Mr. Jallow, I subscribe to your views. Thanks. Saul >From: chernob jallow <[log in to unmask]> >Reply-To: The Gambia and related-issues mailing list ><[log in to unmask]> >To: [log in to unmask] >Subject: Re: Some useful comments/observations >Date: Sun, 14 Nov 1999 04:16:31 PST > >Let me reveal this: Ebrima Cessay and I are very good friends and former >colleagues at the Daily Observer. There, we enjoyed a good working >relationship, and endured some excruciating pain - of a malady afflicting >many an African journalist, struggling to be free and honest in a political >environment well-marinated in authoritarianism. Our bad experiences with >the >Jammeh regime brought, and continue to bring, us closer together. >Oftentimes, our views do share a lot in common. > >However, I do not agree with some of his arguments in his comparative >assessement of the good of civilian as opposed to the bad of military, rule >in The Gambia. While the central idea of his article has some tangibility, >it may not be churlish to say that his arguments do not follow the guided >accuracy of thoughtfulness and careful scrutiny. Ebrima is certainly right >that there now exists a modicum of liberalism that was absent during the >transitional period. This liberalism is a consequence of the tender mercies >of civilianism, not Jammeh's own making. > >True, time was during the transition, when military despotism held captive >our society's political imagination. Our nation was gripped by the >psychological trauma of the mysterious deaths of former finance minister >Ousman Koro Ceesay and former AFPRC spokesman Sadibou Hydara. And the >November 11, 1994 "counter coup" in which a crop of officers of the Gambia >National Army perished. And the human rights violations. And the rampant >soldier-beatings in the streets. As a reporter roving the neighbourhoods, I >chanced upon numerous cases of soldiers taking the law into their own hands >and bullying innocent civilians. > >In front of the Daily Observer building - a newspaper house! - I once saw >an >army seargent come out of his car, wrestled a bicyclist on the ground and >hurled him numerous slaps. His only crime, after I investigated the >incident, was that he had simply crossed the driveway of the army seargent. >In an another incident, I saw three young men lying on the floor inside the >NIA headquarters, being trampled upon and kicked by a phalanx of NIA >agents. >When I tried to investigate the matter with the NIA, I was also meted out >the same punishment, dragged all the way to a detention room. > >Ebrima is right about the dangers inherent in the transitional period. M.C. >Cham and others couldn't travel in those days, O .A Jallow couldn't >challenge the constitutionality or lack of, the decrees of the military >regime. The liberalism now enjoyed, according to Ebrima, is making all >these >people do what they couldn't during the transition. He said he saw M.C. >Cham >at the airport the other day, traveling to The Gambia? > >Evidently M.C Cham can now travel, but what about the deputy secretary >general of the UDP Yaya Jallow? He has not been able to travel overseas to >see his children because the authorities reportedly hold his passport. And >those of his colleagues, too. The AFPRC clamped down on the press, fired >judges at will, violated human rights with impunity during the transition, >and the same excesses are being perpetuated in the Second Republic. > >Ebrima sounds very apocalyptic about the uncertainties of the transitional >period. But it is not as if The Gambia were enveloped in Cimmerian >darkness. >It is not as if the AFPRC were a sickly-famished bear lying in wait in the >woods, ready to devour any unsuspecting stranger. And it is not as if the >Gambian people willingly submitted themselves to the bestiality of the >AFPRC. They crafted ways of expressing their feelings and guarded whatever >was left of their few freedoms and liberties. > >Never mind the despotism of the transitional period, it arguably had some >semblance of positivity that the "liberalised authoritarianism" has not >given us. During the transition, Gambian optimism was heightened by Jammeh, >who rode to power on a crest wave of national euphoria. He mulled the idea >of presidential term-limits so that no other person could rule us >perpetually like Jawara. He promised a new era of accountability, >transparency and probity. He promised to respect press freedom. He promised >that he and his council members would face commissions of inquiry in a bid >to show exemplary conduct of accountability and transparency. At least, >Jammeh sounded a democrat during the transition, and Gambian hopes were >buoyed by his promissory declarations. Which, in itself, was arguably a >healthy lubricant in the functioning of our body politic in those tense >moments. > >But civilian rule has meant nothing in this regard. Jammeh's contempt for >democracy is openly displayed. He has not actualized his promises. He said >commissioners who didn't support his government risked dismissal. And as if >ordered to emphasise Jammeh's warning in trenchant tones, Youths and Sports >Minister Yankuba Touray, told an APRC rally that Gambian civil servants >were >to bestow total allegiance on the APRC government or risked joining the >firing line. > >So, in both the transitional period and current-day, we observe the >prevalence of the good and the bad in each case. But if we focus too much >on >this dichotomy, we are bound to lend absurdity to our rationality. >Examining >the political undercurrents of the transitional period and its aftermath in >a broader perspective, enables us to go beyond polarizing specifics and >concentrate on the totality of the military coup and its concomitants. > >What "liberalised authoritarianism"? To what extent has it translated into >the greater good for Gambian society? It means little or nothing as long as >this modicum of liberalism is the handiwork of institutional framework, not >necessarily the free-will offering of an unreformed, unchecked leadership. >All good governments are grounded in the sacredness of accountability and >transparency to its citizenry. And the primary function of any government >is >to protect the liberties and freedoms of its citizens. But where a >government is more powerful than its citizens, refuses to be accountable >and >transparent, refuses to reform itself, the presence of any liberalism, >however scanty, remains only a facade, not a reality enshrined in the >collective conscience of the leaders and the led. That is the sad reality >about The Gambia. > >Ebrima says that Gambians voted for Jammeh simply for the fear that his >defeat would have caused "turmoil." That is preposterous to me. But if >that's indeed the reason for voting Jammeh into power, then woe betide us. >In my opinion, Jammeh was voted president not because his defeat would have >triggered unrest, but out of mass gullibility and ignorance, a political >culture that Jawara bequeathed to Jammeh. And which, Jammeh - perhaps >irremediably, but certainly willingly - shoved deeper down the arteries of >our nation's political psyche, much to his advantage. The tragedy >continues... > >Coach, no hard feelings, man. Just trying to speak my mind. Thanks for the >article. At least, it is generating a healthy debate. > >Cherno Baba Jallow >Wayne State University >Detroit, MI > >From: Abdoulaye Saine <[log in to unmask]> > >>Reply-To: [log in to unmask] >>To: [log in to unmask] >>Subject: Re: Some useful comments/observations >>Date: Sat, 13 Nov 1999 18:26:21 -0500 >> >>Ebrima Ceesay, Musa Jeng, Jabou Joh, Bakary Sonko, Katim Touray and >>Saiks Samateh: >> >>The ongoing debate is healthy and I commend you and all those who >>responded to my earlier posting "It is Time To Heal." I have compiled >>the responses to the posting and will provide a summary of the various >>comments and suggestions. >> >>Regarding "some useful comments/ observations" by Ebrima Ceesay, I could >>not agree more with his analysis. John Wiseman and I have made similar >>comments elsewhere. Wiseman, who is British, has written a lot on >>Gambia. It is this "opening" in Gambia's political landscape that we >>must use as an entry point. We can debate the modalities later. Ebrima, >>keep up the good "comparative" analysis! >> >>Abdoulaye Saine >> >>Keep up the Good work! >> >>Abdoulaye >> >> >>ebrima ceesay wrote: >> > >> > Gambia L, >> > >> > As I stated in a previous posting to the L, I am not holding a brief >>for >>Mr >> > Jammeh on this matter. >> > >> > However, for the sake of a healthy debate, I'll react to the >>points/concerns >> > raised by brothers Musa Jeng and Saiks Samateh. >> > >> > But before giving my reaction, I must say that for me it is very >>encouraging >> > to observe that the Gambian mind has now become more fact-finding, more >> > cross-questioning and more empirical. >> > >> > Gambians are now, more than before, asking very relevant questions, >> > listening more attentively, and dissecting issues more carefully, in >>order >> > to be in a better position to discern the truth from the sham. >> > >> > It is also refreshing to observe on the L, nowadays, that despite our >> > differences in thoughts and beliefs, we are now beginning to debate in >>a >> > more healthy manner. That's very reassuring, and we certainly need to >> > maintain the habit. >> > >> > Henceforth, let us try and listen to each other's views, even if one >>does >> > not subscribe to such views. Tolerating your opponent's views, if I may >>put >> > that way, does no harm to you, of course, provided that such views are >> > expressed respectfully. >> > >> > In fact, I am reminded, at this point, of what the celebrated African >> > American scholar, William E.B Du Bois, said in one his numerous >>speeches. >> > >> > To paraphrase it, he said that in order to get to the facts, it was >> > necessary that we listened to not only what we believed, but also what >>we >> > did not believe. >> > >> > Now, let me try and respond to the issues raised by Saiks and Mr Jeng. >> > >> > In my piece titled, "Some useful comments/observations", I had made the >> > following statement: "That the fundamental question to be asked now, in >>my >> > view, is whether a badly flawed transition was preferable to a >>continuation >> > of undiluted military rule." >> > >> > I had concluded as follows: "That in my view, and in the view of many >> > observers of the Gambia's political scene, in spite of all its >> > imperfections, the change did mark a limited movement away from >>military >> > dictatorship and toward a kind of 'liberalised authoritarianism'." >> > >> > Now, Mr Jeng wanted me "to revisit the thought process behind the >>phrase." >> > >> > Semantic aside, he also asked me whether the people are better of with >>one >> > or the other. Lastly, he asked me whether both "could lead to the same >> > political doldrums and socio-economic backwardness." >> > >> > First of all, let me say that phrases/terms such as pure >>authoritarianism, >> > liberalised authoritarianism etc are used in Comparative Politics. >> > >> > There is more to these terms, but to simplify them, I would say pure >> > authoritarianism, as the name implies, is absolute dictatorship and >> > liberalised authoritarianism is still a dictatorship, but where people >>can >> > make limited criticism. >> > >> > Mr Jeng, in my view, both liberalised authoritarianism and total >> > dictatorship are all cruel systems which ought to be dismantled. No >>people >> > deserve either of the two, because both systems are repressive. >> > >> > However, permit me to try and explain why I said that a badly flawed >> > transition in the Gambian situation, in my view, was preferable to a >> > continuation of undiluted military rule. >> > >> > Here, I must tell Saiks that I didn't imply that there was a >>significant >> > difference between the Gambia during the transition period and now. I >>am >> > aware of the injustices, the corruption etc in our Nation. I know that >>our >> > Nation is still bleeding and only God knows what can save her. >> > >> > But, in my view, there were certain barbaric acts, permissible when the >> > Gambia was under undiluted military rule, that cannot be permitted or >> > tolerated now. >> > >> > I maintain that Jammeh's hands, as I stated before, are a little bit >>tied, >> > now that he is a so-called civilian leader. Yes, as Saiks rightly >>pointed >> > out, the opposition parties and the Gambian civil society are >>determined >>to >> > see to it that their fundamental rights and freedoms are not trampled >>upon. >> > >> > But the transitional arrangements, as bad as they were, have provided >>the >> > basis on which the opposition parties and the Gambian civil society can >>now >> > challenge the "unlawful arrest, detention and torture" Saiks is talking >> > about. >> > >> > Today, Lamin Waa Juwara, for instance, can criticise Jammeh, on a daily >> > basis, and Jammeh will think twice, perhaps even three times, before >> > ordering for the arrest of Waa Juwara, not because Jammeh is afraid of >>Waa >> > Juwara, but because there is a legal frame in place restricting Jammeh. >> > >> > The new Constitution, as seriously flawed as it is, has restrained Mr >>Jammeh >> > a little bit. Saiks talked about the kidnapping of Shyngle Nyassi. >> > >> > Now, if the Gambia was still under undiluted military rule, Shyngle >>will >> > never have been released, and there would not have been any basis on >>which >> > his illegal detention could have been challenged. >> > >> > When the Gambia was under undiluted military rule, the junta had >>enacted >>a >> > Decree, nullifying writs of Habeas Corpus. >> > >> > Habeas Corpus is a writ requiring a person under arrest, or >>imprisonment, to >> > be brought before a judge in a court of law, to investigate the >>legality >>of >> > his arrest and detention. >> > >> > Now, during the transition period, when the Gambia was under undiluted >> > military, Lamin Waa Juwara was kidnapped by the regime, and detained >>for >> > over a year. Amnesty International, the Gambia's Development Partners, >>the >> > Gambian civil society had all urged Jammeh to release Waa Juwara, but >>to >>no >> > avail. >> > >> > However, this time around when Shyngle Nyassi was kidnapped, the >> > transitional arrangements, as flawed as they were, provided the basis >>on >> > which Nyassi's kidnapping can be challenged in a court of law. >> > >> > And when the Judge ordered the security forces to release him, they had >>to >> > do so, I am sure, against their desire, but they had no choice. >> > >> > The transitional arrangements, as bad as they were, have also provided >>a >> > National Assembly, where critical discussions of public concerns can >>now >> > take place. >> > >> > Yes, the Speaker of the House, Mustapha Wadda, is partisan and has, in >>fact, >> > used the powers of his office to block critical motions. >> > >> > But in an effort to get around this obstacle, opposition MPs, >>especially >>the >> > MP of my constituency, Hamat Bah, having been making the most of the >> > adjournment debates that occur at the end of each assembly session, and >> > during which MPs may raise any issue they choose. >> > >> > Here I must point out that while these debates do not allow the >>introduction >> > of new motions, or the questioning of Secretaries of State, they do, >> > notwithstanding, provide a public forum for the criticism of >>government's >> > policies and actions. >> > >> > Hamat Bah has been using this platform very effectively. >> > >> > >From outside, it would be difficult to see any difference between the >>Gambia >> > then and now, but those of us who were on the ground during time when >> > decrees were being used to govern us would dare to say that a badly >>flawed >> > transition was preferable to a continuation of undiluted military rule! >> > >> > Again, I'll not hesitate to repeat that, in my view, in spite of all >>its >> > imperfections, the change did mark a LIMITED movement away from >>absolute >> > dictatorship and toward a kind of a less harsher dictatorship, call it >> > liberalised authoritarianism or whatever. >> > >> > One does not have to agree with me. In fact, why should he/she? But >>having >> > said that I know, for a fact, that my views are in line with present >>day >> > research on the Gambia. >> > >> > In conclusion, I must say that some people are yet to realise how >>DELICATE >> > and volatile the transition period in the Gambia was. >> > >> > Many people don't still know that during the transition period, the >>Gambia >> > could have easily become another Liberia, if we did not have people >>like >> > Halifa Sallah, who could always come up, at the right time, with >>appropriate >> > crisis management mechanisms, to diffuse a potential crisis. >> > >> > The situation was also helped by the fact that Jammeh, in the end, did >>win >> > the election. At one point, the tension was so high and frightening, >> > especially the week before the presidential election, that I, for one, >>had >> > thought that an unrest was inevitable! >> > >> > I remember a senior diplomat telling me and Mick Slatter, the BBC >> > correspondent who came to cover the presidential election, that for the >>sake >> > of the continued peace and stability of the Gambia, he wanted Jammeh to >>win >> > the election. >> > >> > This particular diplomat never liked Jammeh, whether his person or his >> > policies, but having read the political situation in the Gambia at the >>time, >> > he said if he were to vote in the election, he would vote for Jammeh >>not >> > because he subscribed to his policies, but because Jammeh's victory >>would >> > ensure the continued peace and stability of the Gambia. >> > >> > Yes, there is no dispute about the fact that the electoral process was >> > extremely flawed, and it gave Jammeh massive advantages. But despite >>the >> > unfairness of the electoral process, the opposition could have still >>won >>the >> > election if the voters were sure that electing the UPD, for example, >>would >> > not have caused an unrest in the country if you know what I mean. >> > >> > The electoral process was seriously flawed, but I sincerely believe >>that >>the >> > actual counting of votes was free. People were fed with military rule, >>and >> > they definitely wanted a change. >> > >> > In fact, I, for one, am certain that under normal circumstances, the >> > opposition would have won the presidential election, even regardless of >>the >> > fact the electoral process was badly flawed. >> > >> > But many voters decided, when saw the kind of tension that was brewing >>in >> > the country, days before the presidential election, to vote for Jammeh >>for >> > the sake of the continued peace, stability and tranquility of the >>country. >> > >> > Now, to understand the logic behind this change of heart by many voters >>who >> > intended to vote for the opposition, I must recall a significant >>statement >> > Darboe made during campaign period. >> > >> > He had said that if he won the election, the junta would have to >>account >>for >> > their actions, during the transition period, despite the indemnity >>clauses >> > in the new Constitution. That statement frighten the Ruling Military >> > Council. >> > >> > And after Darboe uttered that statement, it was very clear to me, >>especially >> > having listened to some of the remarks Captain Yankuba Touray was >>making, >> > that the junta would have never handed over power if Darboe won. >> > >> > This was the period when Yankuba was announcing at rallies that Jammeh >>would >> > win whether the electorate voted for him or not. >> > >> > What is clear is that many voters who did not want to see our country >> > engulfed in turmoil, decided, at the 11th hour, to vote for Jammeh >>because, >> > in their view, Jammeh's victory would guarantee the continued peace and >> > stability of the Gambia. >> > >> > Mr Jeng, coming to your question on whether both liberalised >> > authoritarianism and total military dictatorship could lead to the same >> > political doldrums and socio-economic backwardness, I'll give you a >>very >> > strong YES answer. To be continued whenever time permits me. >> > >> > And next time I write on this subject, I'll explain why Jammeh and >>Captain >> > Edward Singhateh, even though they may not necessarily be the best of >> > friends, are still working together very closely. >> > >> > That's why I always laugh at reports that do surface, from time to >>time, >> > that Jammeh is about to sack or arrest Singhateh. >> > >> > I remember a week or so before Captain Ebou Jallow defected to >>Washington >> > DC, he met me AFRA FM on Kairaba Avenue, he then was overseeing the >>Ministry >> > of External (Blaise Jagne was away), and he started lamenting about >> > Singhateh, especially his behaviour in the then ruling council >>meetings. >> > >> > Ebrima Ceesay, >> > Birmingham, UK. >> > >> > ______________________________________________________ >> > Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com >> > >> > >>---------------------------------------------------------------------------- >> > >> > To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the >>Gambia-L >> > Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html >> > >> > >>---------------------------------------------------------------------------- >> >>---------------------------------------------------------------------------- >> >>To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L >>Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html >> >>---------------------------------------------------------------------------- >> > >______________________________________________________ >Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com > >---------------------------------------------------------------------------- > >To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L >Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html > >---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ______________________________________________________ Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- To unsubscribe/subscribe or view archives of postings, go to the Gambia-L Web interface at: http://maelstrom.stjohns.edu/archives/gambia-l.html ----------------------------------------------------------------------------