Foroyaa Newspaper Burning Issues
Issue No. 130/2007, 5-6 November,  2007

Editorial
THE END OF DECENTRALISATION
Section 101 of the  Constitution of the Gambia states categorically that no 
bill shall be introduced  into the National Assembly of the Gambia, unless it 
is accompanied by an  explanatory memorandum setting out in detail the policies 
and principles of the  bill, the defects it is intended to remedy and the 
necessity for its  introduction.
An extra ordinary meeting of the National   Assembly  was convened to discuss 
and amend the Local Government Act. The bill which was  placed before the 
National Assembly members was introduced by the Secretary of  State for Local 
Government and Lands and Religious Affairs, Ismaila  Sambou.
Let us now examine the original principles governing Local government  
administration under the 1997 Constitution and weigh the amendments against the  
principles. 
During the early phase of the colonial period power was  centralized in the 
hands of the       governor.  People paid taxes but had no way of determining 
who would manage their  resources. The governor appointed the members of the 
executive and legislative  councils to serve as advisory bodies for the 
Governor. It was Edward Francis  Small who pioneered the clarion call for ‘no taxation 
without representation’.  87 years have elapsed since the National Congress 
of British West Africa called  on its members to educate the people to know 
that they are the rates and tax  payers and had the right to elect those who are 
to manage their taxes. One would  have thought by now that the people of our 
era would be more enlightened than  those who lived at the time of Francis 
Small: 
The 1997 Constitution made  Section 193 subsection (1) an entrenched clause. 
This clause cannot be changed  without a referendum: The section States:
‘’Local Government in the Gambia  shall be based on a system of 
democratically elected councils with a high degree  of Local Autonomy’’
In line with section I93 the constitution further  asserted in section 194 
paragraphs (a) and (c):  
‘’An Act of the  National Assembly by or under which a local government 
authority is established  shall include provision for –  
(a)          the election of  members of the authority from among residents 
of the area within the authority’s  jurisdiction at intervals of four years, 
and the qualifications for  election;
(b)         the additional  representation on the authority of District 
Seyfolu and representatives of local  commercial, occupational or social interests 
or groups, whether by election or  otherwise
(c)          the  direct election of the mayor or chairman of the authority;”
The Secretary of  State started by calling for the amendment of this 
provision. Section 193  subsection (4) also states the object of the Local Government 
System as  follows:
“ It shall be the object of the local government system that  as far as 
possible, issues of local policy and administration shall be decided  at a local 
level and that local government authorities shall cooperate with the  Central 
Government in adopting a policy of  decentralization.”                           
                                           
On Wednesday 31 October 2007, the Secretary of State for Local Government  
introduced the following amendments: 
“(1) Local Government Council shall  stand dissolved ninety days before a 
Local Government election.
“(2)On the  dissolution of a Council, The President shall appoint, for each 
Local Government  Area, an interim Management Team, consisting of such persons 
as he or she may  determine, to perform the functions and exercise the powers 
of a Council until  the day preceding the first meeting of a Council after a 
Local Government  election.’’
This contravenes the letter and spirit of Section 193 of the  constitution 
and should become null and void.
The amendments further  states:
‘’A Chairperson, other than a Mayor or Mayoress, shall be elected by  the 
Councillors from among the Councillors.” This ousts the direct election of  the 
Chairpersons of councils outside of Banjul and the Kanifing Municipality,  and 
thus deprives the people in the rural areas of universal suffrage in  
electing chairpersons of councils as is reminiscent of the colonial days.
To  negate the principle of decentralisation completely, the following amend
ment  empowers the president to remove the elected members of councils and thus 
 reduces them to subjects under the control of the Secretary of  state:
“Notwithstanding the other provisions of this section, a Chairperson,  Deputy 
Chairperson or other member of a Council may also be removed from office  by 
the President, on the recommendation of the Secretary of state, on any of the  
grounds set out in subsection (1) of this section.”
This is the end result of  the APRC revolution: One step forward and Two 
steps backwards. 
The following  is part of the explanation given by SoS Sambou as principles 
for the  Amendments:
“In the light of constraints which the Department of State for  Local 
Government and Lands experiences in the exchange and management of  information and 
decisions with Councils, the Department considers it necessary  to introduce 
the concept of the indirect executive chairpersons excluding mayors  and 
mayoresses, where the chairpersons of councils are elected not by universal  adult 
suffrage but by the Councillors from among themselves. This could not,  however, 
be done without the Constitution being amended. The Constitution having  been 
amended, this Bill seeks to amend the relevant sections of the Local  
Government Act to give effect to the Constitutional amendment. In the same vein,  
with the need for faster decision making in Council and for a more rapid and  
more responsive implementation of the decentralization process, the Department  
of State wishes also to propose the amendment of the relevant sections of the  
Local Government Act 2002 to reflect the need for the President to have the  
power to remove the Mayor/Chairman, Deputy Mayor/Chairman or other member of  
Council. And also to have Councillors in the local Government Authorities who  
can demonstrate a clearer understanding of issues and participate more  
effectively in chamber debates.”
History is recording how the constitution is  being butchered to suit the 
desire of the APRC to centralize power in the hands  of its executive. In a 
democratic society where the electorate are sovereign and  enlightened such an 
issue would be part of an election platform which should  warrant MPs being sent 
packing at the end of their mandate.

Gambia  and Senegal Sign Communiqué
By Bubacarr K. Sowe
The Gambian Secretary of  State for Foreign Affairs, Crispin Grey-Johnson and 
the Senegalese Minister of  Foreign Affairs, Dr. Cheikh Tidiane Gadio have 
signed a Joint Communiqué on  Saturday, November 3, at the end of the 4th 
session of the Senegalo-Gambian  Joint Ministerial commission held at the Kairaba 
Beach Hotel.
The meeting was  in accordance with directives of the two heads of state and 
issues discussed  included trade, customs, transport, the environment, 
agriculture, forestry,  wildlife, fisheries, education, energy, gender, culture, 
security and defence,  immigration, health, tourism and the Senegalo – Gambian 
Permanent  Secretariat.
On trade, the Gambia and Senegal have agreed to exchange  information on 
trade matters and a draft trade agreement between the two  countries was submitted 
by the Gambia to the Senegalese authorities and their  reaction will be 
forthcoming in due course. 
The two countries have also  agreed and recommended that a meeting be 
convened between the two customs  institutions as soon as possible in order to give 
adequate response to pertinent  matters.
The communiqué reads: “Pertaining to the transport sector, the  Gambian side 
proposed the signing of a new road transport agreement before the  end of 2007 
given that the agreement signed in 2004 is not adequately  implemented. It 
was agreed that a meeting be held in Dakar on 20th November,  2007 to finalise a 
new agreement.” 
The question of the bridge was raised.  “It was decided that the matter be 
referred to the forthcoming Joint  Consultative meeting.”
On the environment, the delegations indicated their  long standing 
cooperation in sharing information based on the use of Geographic  Information System 
(GIS) and remote sensing. “Future collaboration will include  coastal and marine 
environment management, enhancing environmental monitoring  systems, and the 
strengthening of chemical management, including the control of  obsolete 
and/or banned pesticides in the two countries,” the communiqué states.  
In the area of forestry, delegates of both countries agreed to strengthen  
collaboration by implementing joint activities and exchange of experiences in  
fire prevention, protection and monitoring techniques, community forestry, the  
management of mangroves and mangrove die-back, especially the Bintang Bolong. 
 “The two countries will strengthen the control of the cross – border 
movement of  forest products; exchange of research, trial results, data and 
documentations  and sharing information on reforestation and afforestation, as well as 
 collaborate on the implementation of regional and international agreements,” 
 the  communiqué states.
On protected areas and wildlife management, the  two governments are 
implementing a memorandum of understanding (MOU) of 2001 for  the trans – frontier 
management of Niumi National Park and Delta du Saloum  National Park. 
“In addition to these two areas of cooperation, the  delegations of both 
countries agreed to the establishment of more trans-boundary  protected areas, 
harmonization of regulation on sport hunting, wildlife  management and 
cooperation on illegal poaching,” the communiqué reads.
On  climate change, the delegates have agreed to develop policies and 
regulations in  implementing joint mitigation and adaptation plans and programmes.
In the  agriculture sector, the two sides underscored the need for the imple
mentation of  common policies and programmes geared towards poverty alleviation 
and agreed to  cooperate in the harmonization of their regulations on 
phytosanitary, seeds,  genetically modified organisms and movement of pesticides. “
They also agreed to  prevent invasion of locust and other migratory pests and 
improve on exchange of  research, training and experiences. The countries will 
endeavour to share  experience in research in the agro-sylvo-pastoral area,” 
the communiqué  indicated. 
The existing reciprocal fisheries agreement between the two  countries will 
be reviewed in January 2008 in Banjul, in accordance with article  thirteen of 
the agreement. 
On gender, the Women’s Bureau in the Gambia and  the Ministry of Family 
Affairs in Senegal have initiated action for an effective  and coordinated 
collaboration between them, and to that end the two countries  are about to sign a 
bilateral agreement. The two countries agreed to factor and  fully integrate 
children’s issues in their respective national policies and  programmes. “The 
Senegalese side has invited children and teachers from the  Gambia to attend the 
3rd Children’s Week Celebration from the 11th - 16th  December, 2007.  The 
Senegalese delegation proposes that the Gambia  considers the establishment of a “
Hut for Children” programme with the  logistics, funded by Senegal,” the 
communiqué shows. 
In the area of  education, they agreed to establish links between the 
University of the Gambia  and other institutions of higher education in Senegal and 
exchange experiences  in vocational training.
They also intend to collaborate on the transcription  of common local 
languages and share experiences in non – formal  education.
Both countries agreed to mobilise adequate funds for the  improvement of 
trans-boundary electrification and inter-connections.
On  culture and heritage, the two countries are to undertake consultations at 
 institutional level through meetings and exchange of cultural facilities and 
 activities. “In this endeavour, cultural exchanges between them are of great 
 importance,” the communiqué points out.
On the issue of security and defence,  the two countries have noted that an 
agreement is in place and that a final  draft memorandum of understanding is 
yet to be signed by the Chiefs of Defence  Staff of both countries.
The communiqué reads: “Concerning the issue of  security, the two sides 
reiterated their determination to fully implement the  conventions signed by them 
in relation to extradition matters. In this regard,  they will examine the 
procedures pertaining to the implementation of requests  for extradition and will 
therefore exchange information in this respect as soon  as possible.”
On immigration matters, both parties agreed to jointly  sensitise their 
respective officers at the borders to allow the free movement of  people and goods. 
“The two sides agreed to organise regular contacts and  periodic visits 
between the two police authorities. For the waiver on the  abrogation of aliens’ 
cards, the two sides agreed that the request be submitted  to the Gambian side 
through diplomatic channels,” the agreement indicates.  
Regarding the issue of health, they recommended that the competent committee  
be convened to review the existing agreement and formulate recommendations to 
 the concerned authorities. 
On the Senegalo – Gambian Permanent Secretariat,  it was agreed that the 
sub-committee should meet to decide on the salient points  so as to address all 
outstanding issues. 
“The timetable for the  establishment of the permanent secretariat will be 
decided upon by both sides,”  the two sides agreed.
On cooperation in tourism, they proposed that the  experts of the two 
countries meet to study the draft agreement proposed by the  Gambian delegation to 
the Senegalese side.
Finally, the communiqué states  that this meeting will be followed by a 
meeting of the consultative committee  before the end of the year in December 2007 
in Dakar and a Summit of Heads of  State shortly thereafter.
The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Crispin  Grey Johnson, said there 
is a need for the two sister republics to dialogue. The  lack of dialogue 
will lead to misunderstanding which could even breed crisis and  conflicts.
His Senegalese counterpart Dr. Cheikh Tidiane Gadio told reporters  the two 
countries will not allow dissidents to use each others country as a  platform 
to promote coup d’etats or separatism. 

Management  Teams Appointed  Country Wide
By Sarjo Camara-Singhateh
Reliable  sources informed this reporter that management teams have been 
appointed in all  the administrative regions of the country. This is in conformity 
with the  amended Local Government Act which calls for the automatic 
dissolution of  councils ninety days before election.
In the Kanifing Municipality it is  confirmed that Mr. Gibou Jagne, former 
NCP Member of Parliament, has been  appointed as the chairman of the Interim 
Management Team. Mr. Jagne heads a  nine- member committee. The names of the 
other members of the committee will be  published in a subsequent issue. 
For the Banjul City Council, the former NTC  Management Director, Mr. Alieu 
Mboge, has been appointed Chairman and Nancy  Njie, APRC Stalwart, Vice 
Chairperson. Other members are Alhagi Njie-Biri, Alieu  Gaye, a Businessman, Sheikh 
Omar Njie, Former National Assembly Member, and  Ousman Jobarteh.
In Kuntaur Area Council Mr. Ganyie Touray has been appointed  Chairman of the 
Interim Management Team with Alhagie Ebou, Adam Cham, Seedy  Bensuda, Momodou 
Lamin Jallow, Mrs. Emmily Nying, and Pierre Bah, Chief of Niani  are also 
committee members.
For Jangjanbureh Area Council, Mr. Ganyie Touray  is Chairman of the Interim 
Management Team. Other members include Kebba Kora,  Demba Bah, John Bah, Foday 
Saidykhan, Amie Jobarteh, Yusupha Gassama, Momodou  Lamin Bandeh (Chief of 
Sankulay Kunda). Sources disclosed that the Governors are  automatically the 
chairpersons of the interim management teams.
The members  of the Interim Management Team of Western Region are not yet 
known, but  according to the Public Relations Officer, Mr. Modou Joof, the 
Governor, Western  Region, Mr Abdou F.M.Badgie is the chairperson. He also said that 
the members of  the interim management committee would be announced on 
Tuesday, 6th November  2007.

National Assembly Approves US $8 Million Loan
By Bubacarr  K. Sowe
The National Assembly in its extra-ordinary session on Wednesday,  October 
31, ratified two loan agreements of US $ 4 million dollars each between  The 
Gambia and the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
The  loans, signed in Vienna, Austria on September 5, 2007 are meant for the 
third  public works project and the highway and street lighting project. 
According to  Musa Balla Gaye, the Secretary of State for Finance and Economic 
Affairs, the  third public works project “will build the capacity of beneficiaries 
such as  local government authorities, village communities and public  
institutions”.
“The project is expected to make interventions in providing  education and 
health facilities, construct some roads in the urban areas, extend  water supply 
network and electricity in the urban/peri-urban areas, provide  water, 
reticulation system in some rural communities, fire stations around the  country, 
markets, youth facilities and public buildings like post offices,” Mr.  Gaye 
enumerated. 
The highway and street lighting project, according to the  Secretary of 
State, covers the areas of Banjul and some parts of the Kanifing  Municipality. “
The project’s scope includes a detailed design, supply,  installation and 
commissioning of all equipment and materials required to ensure  the satisfactory 
installation and connection of the entire lighting system for  the areas already 
specified,” Mr. Gaye said. 
He added that government has  decided that NAWEC will execute the project to 
build-up capacity and ensure  sustainability. Both loans have a grace period 
of five years and a repayment  period of fifteen years. Government will pay 
from time to time a service charge  at the rate of one percent (1%) per annum on 
the principal amount of the loan  withdrawn and outstanding, to meet the 
expense of administering the loan,” the  Secretary of State said.

Where Are Former Foni Kansala Chief And  Others?
After One Year Of Arrest
By Modou Jonga
The family sources of  the former Chief of Foni Kansala, Momodou Lamin 
Nyassi, and two others, told  Foroyaa that their loved ones’ whereabout are yet to 
be disclosed by the  authorities. Family sources have it that the trio in the 
persons of the Foni  Kansala Chief, Momodou Lamin Nyassi, Ndongo Mboob and Buba 
Sanyang were  re-arrested by plain clothes officers at Bwiam in the month of 
April  2006.
According to family sources, before their re-arrest the trio were  previously 
taken to the police headquarters for interrogation before their first  
release. The family sources also noted that plain clothes officers at Bwiam  
rearrested the trio in April last year. Family sources complained  “that  since the 
trio were rearrested, they had made frantic efforts to locate their  
whereabouts but to no avail”. They said they consulted various offices in order  to 
locate them. The sources have revealed that this situation has caused  
psychological strain on the family members of the trio, who are said to be the  
breadwinners.
Family sources revealed that they have visited the authorities  at the state 
Central Prison, Police headquarters as well as the NIA  headquarters, but 
their efforts have proven  fruitless. 

Continuation of Interview with Halifa  Sallah
Part 7
Why didn’t you get a publisher for such an important  book?
We are trying to build local capacity for book production. Edward  Francis 
Small was a pioneer of the liberation struggle in the Gambia. Our  printing 
press is named after him. The press is responsible for printing Dawda  Faal’s 
history book. It is to print a Mathematics book prepared by Sam Sarr.  Sidia Jatta 
has produced a book for learning in the local languages. I have five  books 
in the pipe line: The manuscripts are ready. I will put one for sale and  use 
the income as seed money to print the next one. President Jammeh has  
challenged his opponents to show what they can offer the nation during his term  in 
office. We will be producing books which will enlighten the world. While he  is 
purchasing musical instruments, we will be making savings to purchase  printing 
machines and to build a Pan African Library. Since he claims to be a  
destroyer of HIV, we challenge him to put his knowledge in books for the medical  
students of the world just as we are going to be doing.

How do you  intend to distribute the book?
I have engagements up to the 11th of November.  I will do the launching after 
the 11th. I will give some school libraries free  copies and distribute it 
locally at a price of 200 dalasis per copy plus sales  tax, if I do not manage 
to get a waiver. Furthermore I will be willing to visit  any country in the 
world where a group of students or persons numbering 50 are  willing to patronize 
the launching with a contribution of between 25 to 50  pounds or its 
equivalent in dollars and Euros for a copy of the book and a  cassette of the 
launching: This will enable me to meet all travel and  accommodation costs as well as 
to keep seed money for more  publications.

Do you have a contact address?
The requests should  be forwarded to People’s Centre for Social Science, 
Civic Awareness and  Community Initiative, P.O. Box 2306, Serrekunda, The Gambia, 
West Africa, Tel:  00220-4373138/ 00220-9902864, Email:  
[log in to unmask]

Now. Let us move to the other issues.  You have said that the preamble of a 
constitution is not a living part of a  constitution and that the people of the 
Gambia did not support a constitution  which undermines their sovereignty.
Yes that is my position and no  constitutional lawyer would dispute the fact 
that a preamble is just a mission  statement or better put a declaration of 
intent. It is part of the spirit and  not the letter of a constitution. Needless 
to say, where the spirit contravenes  the letter of a Constitution the spirit 
must become null and void. Those who  wish to do a critique of the 1997 
Constitution should focus on its letter in  comparison with the letter of the 1970 
Constitution.  This is what Foroyaa  did to enable the Gambian people to be 
able to make an informed  choice

Some people are still claiming that the People should have  rejected the 
constitution to defend their sovereignty?
This is one claim I  find very difficult to understand. First and foremost, 
those who truly wanted to  defend the sovereignty of the people would have 
opposed the suspension of the  1970 Constitution by Decree Number One and the 
dissolution of the executive, the  parliament and the political parties. Decree 
Number 1 was the worst assault on  the sovereignty of the people. The Decrees 
were made to be supreme. This is what  consolidated the AFPRC. From 1994 to 1997 
it is these draconian Decrees which  helped the AFPRC to consolidate its rule 
without any sign of protest from those  who were opposed to military rule. In 
fact when we rose up against Decree No 1,  we were criticized by leaders of 
major parties as being hasty and adventurous.  The 1997 Constitution did not 
come into force until the new members of  Parliament were elected and the 
President sworn in. Before that the country was  governed under the supremacy of 
decrees. Even the Presidential and National  Assembly elections took place under 
Decree 78. Hence the 1997 constitution could  not be said to consolidate 
military rule; on the contrary it is the instrument  which put an end to the 
supremacy of decrees and restored Constitutional rule in  1997 when it came into 
effect. Had the people not approved it, what would guide  the return to 
Constitutional rule? 

Suppose there was a boycott of  the referendum, what would have been the 
outcome?
You should recall that the  AFPRC wanted to stay in office for 4 years. Hence 
if the referendum was  boycotted the regime could have either restored the 
1970 constitution or prolong  its stay in office pending the drafting of a new 
constitution. In My view, the  AFPRC consolidated itself in 2 years by using 
patronage to take over the party,  youth leaders and the chairmen and chairwomen 
of the PPP, NCP and GPP. If they  were given more years to come up with an 
ideal constitution they would have  consolidated their position all the more.
On the other hand if the 1970  Constitution was restored, we would have 
missed many of the positive provisions  of the 1997 Constitution which are 
currently being amended by the APRC  government. In my view, once we agree that the 
provisions of the 1997  constitution are more profound than the 1970 one cannot 
give any legitimate  justification for its rejection at a referendum. Even the 
Gambia bar association  acknowledged the superiority of the provisions of the 
1997 constitution over  those of the 1970. Needless to say, if there were any 
forces capable of rising  up to protest against the violation of the 
sovereignty of the people they would  have done so when the many provisions of the 
1970 constitution were suspended  and the supremacy of the decrees asserted or 
after the referendum when the  supremacy of decrees remained until the 1997 
constitution came into force and  made the decrees to be subordinate to the 
constitutional provisions. The Gambian  people had adequate opportunities to take 
charge of their sovereignty before the  1997 Constitution came into force. If 
there was a force capable of leading the  people to assert their sovereignty it 
would have won the Presidential and  National Assembly elections or carry out 
a mass uprising during that  period.  It is evident that any attempt to 
attribute the consolidation of  the APRC to a constitution which only came into 
force after the APRC   consolidated  its electoral machinery during the 
presidential and National  Assembly elections is to replace facts with fiction.

It is  claimed that among the opposition parties only PDOIS was allowed to 
carry out  civic education during the coup period. What is you reaction to this? 
If  Momodou Soma Jobe, who slapped an agric assistant for transporting 
Suwaibou  Touray to explain the essence of the constitution to the people of Jarra 
is  reading this, he would marvel at the lack of information or honesty of some 
of  our critics. The then Attorney General who pestered us to stop our civic  
education programmes which he deemed to be illegal under the decrees would 
also  appreciate our ability to suffer silently to promote our cause and forgive 
and  forget when we have the upper hand. PDOIS like all other parties was 
banned. We  refused for Foroyaa to die. We never had access to The National Radio 
to conduct  civic education. We relied on the generosity of Radio One FM to 
conduct non  partisan civic education. Foroyaa also produced pamphlets and sent 
activists to  the countryside to educate the mass. Anybody could have done 
what we did and we  constantly call on people who could do a better job to take 
over but nobody  ventured to do so. Now those who conducted everybody’s 
responsibility under  tremendous difficulty are seen to have enjoyed privileges and 
those who refused  to undergo the risks and the hardships are seen to have 
been deprived from  conducting civic education. Justice, where lies thy scales? 
What are the wages  of sacrifice in the Gambia? Castigation and vilification? 
Nobody gave us  privileges during the coup. We were in the trenches fighting 
for every ground we  conquered for our voices to be heard. Instead of people 
asking what role each  political figure played during the coup and then assign 
new responsibilities to  each of them based on merit some accused us of being an 
ally of the coup makers  while others claimed that we got the masses to 
support a soldiers’ constitution  and thus consolidated military rule.   

What more do you  have to say on the 1997 constitution? 
I wrote a memorandum numbering  approximately 60 pages to the Constitutional 
Review Commission stating our views  on the debate regarding a new 
constitution. I have made this a chapter in my  book: Ten years of Constitutional rule in 
The Gambia. Interestingly enough, no  reference is made to this by critics to 
expose our own  proposals. 

MARRIAGE AND FAMILY
THE WIFE BATTERER
Part  1
By Amie Sillah
They are two friends Catherine and Ramatoulie. They  attended the same 
schools from Nursery to University. Kate studied Law while  Rama studied Journalism. 
Kate is not yet married but she has a wonderful  boyfriend, Ronald. Ron is a 
true friend. He loves and respects Catherine. He  believes in partnership 
between the sexes. Rama is unfortunate. She married a  bully, or wife batterer. 
Dawda is a male Chauvinist. He distrusts all women  especially those he labels 
as being feminists. He hates the activists. He calls  them marriage wreckers, 
men haters. Dawda discourages Rama from practicing her  profession. He is a 
business tycoon. He lives in a mansion and provides  everything for Rama. When 
Rama pleaded with Dawda to practice her profession  this was Dave’s response “
What do you need as a woman? You have everything a  woman needs. Jewellery, 
shoes, clothes, bags, a beautiful house and a fat  account. What else do you 
need? I hate working women. They can develop ideas.  Concentrate on making babies 
and taking healthy allowance every month. I give  your Mum a monthly allowance 
as well. What else would you ask for? Women go to  Marabouts to ask for what 
you have. Concentrate on family matters. Forget about  going out there to 
practice your profession. Journalism is dangerous. How many  journalists are 
killed in the world? Male journalists are at risk not to talk  about female 
journalists”. Dave hates Catherine with a passion. He does not want  his wife to 
associate with her. “She gives her feminist ideas. I’ll desist their  relationship
”. He confides in Ousman his best friend. Rama is the submissive  type. She 
has no mind of her own. She totally relies on others to decide for  her. What 
happens to the marriage? Read to find out.

The Two  Friends Kate And Rama
Kate and Rama were friends since Nursery School. Rama  came to visit Kate. 
Kate is a lawyer by profession. Rama is a journalist but she  decided to be a 
housewife not by desire but through coercion. Her husband Dawda  forced her to 
stay at home to be a housewife. She accepted it submissively. The  two friends 
discussed about love and respect. “Respect covered it all. In  respect there 
is love, care, non abusive relationship, compassion and empathy.  My fiancé 
Ronald is a living lover. We are courting for four years now and I  like it so. I 
am not in a hurry to get married. We want to know more about  ourselves. We 
have to ascertain whether we are compatible or not. Ron respects  me. My 
opinion counts in everything we do, all decisions of our lives. I respect  him in 
turn. I’ve asked him for time and he has given it to me. But look at you  
girlfriend! Dawda is a graduate, rich and handsome. He houses you in a mansion  but 
where is your peace of mind? You are scared whenever Dave returns from work.  
Girlfriend! You are not yourself. You are draining! You are a nervous wreck”.  
Kate posited.

The Tyrant
Dawda entered his mansion in style. He  met Kate along the stairs. She 
greeted but he answered her rudely and  impolitely. “What are you doing in my house? 
Didn’t I warn you to leave my wife  alone? You want to initiate her into your 
feminist cult! That would be over my  dead body. She is a married woman, 
leave her alone!” Kate stared at him and  refused to comment a word. She just 
passed him and went  away.

Slavish Relationship
The tyrant treats his wife as thrash.  Rama cannot do anything to please 
Dave. He condemns everything Rama does. Dave  threw obscenities at her. She calls 
her names. “Look at you! You are a bag of  bones! You are as ugly as a 
duckling.” Dave started to go around the house  touching furniture and blaming Rama 
for being dirty and filthy. He called her  from the kitchen preparing food for 
him. “Rama come here!” Rama rushed in a  jiffy. “Yes!  You called me?” He 
showed her the furniture and gave her a  nasty slap. “You dirty pig!” He showed 
her some orange seeds. “Where you eating  in my executive sitting room?” He 
gave her another nasty slap. Rama ran for her  dear life. Dave is a terrorist. 
He batters Rama at the slightest provocation and  he is irritated by 
everything Rama does or says. She does not know how to avoid  him. Rama is lost. She 
lost her appetite and her self esteem. She shakes like a  leaf in Dave’s 
presence. Dave is a sadist. He enjoys battering his  wife.

Complains About His Food
Dave criticizes everything Rama  does. Rama cooked his delicacy and serves 
him. He complained that it was hot. He  left it to cool then he complained again 
that Rama served him cold food. He got  up and refused his lunch. “How can I 
eat cold food? You either serve your food  too cold or too hot. I have lost my 
appetite!” He got up to go. Rama burst into  emotions. “What can I do to 
please you? You are torturing me and you enjoy it.  You deny me practicing my 
profession. I defy positive humanity and agree to your  whims and caprices. I 
stay at home to serve your insatiable desires but you  refuse to appreciate. What 
else do you want, my life? When I complain you say  you love me.  What is 
love without respect? Respect encompasses love,  sympathy and empathy. Selfish 
love is limited love. You have wounded my soul and  my body. I am depressed.” 
Rama rushed to her room and locked it up. Dawda rushed  after her. He was deeply 
touch. He became defensive. “I love you that is why I  married you out of the 
multitude. I am sorry. I just meant to correct your  clumsy ways”. “By 
disrespecting me? Battering and torturing me? What have I done  to deserve this? 
You refuse me to work and yet you make the house hell for me.  How can you say 
you love me when you treat me like thrash?” Dave asked her to  open the door. “
Open the door let us talk! I love you Rama. Forgive my excesses.  I’ll make 
amends. I’ll change. Open the door I need to sleep with my wife. I  cannot go 
outside. I have to have you”. He pleaded. “Here you talk! You battered  and 
tortured me and you still want to have good time with me? That cannot be.  Both 
my body and soul is numb. My heart is bleeding. Leave me alone!” Dave  became 
frenzy. “Are you denying me my right? This is undone! Supply on demand,  is 
the principle. I paid for your dowry. I own your body. Come to my room when  you 
are sober. I am waiting for you. Don’t try my patience. When I react you  
blame me. I am waiting!” Dawda left for his room. He thought his trick will  
work. He expected Rama to warm his bed. Did she go? Read to find out.
To be  contd.

Another Death Knell For Democracy
By D. A.  Jawo
It is indeed quite hard to understand why, while the rest of the  African 
continent is well on the road to democracy and good governance, this  country is 
moving in the opposite direction, as it is clearly manifested by the  
unprecedented decision of the National Assembly to abdicate its responsibilities  and 
give such sweeping powers to President Jammeh to take over direct  
responsibility of the administration of all the municipal councils.
What is  even more ridiculous, are the sweeping powers given to him to also 
remove  mayors/chairpersons of councils as well as all other elected 
representatives of  the people. Of course, he did not need the National Assembly to give 
him such  powers, because he had already been exercising them without any 
legal backing.  We can recall that he arbitrarily removed the Mayors of Banjul 
City Council  (BCC) and the Kanifing Municipal Council (KMC) as well as the 
Chairman of  Brikama Area Council. Therefore, the authorization by the National 
Assembly was  merely to formalize what already existed in practise.
However, by allowing  themselves to be used to rubber stamp such undemocratic 
legislation, members of  the National Assembly have clearly shown Gambians 
that they represent President  Jammeh’s interests instead of the interests of 
the people who elected them.  There is absolutely no way that anyone can justify 
giving President Jammeh the  power to remove people directly elected by the 
people, just like him. I agree  with Sidia Jatta that if President Jammeh is 
given the power to remove at will  those directly elected by the people, then 
there is absolutely no point in  anyone seeking election. This is just another 
additional death knell for  democracy in this country.
Of course, this sort of trend has been going on  since the very beginning. We 
have seen the government, using the rubber stamp  National Assembly to amend 
the Constitution and remove the provision that called  for the election of 
chiefs, no doubt after the regime realized from the Sami  chieftaincy elections t
hat there was no way they can manipulate the system in  their favour. There is 
no doubt that the next move would be to abolish local  government elections 
and give him the power to be appointing people to manage  all the local 
government structures.
Therefore, this latest move is just a  continuation of the trend to bring the 
entire local government structure under  the direct control of the President 
so that he can continue to put in only those  people he can easily manipulate. 
However, with the negative role that the  National Assembly has played in 
helping President Jammeh to consolidate his  iron-grip hold of all the democratic 
institutions, the members have really  abdicated their responsibilities to 
the people of this country and as such,  those who voted for that undemocratic 
law have lost any credibility they ever  had in representing the people. It is 
therefore hard to see how the people can  ever re-elect them when they have 
clearly shown that they have no regard for the  welfare of the people of the 
country and they are ready to rubber stamp anything  presented to them by 
President Jammeh.
It is indeed a shame that while the  rest of the continent is consolidating 
democracy and good governance, we in this  country are moving in the opposite 
direction. With this latest move on the local  government structure, it is now 
hard to see the United Nations system  contributing to our local government 
decentralisation process, because instead  of decentralising, we seem to be 
putting everything in the hands of the  president.
In view of this therefore, there is absolutely no way that anyone  would now 
take this country seriously when it comes to democratisation. We have  shown 
them that instead of moving with the tide of democratisation, we are  
retrogressing to the dark old days. 

FOCUS ON  POLITICS
KUKOI VOWS TO RETURN TO GAMBIA
WAS THE THREAT REAL?
With  Suwaibou Touray
We have been focusing on politics in general and Gambian  politics in 
particular in this column. We have followed the narration of  political events from 
the Pre-Colonial to Post-independence era. 
In the last  issue we have stopped where we said the opposition to the 
SeneGambia  Confederation continued to build up, pioneered by the PDOIS party; that 
narrow  nationalist feelings were also developing mainly among the youth. 
Let us  continue from where we stopped.
By March 1988, the West Africa Magazine based  in London reported the 
appearance of Kukoi Samba-Sanyang, the leader of the July  1981 upheaval in The 
Gambia in a seminar in Senegal. This report created quite a  scare when the report 
mentioned that Kukoi expressed or renewed his intention to  return to The 
Gambia. According to the Nation, that issue of West Africa was  said to have been 
bought wholesale by government to prevent its circulation  among the populace. 
Kukoi’s coming was also linked to Abdoulie Wade, the  opposition leader in 
Senegal at the time.
When Kukoi was asked by West Africa  Magazine why he staged the coup in 1981 
and whether it was out of political  frustration, which necessitated it. Kukoi 
maintained that it was not as a result  of political frustration; that the 
question was no longer whether they could  join a political party and win an 
election; that their idea was, even if they  were able to do things like winning 
an election, they wouldn’t be able to do  much to help the masses because they 
had to abide by the constitution. Kukoi  also opined that what could have 
happened through elections would have been  cosmetic changes in the system; that 
what they wanted was to make radical  changes; that was why they had in fact 
suspended the constitution in 1981 when  they overthrew the Government.
This interview by Kukoi created not only a  scare in The Gambia but also 
criticism from many corners. Foroyaa observed that  some of the criticisms seemed 
to be motivated by a power struggle between MOJA  and Kukoi, but said theirs 
differed from others in the sense that they were not  engaged in any power 
struggle with any party, and had no political grudge  against anyone.
Foroyaa maintained that the repeated broadcast over the air  linking Kukoi to 
Abdoulie Wade, who had the support of over 290,000 voters, gave  impression 
that Kukoi too had similar support in The Gambia. Foroyaa also said  the 
revelation of Kukoi’s link with The Ghana Chief of staff and members of  Libyan 
Central Committee also gave impression that Kukoi could be here at any  time with 
the help of these countries; that instead of the state discrediting  Abdoulie 
Wade, the PPP regime was giving Kukoi more importance than one would  have 
expected under the circumstances. “The ruling party which does not sit down  to 
analyze situations and develop correct tactics was bound to take steps which  
would make them attain the very opposite of what they intended” Foroyaa  warned.
But the state at the time must have believed, to a large extent,  Kukoi’s 
pronouncement, because almost at that time, it had arrested one Musa  Sanneh, 
Amadou Badjie, Adrian Sambou and Ousman Sanneh. These people were taken  before 
the court and hearing commenced by 5th and 6th of April 1988. It was  during 
this period when a huge rumour spread that Kukoi and Wade met to agree to  
overthrow both the Government of The Gambia and Senegal. That belief, Foroyaa  
said, was promoted mainly by government officials. Reports coming from court  were 
that one Foday Sanyang, a witness, said Kukoi told him of such a meeting.  
Musa Sanneh also said in court that he was asked by DCP Bah why he didn’t write  
in his diary that PDOIS was part of the SOFA, so that SOFA would become legal 
 like PDOIS. Many people became agitated and said the state was trying to  
implicate PDOIS. But according to records, Musa Sanneh said he was dictated to  
say that but the special Branch officers also denied saying so. Foroyaa called 
 on its readers and PDOIS supporters not to be irritated by what was being 
said  about PDOIS in court; that only PDOIS could trouble itself by engaging in  
something dubious; that it would be left with the judge to decide. The  
revelation that the first prosecution witness, Deputy Commander of Police, Demba  
Bah made in court that in his search of Musa Sanneh’s house, he discovered and  
took out a Piece of Paper, handwritten in English, Captioned “POLITICAL POWER 
 GROWS OUT OF THE BARREL OF A GUN”. The contents as was read in court reads 
as  follows; “2pm, 17th June, 1987.” Political power grows out of the barrel 
of a  gun”. The time now demands the bullet not the ballot. This has been 
testified by  the fact that for the fifth time now, President Jawara has been 
returned to  power. PDOIS, which is trying to win power through parliament, will 
not succeed.  Before they become successful they will be crushed”. Foroyaa 
maintained that  whether Musa wrote this or not was left to the judge to decide. 
Foroyaa  maintained that they had heard people say that PDOIS would be crushed 
when it  first emerged; that eventually one PPP minister even promised to 
uproot PDOIS  after the 1987 elections; that the minister in fact seemed to be 
afraid of  engaging in debate with the PDOIS candidate for the constituency. They 
however  said to conceive PDOIS, as Lilliputian under the whims of the PPP 
giant was to  be an idle dreamer; that PDOIS was no more a tiny seedling 
struggling for a  place under the sun etc.
DCP Bah also told the court that in Musa Bah’s  diary, dated 14 November 
1987, he, Musa, stated that he was a PDOIS sympathizer  and gave 24 sheets of 
paper for the publication of Foroyaa. DCP Bah also said in  court that Musa noted 
in his diary dated 17th November, 1987 that he met S.S of  PDOIS for the 
purpose of extending greetings from Dr. Manneh, an alias for Kukoi  but that S.S 
did not trust him.
Foroyaa asked whether S.S knows that he was  dealing with a Kukoi agent if it 
indeed occurred. DCP Bah who was prosecution  witness No.1 also said he took 
possession of a letter dated 28 August 1987 which  Musa Sanneh said came from 
Kukoi through one Amadou Badjie; that it contained  instructions from Kukoi 
for Musa which, among other things to get in touch with  S.S and Co. in order to 
forge a link. DCP Bah told the court that where it is  written S.S, Musa told 
him it means Sam Sarr. Foroyaa maintained that since the  court was on, they 
would not make a comment.
Foroyaa emphasized that if they  were to go by the report then it becomes 
clear that PDOIS was not the creation  of an outside force but an independent and 
authentic political party. It went on  to shed light on the report, which 
stated that attempts were made to forge a  link by 28 August but that this had 
not succeeded. Foroyaa then promised to  comment on the many unanswered 
questions such as whether all these attempts in  fact occurred. Was Musa distrusted? 
And so on. They then invited all Gambians to  write and question whatever was 
in doubt to either Foroyaa or the PPP organ The  Gambia Times so that it would 
be clear that they PDOIS were not sitting on any  letters.
Foroyaa continued its analysis and concluded that Kukoi’s  insinuation that 
he was opposed to elections on the basis that if his party won  they would not 
be able to bring any radical changes because they would have had  to abide by 
the constitution is without foundation. The constitution, argued  Foroyaa, 
left room for its alteration; that all that is essential to bring  radical or 
supper radical change was the overwhelming support of the  people.
Foroyaa concluded among other things that, the one fundamental lesson  that 
should be learnt is, a person has to accumulate a reasonable quantity and  
quality of historical and politico-economic knowledge before one can analyze a  
given society objectively and draw correct tactics and strategies to facilitate  
its transformation; that those who lack such knowledge cannot guide the 
destiny  of nations. In actual fact, Foroyaa said it would be better for Kukoi to  
maintain his silence because his interview revealed unbelievable ideological  
shortcomings. 
However the long analysis and criticisms made by the Foroyaa  made some 
Gambians uncomfortable. One Kebba Sisoho in Banjul, quoting from  Foroyaa said: in 
your analysis, you mentioned somewhere that, “criticism of  Kukoi’s interview 
have started to come from many quarters and that, those we  have read so far 
seem to be motivated by a power struggle between Kukoi and  MOJA.”
Mr. Sisoho assumed that those criticisms read by Foroyaa were those  that 
came from one Amadou Kabir Njie in Norway and one Tombong Saidy of the USA,  
because as he said these were the two people who criticized Kukoi in their  
letters to the West Africa Magazine. He expressed disappointment as to why those  
two criticisms should give Foroyaa a false impression that they were motivated  
by a power struggle between MOJA and Kukoi. Mr. Sisoho expressed his concern  
among other things that; associating them to MOJA may make things difficult 
for  them when they come back home. 
See next issue as we delve into issues of mid  1988.

Projected Supply of Pandemic Influenza Vaccine Increases  Sharply
By Sarjo Camara-Singhateh 
The World Health Organisation has  recently released a news release on 
vaccine supply on pandemic  influenza.
Geneva — Recent scientific advances and increased vaccine  manufacturing 
capacity have prompted experts to increase their projections of  how many pandemic 
influenza vaccine courses can be made available in the coming  years.
Last spring, the World Health Organization (WHO) and vaccine  manufacturers 
said that about 100 million courses of pandemic influenza vaccine  based on the 
H5N1 avian influenza strain could be produced immediately with  standard 
technology. Experts now anticipate that global production capacity will  rise to 
4.5 billion pandemic immunization courses per year in 2010.
“With  influenza vaccine production capacity on the rise, we are beginning to 
be in a  much better position vis-à-vis the threat of an influenza pandemic,” 
Dr  Marie-Paule Kieny, Director of the Initiative for Vaccine Research at 
WHO, said  today. “However, although this is significant progress, it is still 
far from the  6.7 billion immunization courses that would be needed in a six 
month period to  protect the whole world.”
“Accelerated preparedness activities must continue,  backed by political 
impetus and financial support, to further bridge the still  substantial gap 
between supply and demand,” she said.
This year,  manufacturers have been able to step up production capacity of 
trivalent (three  viral strains) seasonal influenza vaccines to an estimated 565 
million doses,  from 350 million doses produced in 2006, according to the 
International  Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers & Associations. 
According to  experts working in this field, the yearly production capacity for 
seasonal  influenza vaccine is expected to rise to 1 billion doses in 2010, 
provided  corresponding demand exists.
This would help manufacturers to be able to  deliver around 4.5 billion 
pandemic influenza vaccine courses because a pandemic  vaccine would need about 
eight times less antigen, the substance that stimulates  an immune response. 
Vaccine production capacity is linked to the amount of  antigen that has to be 
used to make each dose of the vaccine. Scientists have  recently discovered they 
can reduce the amount of antigen used to produce  pandemic influenza vaccines 
by using water-in-oil substances that enhance the  immune response.
The progress was reported Friday at the first meeting of a  WHO Advisory 
Group on pandemic influenza vaccine production and supply.
The  Global Action Plan Advisory Group, an independent, international 
committee of 10  members, met at WHO headquarters one year after eight new strategies 
to increase  pandemic influenza vaccine were identified and published in the 
WHO Global  pandemic influenza action plan to increase vaccine supply
At the Advisory  Group meeting, other progress on the Global Action Plan was 
discussed, WHO  reported it is setting up a training hub that would serve as a 
source of  technology transfer to developing countries.
The Advisory Group also  discussed a new business plan which assessed options 
for further increasing  vaccine production capacity and reviewed priority 
next steps. The three most  valuable options include continuing to promote 
seasonal influenza vaccine  programmes, supporting the industry to sustain 
production capacity beyond  seasonal demand and enabling some vaccine production 
facilities to change, at  the onset of a pandemic, from producing inactivated 
vaccines to live attenuated  vaccines. Due to the higher yields obtained with live 
attenuated influenza  vaccine technology, facility conversion could, by 2012, 
bridge the expected  supply-demand gap and produce enough vaccine to protect 
the global population  within six months of the declaration of a pandemic.

LABA SOSSEH –  The historical legacy of an African musical genius
Part 3
By Wassa  Fatty
The roots of Salsa:
The “clave” instrument produced its own rhythm  which predates Salsa music. 
It was first known as the “Cuban son” music, but has  its origins from the 
slave plantations of Santo Domingo or Haiti. Haiti became  the first land 
liberated by Black people in 1803, when the greatest Black  military genius, 
Toussaint L’ Ouverture, led a twelve year military campaign  against the Spanish, 
British and French military powers and defeated all of them  to liberate his 
people from slavery. The beauty of this Black revolt was the  defeat of the 
greatest military commander in European history, Napoleon  Bonaparte, in 1803. That 
military defeat forced the rich French slave owners to  abandon their 
plantations in Haiti and fled to the Oriente province in Cuba with  some of their 
African slaves, who managed to carry some of their improvised  musical instruments 
with them.
The impact of these improvised instruments  brought by the African slaves was 
felt all over Cuba within a short  period.  The most popular form of dance 
among the African slaves in Cuba  was what was then called the “Danzon,” which 
has been popular since  1879.   In 1917, when the world was captivated by the 
Russian  revolution, in Cuba there were changes taking place too at the 
cultural level  instigated by African slaves. It was in that year that a new musical 
style  called the “Cuban Son” music and dance styles was born and 
immediately dethroned  “Danzon” as the Cuban nation’s favourite source of 
entertainment. It was the  introduction of the “Clave” musical instrument in the Cuban “
Danzon” which  altered the rhythm to something more sophisticated melodically 
and made the  style of dancing more stylistic. The “clave” instrument removed 
the music from  streets to the orchestra dancing halls and made it more 
appealing to the middle  and upper classes of the Cuban society and laid the grounds 
for Cuban music  industry to become a creative economy as a result prior to 
the 1959 political  upheavals.
As the “Cuban son” music expanded its popularity into other parts  of Latin 
America, it absorbed other improvised African musical instruments such  as the 
“Bongoes”, “Marimbula”, “Quijada”, “Cowbell”, “Timbales”, “The Guiro” 
as  earlier mentioned, into the music and enrichened it further. The dance 
steps had  directions and became quicker and adding to it the “Palmados” or the 
Flamenco  hand claps. However, the addition of the “Maracas” or the guitar 
sent the Cuban  music to another dimension of cultural progress, despite the 
political  repression of the Dictator, Batista. The popularity of Cuban music, the 
world  over, was recognized by many and Havana became the heaven for many 
Latin  American music aspirants and dancers to learn their trade and orientation. 
To  graduate as a professional Latin musician, the dance halls and musical 
venues of  Havana, where the “Cuban son” was dominant, was the places to get 
inspirations  from.
By 1920, “Cuban son” music and dance has reached its peak. It was in  that 
year also the great Gambian born Pan Africanist, Edward Frances Small, led  the 
workers strike against colonial repression and exploitation, which shook  
British colonialism to its roots throughout West Africa and laid the foundation  
for modern politics in the Gambia. It was at this period too that the “Cuban  
son” music arrived in the Gambia and other parts of West Africa brought by  
Seamen, travellers, soldiers from the First World War and some of the West  
Indians and Black Americans returning to the land of their ancestors. What  
entered the West coast of Africa as music from Cuba was not “Cuban son,” but  
Proto-Salsa music or early forms of Salsa. Because prior to 1930, Cuban musical  
giants such as Ignacio Pinero began to compose “Son” music in the written form  
which changed it from its purest form relying solely on “Clave” and “Bongo” 
 rhythms, he instead added the trumpets as the dominant instruments in the 
music.  Ignacio Pinero’s composition of his popular music in the 1930s called 
the  “Echale Salista” changed the “Son” music to Salsa. It was this type of 
music  that captured the mind of young Laba Sosseh in the 1940s. 
The Salsa music  took the world by storm and never stops to inspire to this 
day. What made it  more attractive was the style of dance known as the “Mambo” 
dance it ushered  into the dancing arena. (Understand that the dance was 
called “Mambo” because  the European slave masters thought the dance was childish 
or foolish. The word  derived from Mandingka) The “Mambo” dance in turn 
popularised Salsa music to a  larger global audience, specifically in Africa where 
the people easily related  to it. By the 1950s, the “Mambo” dance has 
conquered New York City and leading  Latin American musicians and dancers moved to 
New York’s Palladium on Broadway.  Among them were the Salsa greats such as 
Machito, Millie Donay, Cuban Pete, Tito  Puente, Tito Rodriquez and the best 
known dancers such as Horacio Riambu, Joe  Vega and Andy Vasquez, to name a few  
and Salsa was turned into a  formidable sound the world over.
Now what is the legacy of Laba  Sosseh?.

Part 4
The Legacy-
The historical essence of Laba  Sosseh’s contribution to African music was 
achieved through Salsa music. He was  a leading giant in the popularity of Salsa 
in post independent Africa. If  anything, he was the most committed 
individual to bring home the music produced  from the improvised musical instruments 
our ancestors invented in the slave  plantations back to the land of their 
origins, Africa. Secondly, his  creativeness in the Salsa music scene allowed it to 
live longer in Senegal  because he made it accepted, respected, appreciated 
and owned by the people. It  should not therefore be surprising that Salsa was 
rechristened as the  “Senegalo-Afro-Cubano” music. What this indicated is 
that Senegal has succeeded  in claiming ownership of what our African ancestors 
have created in the midst of  their social and economic misery in the slave 
plantations. No African country  has done so and credit must therefore be given 
to Senegal. 
When Senegal  gained independence in 1960, Laba Sosseh was the cultural icon 
of the newly  independent state that was in search of itself. Senegal was 
struggling to  rebuild its national institutions after centuries of French 
colonial  miseducation and exploitation. One important area the newly installed 
Senegalese  government under the leadership of the late intellectual Head of State, 
 President Senghore, never failed to neglect was the cultural sector. Senghore
’s  government prioritised Senegal’s cultural revival intellectually, 
politically  and socially. For Senghore, without cultural consciousness, no society 
can  advance. Again, for Senghore, culture cannot be isolated from historical  
awareness. With such state ambitions for national development, Senegal became 
 the fertile ground Laba wanted to promote and popularise the Salsa music. 
The  Gambia, the land of his birth could not offer him that while still under 
British  colonial rule.
To sustain any type of music for decades in any society is not  an easy task 
for any band or singer, because the music must have certain  characteristics 
to survive long: The music must be appealing to be accepted; it  must have 
quality; it must satisfy emotions; it must carry messages of any type;  it must be 
a national pride and identity; it must express problems in all forms;  it 
must have feelings to sooth emotional pains; it must be responsive to  changing 
situations and above all it must create its own creative economy to  survive. 
Laba Sosseh carried these burdens as a musician for more than a decade  to give 
Salsa music a long life in Senegal and other parts of Africa. This was  an 
achievement.     
Anything that has the potential to  develop with proper nourishment will 
develop to its full maturity. Maturity is  the final climax for all things human 
and the rest is to blossom through  changing processes in order to continue 
existence or if not to wither out of  existence.  This is what cultural history 
taught humanity in its  definition. Human culture is nothing other than 
creativity and production for  the survival of the future generations. Salsa music 
was not immune from this  natural process of existence and it has to produce 
something more sophisticated  in order to live on. Whatever later emerged out of 
Salsa, Laba Sosseh will  always be the source historically in the Senegalese 
situation and experience if  one looks at the historical links and continuity 
of our music.
By the 1970s,  Salsa has reached its climax in Senegal. It also coincided 
with the departure of  Laba from Senegal to Abidjan, Ivory Coast, and then to 
America, where he won  gold awards for his music. Laba did not return to Senegal 
again until in the  1990s and found the musical scene so changed that he could 
not recognize the  city he once ruled as a vocalist. But he did not realized 
that what he left  behind musically was also responsible for the emergence of 
the new sounds he  heard in the city of Dakar and the little boys he mentored 
in his “Star band”  have matured to dethroned him as the ruler of the music 
scene. Salsa did not  die, but side lined to the periphery of the music 
entities. He was welcomed back  highly in Senegal and his song, the “El Maestro” 
became an instant hit in  Senegal and abroad, but he however could not push Salsa 
up again as the dominant  music as the new citizens of the Senegalese 
population are now inhaling  different musical oxygen. 
How did these changes occur in the Senegalese  music environment?
The changes that revolutionized the SeneGambian music have  both internal and 
external factors and I will come to that later. The departure  of Laba to the 
Americas in the 1970s left a gap that was filled by the bands  that emerged 
at that period and  mentioned earlier in part 1. These bands  in their own ways 
have produced classics that are still sending minds back to  memory lane 
anytime they are played. Among these classics was “Esta China” by  Etoile de 
Dakar. “Guantanamero” by Number one. “El- Hombre Misterioso” by Eric  Ndoye. “
Viva Number one” and “Gosando” by Number one. Most of these Salsa songs  were 
sung in Spanish and some in Wollof. But young Yousou Ndure’s song,  “Tielly”, 
even though he was neither the original singer nor the leading  vocalist of 
any band, signalled him as a future potential vocalist. The other  classics 
included songs like the “El-Carretero” by Etoile de Dakar.  “Afromanicero” by 
young Alhajie Faye and Laba Sosseh and the early songs of the  late Abdoulai 
Mboob and Ouza were part of the scene. What all these songs have  in common was 
that they were all Salsa music, but with something different.  Watch it out as 
the story reveals itself.
The factors that contributed to the  changes were two fold: Internally in 
Africa, there was crisis as the promises of  the independence struggle did not 
materialize. Radical youth movements emerged  in many parts of Africa to 
challenge the “Neo-colonial” status of post  independent Africa. There were also the 
anti-colonial struggles in Angola,  Mozambique, and Guinea Bissau and also 
the struggle against the brutal apartheid  regime, which all one way or other, 
galvanized the radical consciousness of the  African youths. What further 
aggravated the situation in most African countries  started back in the 1960s with 
the killing of Lumumba in the Congo, the  overthrow of Nkrumah in Ghana and 
the assignation of Cabral in the early 1970s  on the instigation of external 
forces who saw radical leaders as a threat to  their interest and installing 
puppet regimes in their place. Externally, the  Black Power and Civil Rights 
movements struggling for Social Justice, coupled  with the assasinations of Malcolm 
X and Martin Luther King were equally seen as  the same efforts of 
imperialism to subdue the Black race. The youths began to  politicize the internal 
situation of their countries and protests and mass  demonstrations took place in 
the streets of many capitals, including Senegal and  the Gambia. In Dakar it led 
to the arrest and death of a student leader, Blonde  Diop.  In Senegal, no 
musical group or band picked up the demands of the  youths artistically to 
sympathise with or use it to sensitise their grievances  against the state. The 
only one who came close to expound that was Ouza who  never shy away from 
controversy, especially when it involves the ruling classes.  He was not given the 
name of the “Bob Marley of Senegal” for  nothing.
However, in the Gambia the situation was different for some reason.  The “
Super Eagles band” had a better grasped of the youth frustration and  sympathised 
with them openly. When the band left the Gambia for a European tour  in the 
early 1970s, it turned out to be a disaster financially for them in  London. 
The late Fela Kuti and Osi Bissa already had massive impact on the  African 
Diaspora hungry for an African identity and social equality in Europe  and 
America.  The radical Jamaican music, reggae, has already gained  momentum and for an 
African band to come and play European music to a mostly  Black audience was 
seen as a cultural confusion. The shows were poorly attended  afterwards and 
it was reported that the band members could not even afford to  pay for their 
return tickets home and some where left behind and still stranded  in London. 
From this experience abroad and the boiling anger of the radical  youths at 
home in demand for radical changes and continental unity, the “Super  Eagles band”
 responded by changing its name to “Infang-Bondi” and the  “Afro-Manding” 
beat was born and became the most innovative music in the Gambia  and gave the 
country an identity and pride. It ushered in the formation of the  “Guelewarr”
 band fronted by young Musa Ngum and individual singers such as Abdul  Corr . 
The “Afro-Manding songs such as “Xaaleli-Africa” (Children of Africa),  “
Ovareier” (working class) and “Change the system” have entered the annals of  
Pan African history as among the most dynamic songs in post independent Africa. 
 
The Gambia could not nurture the development of the “Afro-Manding” beat due  
to poor marketing and promotional skills. Besides “Infang- Bondi” shows were 
 held in poor and small venues in Banjul, weekend beach parties or shows in 
other  parts of the country. The music did not grow to build up a creative 
economy to  survive and diversify itself. To survive, like Laba Sosseh, 
Afro-Manding beat  fled to exile in Senegal to escape stagnancy. Its arrival also 
coincided with  changes in the Salsa music. The changes occurred early in 1970s when 
the “Tamma”  or talking drum musical instrument was introduced into the 
Salsa music and it  never became the same again. With “Afro-Manding” beat 
knocking at the doors;  Salsa music faced a challenge in the absence of the “
El-Maestro,” Laba Sosseh.  To understand these changes, one need to go back to the 
classics mentioned  earlier and will notice that either from the middle or at the 
end; the “Tamma”  becomes instrumental in the music and changes the dancing 
style or techniques to  “Ndaga” dance form. The similarities with the way 
Salsa emerged after the 1920s,  when the “Clave” musical instrument was 
introduced into the “Cuban son” music  became clear at this juncture. In the case of 
Salsa, the introduction of the  “Tamma” into the Salsa music laid the seeds 
that germinated to what it is now  known as MBALAX music and “Afro-Manding” 
beat gave the signals to this  opportunity and created the necessary conditions 
for its emergence. In all  situations, changes have to be explained and here 
it is. 
The factors that  led to the emergence of “Mbalax” varied, but some of it 
can be attributed to the  favourable conditions available from the early to the 
mid 1970s. “Afro- Manding”  beat was already hot in the Gambia and at the 
same time in Senegal. Salsa was  taking a different dimension. The guitar on some 
occasions would inject the  “Ndaga” rhythm in the Salsa tunes and with the 
addition of the “Tamma” armpit  drum the music never look the same again. The 
rise of the late Senegalese  vocalist in the early 1970s, Abdoulai Mboob, was 
also a major factor, because  despite the fact that his music was Salsa Music, 
he mostly sang in Wollof,  rather than Spanish, allowing the “Tamma” drum to 
adjust Salsa music closer to  home. The new situations in the continent in 
terms of national identities that  can relate to something African within 
national boundaries, which the social  movements brought to the political landscape, 
was also instrumental. 
For  example, the “Afro-Manding” beat was associated with the tiny Gambia; 
the  Congolese music was associated with the Congo; “Afro-Juju” beat with 
Nigeria;  “Chimorenga” music associated with the independence struggle of the 
then  Rhodesia (Zimbabwe); there was something musically associated with Mali 
(Rail  Band); Guinea Conakry (Bembeya Jazz Band) and the anti-apartheid songs of  
Masekela and Mariama Makeba associated with South Africa. In Senegal, there 
was  nothing that was Senegalese music. Salsa was popular and adopted; it was 
however  more associated with Cuba and Latin American countries than Senegal. 
Therefore,  the need for change for something national was more prevalent in 
Senegal than in  many West African countries. The young Senegalese musicians did 
not look far to  create what was lacking musically in Senegal. The Gambia is 
just a border away  and some of them such as Ouza, Yousou Ndour and others 
visited the Gambian  musical scene either to play or learn about the new changes. 
They saw the  “Afro-Manding” beat at its early developmental stage and 
gained the insight,  idea and vision of what was to be done. 
Young Yousou Ndour had a  better grasp of the necessity to change than many 
of his contemporaries.  Everything has been done with the Salsa music locally 
and there was still  something alienating in it and that was the Spanish 
language. The end of “Etoile  de Dakar” in the late 1970s and the formation of “
Super Etoile de Dakar” could  be credited for the new development. The tense 
battle between Yousou Ndour and  Alhajie Faye after the break up of the first “
Etoile” band had fundamental  effects on the Senegalese music history. The era of 
“Mbalax” arrived and every  band in existence in Senegal were forced to 
convert to it and those emerging do  not have go through the difficult road that 
Yousou,  Ouza, the late Pape  Seck of Star band, Alhajie Faye, Gomez,Medoune 
Diallo, Balla Sidibe, Ndiouga  Dieng, the late Lai Mboob and the other great 
pioneers experienced. “Mbalax”  today is a national pride. It has created its 
own creative industry and economy.  It has expanded into other types of “Mbalax”
 such as “Salsa Mbalax”, “Rock  Mbalax”, “Jazz Mbalax”, “Reggae Mbalax”, “
Wrap Mbalax” (‘Tassu’ in Wollof}  “Kwassa-Kwassa” (Congolese) ‘Mbalax’ and 
“Folk Mbalax” among others with a  single root.

The conclusion:
To conclude, it is time to lay to  rest the argument that “Mbalax” music 
originated from the Gambia. To say so and  believe it is to deny the historic 
figures such as Yousou Ndour, Lai Mboob, Ouza  and others their contribution to 
our cultural development. Secondly, to say  “Mbalax” is a Gambian product is 
an arrogant assertion in itself. There is no  evidence to support this 
reasoning other than the old argument that “Afro-  Manding” beat came from the 
Gambia. So what? The pioneers of today’s SeneGambian  music were also listening to 
the popular African Diasporan musics of James  Brown, Otis Redding, Roberta 
Flack, Etta James, Aretha Franklin, Wilson Picket  and many others and related to 
it simply because they could see the link between  those music and the 
traditional ones in Africa. In addition, the “Tamma” was  used in the “Afro-Manding”
 beat and did not make much difference as it did in  Salsa. Further more, it 
must not be forgotten that “Toure Kunda” band of Senegal  also were playing 
the “Afro-Manding” beat.
“Mbalax” and the “Afro-Manding”  beat are African music with roots within 
the same community, tradition and  culture in the SeneGambian region. However, 
both have their own unique qualities  specific to them.  The longetivity of 
salsa in Senegal had major influence  on the emergence of “Mbalax”. I think 
this is where the role and contribution  of  Laba Sosseh came to fruition. We can 
be rest assured that he will never  be forgotten in the land of Senegal.

PRO-PAG On Message Development  For MDGS/PRSP Campaign
By Amie Sanneh
The Pro-Poor Advocacy Group  (Pro-PAG) on Thursday 1st November completed a 
two-day workshop on message  development for the MDGs/PRSP Advocacy and 
Dissemination Campaign for The  Gambia. The campaign will, among others, create 
awareness and a sense of  ownership on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and 
Poverty Reduction  Strategy Paper (PRSP) related projects and programmes 
implemented by partners  and aimed at meeting the national and international 
targets.
In her opening  remarks the Director of Pro-PAG Dr. Siga Fatima Jagne 
described the workshop as  crucial. She said without the development of an Advocacy 
Strategy, they would  not know what to do. She pointed out that every Gambian 
needs to know the MDGs  and PRSP. Dr. Jagne stressed the need for the increase 
in budgetary allocation  to poverty reduction through sensitization workshop, 
the use of the media etc.  She noted that appropriate funding is a crucial 
factor if they want to achieve  something and improve the lives of people. She 
expressed hope that participants  will develop a kind of message that will make 
a difference in the lives of the  people.
Speaking earlier in her welcoming remarks Adelaide Sosseh, the  Chairperson 
of Pro-PAG, said the workshop is important in charting the way  forward. She 
described it as a road map in meeting the MDGs and Vision 2020.  Mrs. Sosseh 
remarked that poverty is the first goal highlighted among the MDGs.  She said 
that shows its importance in the Global agenda. She pointed out that it  is a 
major course for concern that poverty is increasing. She urged participants  to 
fully participate in the process and contribute to eradicate poverty.  
Throughout the workshop participants were engaged in-group discussions and were  
expected to come up with advocacy and dissemination strategies on meeting MDGs  and 
the PRSP, which should show a remarkable change in the lives of  citizens. 

German National Convicted Of Child  Pornography
By Musa Barrow
Birk Padberg, a German national was on Thursday  1st November 2007 convicted 
of child pornography and related offences by  Principal Magistrate B.Y, Camara 
of Banjul Magistrate Court. Mr. Padberg who has  been a regular visitor to 
The Gambia since 1973 was charged with three counts.  Count one, conspiracy to 
effect an unlawful purpose contrary to section 371 (e)  of the Criminal Code 
Cap 10 Vol III Laws of The Gambia 1990. The particulars of  the offence states 
that Birk Padberg, with others, at large in diverse places  and dates in The 
Gambia conspired together to take obscene photographs of  themselves and other 
persons thereby committed an offence.
On count two Mr.  Padberg was charged with trafficking obscene photographs 
contrary to section 15  (9) of the criminal code cap 10 Vol III Laws of The 
Gambia 1990. According to  the particulars of offence, Mr. Padberg on diverse 
dates and places in The  Gambia was in possession of obscene photographs and 
thereby committed an  offence. 
On count three Mr. Padberg was charged with child pornography  contrary to 
section 8 (1) (9) of the Tourism Offence Act, 2003. The particulars  of the 
offence states that Mr. Padberg, on diverse dates and places in The  Gambia took 
indecent or naked photograph of Rosaline Meurer and thereby  committed an 
offence.
After the charges were read to Mr. Padberg, he pleaded  guilty to all of 
them. However, Lawyer Jobarteh, the German’s defense lawyer,  made an appeal. He 
urged the magistrate that given that his client Mr. Padberg  had completely 
cooperated with the police during the investigation, thereby  saving their time 
and also shown remorse, his client be given the minimum  punishment. Lawyer 
Jobarteh further said that Mr. Padberg has got some expensive  and immovable 
properties in this country and is therefore contributing to the  Socio-economic 
development of The Gambia. On the basis of these facts lawyer  Jobarteh pleaded 
for leniency. 
Given Mr. Padberg’s health condition as a  heart patient, the counsel urged 
the Magistrate to tamper justice with mercy.  
In delivering his verdict, Presiding Magistrate B.Y. Camara fined Mr.  
Padberg a total sum of twenty five thousand dalasis for the three counts brought  
against him. For counts one and two he was ordered to pay seven thousand five  
hundred (D7, 500) dalasis each. Furthermore, Magistrate B.Y Camara told Mr.  
Padberg that such immoral and indecent acts are totally incompatible with the  
customs, culture and values of Gambian society. He also told the German that  
given his frequent visit to this country since 1973, one  would have  thought 
that he would also contribute to the building of a brighter future for  Gambian 
children, rather than exploiting them. Magistrate B.Y Camara stressed  that 
although tourists are welcome in The Gambia, irresponsible tourism is not  
encouraged. He further told Mr. Padberg that he had to thank the brilliant  
advocacy of his defense lawyer, Jobarteh, for receiving such a fine.

Standard Chartered Bank Organizes Eye   Screening For  Partners
By Musa Barrow
Standard Chartered Bank on Thursday 1st November  2007 organised an eye 
screening exercise for its customers and media  practitioners at its headquarters 
in Banjul. Speaking just before the exercise  began, the Acting CEO of Standard 
Chartered Bank, Mr. Wilfred Ntuba, said his  Bank is highly committed to have 
positive impact on the communities and the  environment in which they 
operate. He noted that in pursuing their business  objective, they aim to contribute 
towards sustainable development. Mr. Ntuba  pointed out that by addressing 
these challenges, Standard Chartered Bank could  stand as a unique bank in the 
market. He also revealed that to date, Standard  Chartered groups have 
contributed at least twenty two (22) million US dollars in  community activities 
globally. Acting CEO Ntuba stated that one of Standard  Chartered Bank’s most valued 
global initiatives are “Seeing is Believing” (SIB).  According to him this 
initiative was launched in 2003 and up to date Standard  Chartered Bank group 
has raised more than US 8 million dollars, which is enough  to give sight to 
more than one million people. He further disclosed that  Standard Chartered Bank 
aims to raise another six million US dollars over the  next three years to 
assist another one million people.
In this regard, Mr.  Ntuba said Standard Chartered Bank, Gambia, in 
collaboration with Sheikh Zayed  Regional Eye Centre, had carried out the eye test on a 
cross section of their  staff, customers and the media. In address to this 
activity, Acting CEO Ntuba  explained that Standard Chartered Bank, Gambia, 
would be volunteering at Sheikh  Zayed Eye Centre next week. He noted that the 
bank encourages employees to  contribute towards the development of their local 
communities by sharing their  knowledge, skills and talents where the bank 
lives and operates. Media groups  such as the Foroyaa, Observer and the Point have 
so far benefited from the  initiative.

End of Season for Dawda Bah
By Modou Nyang
Finland based Gambian star  Dawda Bah has played his last match this season 
for club HJK.
Bah is cup  tied, meaning he is not eligible to play for the Helsinki club in 
the Finnish  Cup (Suomen Cup) competition. Helsingin Jalkapalloklubi (HJK) 
currently has any  hope of glory this season left in the Cup competition having 
finished in a  disappointing mid-table position in the league. 
And Dave, who has fallen in  Coach Aki Hyrylainen midfield pecking order, is 
not eligible to play in the  clubs remaining matches in the Suomen Cup. He 
played for former club KPV  (Kokkolan Palloveikot) in the same competition 
earlier in the qualifying stage  before joining HJK in July this year. 

Super Nawettan Battle Lines Drawn
By Modou Nyang
The fixture for this  year’s Super Nawettan championship has been released, 
presenting some  interesting dates among the big Nawettan zones.
The Super Nawettan which is  scheduled to start next week – Wednesday 14th, 
will feature defending champions  Serrekunda East against Kombo North 
representatives Sukuta, at the Serrekunda  West football grounds on match day one. 
Whilst longtime Super Nawettan rivals  Bakau and Banjul, resume their age long 
football hostilities at the Serrekunda  East grounds on the same day.
Last year’s runners-up Brikama will take on  fellow Western Division 
brethrens Gunjur on Thursday 15th November, at SK West  and former winners Lamin face 
Serrekunda West at the East grounds. 
Battles  to reach the last four of the competition will then resume two days 
later when  SK East takes on Bakau and Sukuta play Banjul. Brikama will then 
square-up with  Lamin on the next – Sunday 18th, and Gunjur face SK West at the 
East grounds on  the same day.
According to reports the Gambia Football Association has this  year included 
a new prize for the most disciplined zone and top scorer in the  crowd pulling 
inter Nawettan zones competition. A mouth watering D25, 000 prize  money 
awaits the winner of the competition while the runner-up will bag D15,  000. D6, 
000 participatory fees will be disbursed to the remaining participating  zones. 
Each zone was earlier handed D4, 000 as preparatory fee. 





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