examine Theodor Herzl's-- considered the "father of Zionism"-- plan for a
Zionist state. If you like, go on to examine the entire text at:

http://www.geocities.com/Vienna/6640/zion/judenstaadt.html

Is the plan for a Zionist state a religious one or an economic one? Why or
why not?

-- David

[from Chapter 2]

THE PLAN

The whole plan is in its essence perfectly simple, as it must necessarily be
if it is to come within the comprehension of all.

Let the sovereignty be granted us over a portion of the globe large enough to
satisfy the rightful requirements of a nation; the rest we shall manage for
ourselves.

The creation of a new State is neither ridiculous nor impossible. We have in
our day witnessed the process in connection with nations which were not
largely members of the middle class, but poorer, less educated, and
consequently weaker than ourselves. The Governments of all countries scourged
by Anti-Semitism will be keenly interested in assisting us to obtain the
sovereignty we want.

The plan, simple in design, but complicated in execution, will be carried out
by two agencies: The Society of Jews and the Jewish Company.

The Society of Jews will do the preparatory work in the domains of science
and politics, which the Jewish Company will afterwards apply practically.

The Jewish Company will be the liquidating agent of the business interests of
departing Jews, and will organize commerce and trade in the new country.

We must not imagine the departure of the Jews to be a sudden one. It will be
gradual, continuous, and will cover many decades. The poorest will go first
to cultivate the soil. In accordance with a preconceived plan, they will
construct roads, bridges, railways and telegraph installations; regulate
rivers; and build their own dwellings; their labor will create trade, trade
will create markets and markets will attract new settlers, for every man will
go voluntarily, at his own expense and his own risk. The labor expended on
the land will enhance its value, and the Jews will soon perceive that a new
and permanent sphere of operation is opening here for that spirit of
enterprise which has heretofore met only with hatred and obloquy.

If we wish to found a State today, we shall not do it in the way which would
have been the only possible one a thousand years ago. It is foolish to revert
to old stages of civilization, as many Zionists would like to do. Supposing,
for example, we were obliged to clear a country of wild beasts, we should not
set about the task in the fashion of Europeans of the fifth century. We
should not take spear and lance and go out singly in pursuit of bears; we
would organize a large and active hunting party, drive the animals together,
and throw a melinite bomb into their midst.

If we wish to conduct building operations, we shall not plant a mass of
stakes and piles on the shore of a lake, but we shall build as men build now.
Indeed, we shall build in a bolder and more stately style than was ever
adopted before, for we now possess means which men never yet possessed.

The emigrants standing lowest in the economic scale will be slowly followed
by those of a higher grade. Those who at this moment are living in despair
will go first. They will be led by the mediocre intellects which we produce
so superabundantly and which are persecuted everywhere.

This pamphlet will open a general discussion on the Jewish Question, but that
does not mean that there will be any voting on it. Such a result would ruin
the cause from the outset, and dissidents must remember that allegiance or
opposition is entirely voluntary. He who will not come with us should remain
behind.

Let all who are willing to join us, fall in behind our banner and fight for
our cause with voice and pen and deed.

Those Jews who agree with our idea of a State will attach themselves to the
Society, which will thereby be authorized to confer and treat with
Governments in the name of our people. The Society will thus be acknowledged
in its relations with Governments as a State-creating power. This
acknowledgment will practically create the State.

Should the Powers declare themselves willing to admit our sovereignty over a
neutral piece of land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the
possession of this land. Here two territories come under consideration,
Palestine and Argentine. In both countries important experiments in
colonization have been made, though on the mistaken principle of a gradual
infiltration of Jews. An infiltration is bound to end badly. It continues
till the inevitable moment when the native population feels itself
threatened, and forces the Government to stop a further influx of Jews.
Immigration is consequently futile unless we have the sovereign right to
continue such immigration.

The Society of Jews will treat with the present masters of the land, putting
itself under the protectorate of the European Powers, if they prove friendly
to the plan. We could offer the present possessors of the land enormous
advantages, assume part of the public debt, build new roads for traffic,
which our presence in the country would render necessary, and do many other
things. The creation of our State would be beneficial to adjacent countries,
because the cultivation of a strip of land increases the value of its
surrounding districts in innumerable ways.

PALESTINE OR ARGENTINE?

Shall we choose Palestine or Argentine? We shall take what is given us, and
what is selected by Jewish public opinion. The Society will determine both
these points.

Argentine is one of the most fertile countries in the world, extends over a
vast area, has a sparse population and a mild climate. The Argentine Republic
would derive considerable profit from the cession of a portion of its
territory to us. The present infiltration of Jews has certainly produced some
discontent, and it would be necessary to enlighten the Republic on the
intrinsic difference of our new movement.

Palestine is our ever-memorable historic home. The very name of Palestine
would attract our people with a force of marvelous potency. If His Majesty
the Sultan were to give us Palestine, we could in return undertake to
regulate the whole finances of Turkey. We should there form a portion of a
rampart of Europe against Asia, an outpost of civilization as opposed to
barbarism. We should as a neutral State remain in contact with all Europe,
which would have to guarantee our existence. The sanctuaries of Christendom
would be safeguarded by assigning to them an extra-territorial status such as
is well-known to the law of nations. We should form a guard of honor about
these sanctuaries, answering for the fulfillment of this duty with our
existence. This guard of honor would be the great symbol of the solution of
the Jewish question after eighteen centuries of Jewish suffering.

DEMAND, MEDIUM, TRADE

I said in the last chapter, "The Jewish Company will organize trade and
commerce in the new country." I shall here insert a few remarks on that
point.

A scheme such as mine is gravely imperiled if it is opposed by "practical"
people. Now "practical" people are as a rule nothing more than men sunk into
the groove of daily routine, unable to emerge from a narrow circle of
antiquated ideas. At the same time, their adverse opinion carries great
weight, and can do considerable harm to a new project, at any rate until this
new thing is sufficiently strong to throw the "practical" people and their
mouldy notions to the winds.

In the earliest period of European railway construction some "practical"
people were of the opinion that it was foolish to build certain lines
"because there were not even sufficient passengers to fill the mail-coaches."
They did not realize the truth -- which now seems obvious to us -- that tr
avelers do not produce railways, but, conversely, railways produce travelers,
the latent demand, of course, is taken for granted.

The impossibility of comprehending how trade and commerce are to be created
in a new country which has yet to be acquired and cultivated, may be classed
with those doubts of "practical" persons concerning the need of railways. A
"practical" person would express himself somewhat in this fashion:

"Granted that the present situation of the Jews is in many plates
unendurable, and aggravated day by day; granted that there exists a desire to
emigrate; granted even that the Jews do emigrate to the new country; how will
they earn their living there, and what will they earn? What are they to live
on when there! The business of many people cannot be artificially organized
in a day.

To this I should reply: We have not the slightest intention of organizing
trade artificially, and we should certainly not attempt to do it in a day.
But, though the organization of it may be impossible, the promotion of it is
not. And how is commerce to be encouraged? Through the medium of a demand.
The demand recognized, the medium created, it will establish itself.

If there is a real earnest demand among Jews for an improvement of their
status; if the medium to be created -- the Jewish Company -- is sufficiently
powerful, then commerce will extend itself freely in the new country.