Oct 1999 12:04:45 -0700 > >Mr. Sallah, > >I'll forward your write-up to Mr. George Ayiteh. > >Cheers, > Madiba. > >On Tue, 26 Oct 1999, foroyaa wrote: > > > Published in FOROYAA of 25-28 October 1999. > > > > > > > > THE BURIAL OF JULIUS NYERERE > > > > The Criticisms and the Facts > > > > On 14 October 1999, Julius Nyerere departed. He was 77 years old and he >died at St Thomas Hospital in London. Many heads of state paid respect to >him. Eventually, his body was flown to Musoma and transported by road to >his home in Butiama for a family burial. > > > > Prior to his burial, critics and admirers utilised all forms of media to >state their various opinions about him. > > > > It is important to emphasise that individuals do not make history. It is >people who build political, economic and social systems. Individuals can >influence the history makers either by giving them inspiration and clarity >to ensure that they carve a destiny under the sun that can guarantee them >liberty in prosperity or serve to fetter their awareness and thus deprive >them of the ability to be the architects of their own destiny. Individuals >can either be part of the problem or part of the solution. > > > > Hence, if we want to judge Nyerere fairly, we must identify his proper >place in the struggle for the liberation of the African people to achieve >liberty, dignity and prosperity. > > > > We must, therefore, ask the question: Was Nyerere part of the problem or >part of the solution? In order to answer this question, we must enter into >dialogue with Nyerere. Unfortunately for many critics, like one Dr George >B.N. Ayiteh, a Ghanaian Associate Professor of Economics at American >University, Washington DC, and Ludovick Shirama, a Tanzanian and Research >Assistant at the Free Africa Foundation, Washington D.C., history is >interpreted without relying on the facts which provide for its basis. > > > > To them, the Nyereres and the Kwame Nkrumahs constituted the problem of >Africa and were not part of the solution. They do not see society in its >process of change and development, but see reality as fixed+ADs- concepts >which lack contextual framework. Consequently, they could easily pass >judgment after assuming the posture of prosecutor, judge and jury. > > > > It is, therefore, important to revisit African history and put the facts >in their proper context. In order to do that, we must also contextualise >the history of the world. Those who focus on Africa without focusing on the >world outside of Africa at each given historical period can neither >understand Africa nor the world. > > > > It is very important to bear in mind that liberation has been a process. >It started with a process of identity formation with many Pan African >Congresses being held. The Fifth Pan African Congress of 1945 laid the >basis for the national liberation struggle which culminated in the >attainment of political independence of most African countries in the >1960s. > > > > While the African peoples were struggling for independence, the >colonialists were struggling to impose their domination. They imposed >monarchies on the African people and were ready to go to war to maintain >their domination. It stands to reason that the will of the people could not >be the determinant of African Governments under colonialism. Colonialism >was a fetter to democracy and progress. Hence, the establishment of >democratic states was inconceivable as long as colonialism existed. Hence, >those who were the architects of African independence achieved the first >stage of the liberation of the African people, that is, liberation from >colonial domination. > > > > Once liberation was achieved, the African governments were confronted >with the task of economic emancipation and the establishment of governments >which will give authority to the people and ensure that authority derived >from the people is utilised to achieve their aims and aspirations. > > > > The problem which these early liberators faced should be fully >understood before they could be properly judged. Take the two people we >mentioned, who claim that stadia, streets and all sorts of monuments were >erected in the name of the Nyereres and the Kwame Nkrumahs. Yet they are >writing their analysis from Washington D.C. forgetting that monuments, >capitals, streets of all sorts are named after the Washingtons, the Thomas >Jeffersons. They, who may be students of American government, could have >read about concepts like Jeffersonian Democracy+ADs- yet history teaches us >that George Washington was opposed to the establishment of many parties in >the United States and refused to continue leading when it was clear that a >multiparty system was emerging. > > > > Suffice it to say, he was never directly elected by the people, but was >elected by an Electoral College for two terms, yet he is considered the >father of the American nation and his memory is celebrated everywhere in >the United States. > > > > Needless to say, George Washington owned slaves. The same thing with >Thomas Jefferson, who was the author of the famous Declaration of American >Independence. Kwame Nkrumah and Nyerere never owned slaves. However, >history permits us to judge George Washington and Thomas Jefferson in a >good light for having struggled for the liberation of America according to >the limit set by their time and circumstances. If we judge them outside the >bounds of their times and circumstances, we will begin to question their >greatness for he or she who transforms one's fellow human being into a >slave cannot be considered to be a defender of liberty and humanity. > > > > We must say at the time that the Kwame Nkrumahs and Nyereres were >fighting for independence, people in Germany were just emerging from >fascism and were trying to redefine their own identity. The Fourth Republic >in France also came into being in 1945 and in the elections for a National >Assembly women in France voted for the first time. > > > > History teaches that De Gaulle resigned as President in January 1946 >because of his disagreement with the Assembly. De Gaulle opposed the new >constitution which did not provide him with the strong executive powers he >wanted to assume. A bloody war was imposed on the Algerian people by France >and the French army which was being defeated in Algeria in 1958 rebelled >and threatened to overthrow the government unless De Gaulle was called back >to power. History teaches us that de Gaulle became Prime Minister and >imposed emergency powers in France for six months. He also gave birth to a >new constitution which gave him greater powers and the powers of parliament >were reduced. In December 1958, an Electoral College elected De Gaulle as >President to a 7 year term. > > > > When De Gaulle was imposing his absolute power on the French people by >the threats of arms, Kwame Nkrumah was organising in 1958 conferences of >independent African states in April, 1958 and all-African peoples >conferences comprising liberation movements and political parties >throughout the continent to prepare the ground for the total liberation of >the African continent from colonialism. > > > > De Gaulle is, however, seen as a great leader by the French people. >However, our Dr George Ayiteh wants to consign the Nkrumahs and the >Nyereres to the camp of political bandits who robbed Africa of a future. > > > > They say in their paper that it is criminally irresponsible for people >to accord the Nkrumahs and Nyereres the respect that is being given to them >by those who knew their contributions. We must assert that nothing can be >more criminally irresponsible than to give the impression that the Kwames >and the Nyereres were enemies of Africa without comparing their >contribution with those who were the original inspirers of liberation >movements in other countries or comparing them with other leaders of their >times. > > > > In order to understand the Kwame Nkrumahs, the nyereres and Lumumbas, >one must understand the type of world that existed in the late 1950s and >early 1960s. It was a world of covert and overt actions to suppress the >colonised peoples from achieving liberation. It was a world of terror+ADs- >a world of plots+ADs- a world of sinister plans to promote the selfish >interests of those who controlled the world economy. They had >disinformation at their services to be able to manipulate the minds of the >people who were struggling for liberation. > > > > In 1958, when Kwame Nkrumah was transforming Ghana to be a bridgehead >for the total liberation of the African Continent, the Ku Klux Klan reigned >in the United States. Black people could not ride the same buses with white >people. They could not sit in the restaurants or drink from the same water >fountain. In fact, Mrs Rosa Parks' defiance of the City's Segregation >Ordinance of Montgomery, Alabama led to a trial and conviction. > > > > Kennedy is seen as a saint. However, he presided over a nation where the >Ku Klux Klan murdered black people with impunity. U.S. Congress served the >humiliating role of debating whether to pass legislations outlawing >discrimination on the basis of race. > > > > In short, whilst Kennedy was the President of the United States, there >were laws which barred black people from holding certain employment in the >conduct of voter registration and access to public accommodation. Police >dogs, batons, suppression of all sorts followed the civil rights protest >movement. > > > > The world in which Kwame and Nyerere lived when they assumed office was >a world where people in the North and South were all kept ignorant. They >did not know what democratic rights were. All of them worshipped their >leaders. Narrow nationalism was the order of the day, and each nation was >trying to impose its power on the world. > > > > The task which confronted the Nkrumahs and Nyereres were two-fold. How >to quickly deliver economic prosperity to a marginalised people who were >kept completely ignorant under colonialism and had no sense of nationhood, >but were in fact divided into tribal groupings and were living under local >authorities who behaved like monarchs above them. > > > > How was democracy to be brought to such a people? By declaration from >above? Clearly, the task was a great one and required the decolonisation of >minds. > > > > Furthermore, how were they to build independent national economies when >colonialism had reduced their individual countries into cocoa producers, >groundnut producers, tea producers and importers of everything else. They >were confronted with a situation where the colonialists had not created any >avenue for the local population to become owners of capital so as to invest >in a local economy. > > > > On the contrary, it was the colonial multinational corporations which >controlled imports and exports, mines, plantations and industrial >establishments. What could such people do to create a national economy? >This was the rationale behind nationalization ventures, be they ill-fated >or not. If one studies the economies of Taiwan, of Singapore, one would see >that the state intervened in all these countries because of the lack of >wealthy capitalists who would take control of the productive enterprises of >their economies. > > > > Our Dr George Ayiteh talks about economic failures. It seems that he has >not read Nkrumah who declared from the very beginning that all African >governments were going to fail if they failed to build a union of African >states. He told them that all their economies were controlled by >multinational corporations which controlled mines, factories, communication >networks, all the institutions which make a nation economically viable, and >that individual economies would not be able to compete with these >multinational corporations. They would invest where they want to invest and >deprive countries which they want to deprive. No wonder foreign direct >investment of 90 billion dollars in 1997 which went to developing >countries, only 2 million went to Africa. > > > > Hence, what has happened in Tanzania constituted mere coping strategies >in the face of economic domination by the former colonial masters. > > > > So-called intellectuals like Dr George Ayiteh have the responsibility of >examining this net in which Africa finds itself and come up with ideas >which can facilitate the liberation of the African continent rather than >engage in this empty quackery which those who controlled us yesterday still >occupy us with, thus depriving us of being the architects of our own >destiny. > > > > Kwame Nkrumah had indicated that the economic Commission for Africa >should have been the depository of research findings and should have been >the embodiment of the highest intellectual standard that could be produced >on the African Continent+ADs- that it could have mobilised African >intellectuals who would be able to continuously provide knowledge and >guidance for the development of the African Continent. > > > > The circumstances which surrounded these people limited their own >contributions not because they did not have the heart and the vision to >contribute every ounce of their strength for the liberation of the African >Continent. We, therefore, recognise the honourable aspirations and our >heart cries with them that they have gone to their graves without seeing >them fulfilled. > > > > However, as Lumumba said, the history of Africa must be re-written. We >can assure them that a new generation is emerging which will never be found >guilty of not empowering the people+ADs- a new generation which will >eradicate the conception that the people need political messiahs in order >to attain liberation+ADs- a new generation which will teach the people that >they are their own saviours+ADs- that the role of leaders is to provide >them with knowledge, clarity so that they will know where they are going >and how to get there+ADs- a generation which will not only be satisfied in >establishing systems where people will determine their manner of >government, but will also give them power to participate in the >administrative life of their societies by forming village committees which >will take part in planning projects, developments of all sorts, as well as >monitor the finances, the resources, the tendering and the implementation >of those very projects on their behalf. > > > > We will come back to this very analysis of the economic strategy that >Kwame Nkrumah had which was foiled in another analysis. > > > > For the purpose of paying our respect to Nyerere, it is important to do >what we said should be done, that is, to engage in a dialogue with him. > > > > > > ON LEADERSHIP > > > > +ACI-Let me emphasize that this leadership I am now talking about does >not imply control, any more than it implies bullying or intimidating >people. A good leader will explain, teach, and inspire. In an ujamaa >village he will do more+ADs- he will lead by doing. He is in front of the >people, showing them what can be done, guiding them, and encouraging them. >But he is with them. You do not lead people by being so far in front or so >theoretical in your teaching that the people cannot see what you are doing >or saying. You do not lead people by yapping at their heels like a dog >herding cattle. You can lead the people only by being one of them, by just >being more active as well as more thoughtful, and more willing to teach as >well as more willing to learn from them and others.+ACI- > > > > This is what Nyerere said on 1 January 1968 at a seminar organised by >university students. Now, may we ask: Can this be the words of a tyrant? > > > > > > NYERERE ON FREEDOM > > > > +ACI-And equally, it is impossible for one people to free another >people, or even to defend the freedom of another people. Freedom won for a >people by outsiders is lost to those outsiders, however good their >intentions, or however much the outsiders had desired to free their >oppressed brothers. That is the nature of freedom+ADs- it has to be won, >and protected, by those who desire it. > > > > +ACI-Of course others can help a people who are struggling for >freedom+ADs- they can give refuge, facilities for action, and they can give >moral and diplomatic support to an oppressed people. But no group or nation >- however powerful - can make another group or another nation free. The >struggle must be waged by those who expect to benefit from it. If the >persecuted and the oppressed have really been denied their human rights, >and if there really is no peaceful means of progress available to them, >then they have the right to demand of the rest of us that we should support >their struggle - and not join their oppressors on the grounds of >maintaining peace. But we cannot replace their struggle, and we should not >try. For if we do so we are not trying to free our brother+ADs- we are >simply trying to replace one oppression by a different one. It may be less >harsh, it may take different forms+ADs- but it will not mean freedom for >those who now lack it.+ACI- > > > > Now, may we ask: Can someone who wanted to be a megalomaniac utter such >statements. > > > > > > NYERERE ON HUMAN RIGHTS > > > > +ACI-There is a continuing need for an extension of human rights >throughout the world+ADs- that surely is incontrovertible. We cannot rest >where we are because some of us are comfortable or content. Those of us who >are free to develop ourselves and our nation have no right to demand that >the oppressed, the victims of discrimination, the starving, and the >persecuted, should acquiesce in their present condition. If we do make such >a demand we are ourselves becoming their prosecutors and their oppressors. >The peace which exists while such human conditions prevail is neither >secure nor justifiable. We have no right to be patient with the wrongs >suffered by others. > > > > +ACI-Yet peace is of vital importance to us all+ADs- social change and >the improvement of the human condition must, therefore be made possible by >other means - means which do not involve killing and destruction. For we do >have a right to demand of our fellow human beings that they should secure >change by peaceful means if these are open to them. We do have a right to >demand that those who seek change should use every opportunity which exists >for peaceful change, even if this appears to mean the slower progress of >adapting the society in which they live rather than the excitement of >pulling it down upon the bodies of all - including themselves. We must >insist upon this. But if every avenue of peaceful change has been >closed+ADs- if people are made outcasts in their own society, and denied >any possibility of securing change through participation - do we then have >any right to demand our peace at the price of their slavery?+ACI- > > > > +ACI-Surely peace under such circumstances is neither to be expected, >nor to be justified? > > > > +ACI-This recognition of the ultimate paramountcy of human rights if not >a justification for national interventionism, nor a call for some people to >attempt to free other peoples. No nation has the right to make decisions >for another nation+ADs- no people for another people. Some of us, like >Tanzania, may fervently believe in a socialist organisation of our society >as being both morally right and economically practicable. Others may >believe equally fervently in capitalism, or in Communism. But none of us >could or should, assume that what we have decided to be right for ourselves >must automatically be right for others. For the truth is that it is what a >people want for themselves at a particular time which is right for >them+ADs- no one else is justified in trying to impose a different way of >life.+ACI- > > > > > > NYERERE ON JUSTICE AND ACCOUNTABILITY OF GOVERNMENTS > > > > +ACI-Yet I wonder if there is any country in the world where it can be >truly said that no citizen is ever humiliated by the agents of this >government, and no injustice is ever perpetrated against the people? I >certainly could not make such a claim for Tanzania. In fact, I believe that >all of us, everywhere, have to wage a constant struggle to support the >supremacy of the people. We have to be constantly vigilant to ensure that >the people are not used by the individuals to whom they have entrusted >power, and are neither stifled by bureaucracy and inefficiency, nor misled >by their own ignorance.+ACI- > > > > > > NYERERE ON PEOPLE-CENTRED DEVELOPMENT > > > > +ACI-.... a man (woman) is developing himself (herself) when he (she) >grows, or earns, enough to provide decent conditions for himself (herself) >and his (her) family+ADs- he (she) is not being developed if someone gives >him (her) these things. A man (woman) is developing himself (herself) when >he (she) improves his (her) education - whatever he (she) learns about+ADs- >he (she) is not being developed if he (she) simply carries out orders from >someone better educated than himself (herself) without understanding why >those orders have been given. A man (woman) develops himself (herself) by >joining in free discussion of a new venture, and participating in the >subsequent decision+ADs- he (she) is not being developed if he (she) is >herded like an animal into the new venture. Development of a man (woman) >can, in fact, only be effected by that man (woman), development of the >people can only be effected by the people.+ACI- > > > > > > NYERERE ON THE ESSENCE OF LIBERATION > > > > +ACI-For what do we mean when we talk of freedom/ First, there is >national freedom+ADs- that is, the ability of the citizens of Tanzania to >determine their own future, and to govern themselves without interference >from non-Tanzanians. Second, there is freedom from hunger, disease, >poverty. And third, there is personal freedom for the individual+ADs- that >is, his (her) right to live in dignity and equality with all other, his >(her) right to freedom of speech, freedom to participate in the making of >all decisions which affect his (her) life, and freedom from arbitrary >arrest because he (she) happens to annoy someone in authority - and so on. >All these things are aspects of freedom, and the citizens of Tanzania >cannot be said to be truly free until all of them are assured.+ACI- > > > > > > NYERERE ON DEMOCRACY > > > > +ACI-There are, however, two essential elements of democracy without >which it cannot work. First, is that everyone must be allowed to speak >freely, and everyone must be listened to. It does not matter how unpopular >a man's (woman) ideas, or how mistaken the majority think him (her). It >does not make any difference whether he (she) is liked or disliked for his >(her) personal qualities. Every Tanzanian, every member of a community, >every member of a district council, every member of parliament, and so on, >must have the freedom to speak without fear of intimidation - either inside >or outside the meeting place. The majority in any debate must have the >right to speak without fear of persecution+ADs- it must be defeated in >argument, not by threat of force. The debates leading to a decision must be >free debates. And even after a decision has been made free discussion about >it should be allowed to continue.+ACI- > > > > Secondly, Nyerere also wrote: +ACI-Discipline must exist in every aspect >of our lives. And it must be willingly accepted discipline. For it is an >essential part of both freedom and development. The greater freedom which >comes from working together, and achieving things by cooperation which none >of us could achieve alone, is, only possible if there is disciplined >acceptance of joint decisions.... > > > > +ACI-Yet provided decisions are made after free and friendly discussion, >and by majority will, the essential discipline should be freely accepted, >and should in fact, be largely self discipline.... > > > > +ACI-An ujamaa village is a voluntary association of people who decide >of their own free will to live together and work together for their common >good. They, and no one else, will decide how much of their land they will >cultivate together from the beginning, and how much they will cultivate >individually. They, and no one else will decide how to use the money they >earn jointly - whether to buy an ox-plough, install water, or do something >else. They, and no one else, will make all the decisions about their >working and living arrangements.+ACI- > > > > We can go on and on to show the honourable aspirations of the earlier >pioneers of the national liberation struggle. We now challenge Dr George >Ayiteh and Ludovick Sherima to give us examples in Africa of leaders who >have made success of their countries. Menghistu called himself a Marxist. >Mobutu, a capitalist+ADs- a capitalist, but both maintained tyranny over >their people. This shows that the classification of leaders into Marxists >and capitalists is all meaningless. Claims and practices do not necessarily >amount to the same things. > > > > What is clear is that these two people cannot give us examples in Ghana >of people who have done more to enlighten the African people to be the >architects of their own destiny than Kwame Nkrumah. We challenge them to >prove us wrong. Ghana served as the bridgehead for the liberation of the >African continent. Tanzania served as a bridgehead for the liberation of >the peoples in Southern Africa. This is incontrovertible and no one has >done more to educate the African people to become the architects of their >own destiny in Southern Africa than Nyerere. > > > > The problem is that African scholars are reading the works of those who >have plagiarized what has been written by many pioneers of the national >liberation movement and who are critics of them instead of going back to >the source. It is better to remove the books produced by Kwame, Nyerere, >Frantz Fanon, Cabral and so on and so forth from the dusty shelves and read >them with sincerity and honesty. > > > > We hope that the person who has posted the article produced by Dr Ayiteh >and Ludovick Shirama would also post them our article and tell them that we >are ready to engage in polemics. They can show their acceptance by doing a >critique of what we have just published. > > > > > > > > HALIFA SALLAH > > > > > >---------------------------------------------------------------------------- > >To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L >Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html > >---------------------------------------------------------------------------- > ______________________________________________________ Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html ----------------------------------------------------------------------------