Saul,
I finally got the time to read through your article. It is quite interesting even though I could not understand why you think Sheriff Dibba or Sidia Jatta are the only good candidates to rule Gambia at the time. It would have been great if you had elaborated on your reasons a little bit further. 

Ramadan mubarak to all my Muslim brothers and sisters. May Allah ta'alla forgive us all.
Ameen.
 
Abdoulie A. Jallow

"If you will tell me why the fen
appears impassable, I then
will tell you why I think that I
can get across it if I try."
I May, I Might I Must - by Marianne Moore 
    -----Original Message-----
    From: saul khan <[log in to unmask]>
    To: [log in to unmask] <[log in to unmask]>
    Date: Tuesday, December 07, 1999 9:42 PM
    Subject: Reply to Mr. Halif Sallah
    
    
    Halifa,
    
    I wanted to ignore your reply until Friday evening when I'll have some time,
    but I could not resist the temptation to read your mail.
    
    I'm totally surprised that you don't remember me. Maybe I've truly been away
    from the Gambia for too long. My Mom keeps telling me that.
    In any case, if you remember Ebrima Sankareh (Gorrghi,) that should refresh
    your memory. Or maybe, Auntie Amie may be able to help. I hope you won't
    forget your supporters so quickly when you become president (just kidding.)
    
    Regarding my adjoinder to Cherno Baba's, it may be crass stupidity, but what
    he said in his piece about you reminded me of our conversation in the summer
    of 1996 (August to be exact.) Like we say in Gambia, "where everybody knows
    everybody else, there's no need for last name enquiries." I'm sorry if that
    strikes you as immature or naive. Thanks to this electronic age, I'm
    inserting the letter I sent to you in 1996 verbatim. That should remind you
    of our conversation.
    
    Regarding the constitution, I'm hoping you'll elaborate. I wouldn't be too
    excited if I were you regarding your postulation on the constitution. The
    fact is, many of us have never seen a copy of this document. I've seen
    exerpts, and I didn't like what I saw. Considering what has been happening
    to members of the opposition, journalists, and ordinary Gambians, that fear
    doesn't seem to be misplaced at all. I'm still curious to know what
    motivated you to campaign for a doc that blatantly ignored the wishes of the
    Gambian people in terms of instituting a Term Limit for the presidency. And
    the notorious Indemnity Clause that is a Passpartout (excuse my French) for
    a select group of people to do what they want with impunity.
    
    At this point, my brain is failing me. Ten hours in a sea of figures/fin
    analysis is taking it's toll. I'll stop here for now, and hopefully, I'll be
    in better shape on Friday.
    
    One thing though, I want to make it clear that I'm not trying to take
    anything away from you. I acknowledge and respect your contribution to
    Gambians' political awareness during the Jawara regime. I was a big PDOIS
    fan. Not to brag, but I literally forced two of my sisters and their
    husbands to vote for you in '87. But since the coup, I've not liked what
    I've seen coming from your end. To me, you've become part of the problem in
    the Gambia: - excusing Yaya Jammeh's excesses by making comparisons w/ the
    PPP era. In short, giving comfort to a regime that leaves a lot to be
    desired. It's not my style to kow-tow to anyone, and I've no intention of
    starting now. So, if you can convince me that I'm wrong about you, I'll
    apologize, otherwise, you're most welcome to continue this debate into the
    next millinium. If needs be, I'll quote exactly what you said to me about
    Yaya when we spoke in August '96. Until next time, here is the letter I sent
    you then. I hope it helps you memory:
    
    Yaya and Jawara: Comrades in Doom?
    
    By Saul Saidykhan
    
         "If there is anything we learn from history, it
         is that we don't learn from history."
             G.W.F. Hegel, Philosophy of History.
    
    Until now, I've considered myself a staunch supporter of what the AFPRC is
    trying to do in The Gambia. Unlike Jawara, Yaya, in his speeches is mostly
    very inarticulate. But, his actions reveal what appears to be a sincere love
    for The Gambia. To be exact, Yaya has stuck to many vital promises he has
    made. In two years, Yaya has done what the PPP failed to do in thirty years.
    In addition to the infrastructural developments undertaken, Yaya has brought
    back a "sense of shame" (or decency, if one pleases) to Gambian public life.
    This has been absent for a very long time. Three years ago, people not only
    steal public money publicly, but they shamelessly flaunt it as well. That
    has changed. Many of such people are being given a ride on the Hell-Express.
    And we should all thank Yaya for a job being well done. However, we've got
    to draw the line somewhere. Between Yaya and Jawara, I prefer Yaya. But
    Jawara is no longer in the picture. We are now dealing with a whole new set
    of players. Which is to say, we need a new strategy in our search for
    progress. Unfortunately, Yaya seems to be using Jawara's record as an excuse
    to break the covenant he has made with the Gambian people.
    
    Promises, Rhetoric, Slogans.
         When the AFPRC took over two years ago, a few things stood out:
    "...transparency, accountability..., `soldiers with a difference.'" We took
    this with a pinch of salt, because we've heard it all before. But when they
    spared the lives of the PPP elite, and allowed a relatively free press, we
    saw reason to believe the AFPRC's "difference" from their counterparts in
    other African countries. The development projects undertaken since, has only
    cemented this positive view of the AFPRC. To some of us who have become
    "believers," the AFPRC is committed to it's transitional program. We try to
    give the Council the benefit of the doubt when a crisis occurs. We even
    turned a blind eye on the murder of Koro Ceesay, though all the evidence
    points to elements within the army. To date, no one has been brought to
    justice for this heinous crime. (For a leader who has made "accountability"
    the hallmark of his reign, Yaya's failure to bring Koro's murderers to
    justice is simply unforgiveable.) To make matters worse, it is very clear
    now that the AFPRC does not intend to give up power. The last edition of
    "Upfront" leaves no doubt about where the army stands. This is a serious
    miscalculation of the basis of public support for the AFPRC. That support is
    conditional on the AFPRC sticking to its promises, irrespective of what
    development projects are under-taken. Further, the AFPRC's breaking of it's
    main promise to hand over power to civilians will be a shame for several
    reasons.
        First, the AFPRC government is supposed to be a "provisional"
    government, not one that would metamorphose into a psuedo-civilian
    government. They are supposed to be "career soldiers", not politicians.
    They've made it a point to emphasize time and again that they are not "power
    hungry." One of the most touted slogans of the AFPRC has been that they are
    "Soldiers with a difference."  Well, the biggest test of the AFPRC's
    "difference" is its willingness or ability to give up power; to demonstrate
    their "difference" from their counterparts in say, Nigeria. So far, the
    AFPRC is acting exactly like their peers have, all over Africa. In order to
    be "different," the Council needs to stick to it's promise. And the time is
    now.
         Secondly, in addition to the AFPRC's publicly professed acceptance of
    the National Consultative Committee (NCC) report, (which limits the army's
    mandate to two years, this July,) Yaya has publicly said he will not seek
    the presidency. He intends to "retire and become a farmer," he said. In
    accepting the NCC report, the AFPRC has signed a covenant with Gambians.
    Yaya's public renunciation of a run for the presidency has sealed that
    covenant. It should not be broken. As a matter of fact, the specter of a
    Yaya candidacy should not be raised at all. And if Yaya is honorable, he
    won't let anyone raise it. There is something terribly wrong with a society
    when leaders make promises publicly and then shamelessly renege on those
    promises. And try to intimidate anyone who remembers those promises! Jawara
    caused a raucus in 1992 when he reneged on his promise to retire. Most
    Gambians looking for decent leadership at the time, called him what he is: a
    hypocrite. Today, only the name of the leader has changed. Yaya's
    self-serving amnesia about his promise not to run, is a classic example of
    the kind of leadership we don't need in The Gambia, and he isn't very polite
    about it. Going round the country, and treating people to colanuts, but
    telling those same people that they don't have the right to ask why they are
    being given colanuts is, at best, very childish. But that Yaya now has a
    problem telling Gambians  he is running for the presidency shows he is
    conscious of the hypocrisy he is engaged in. Saying publicly that you want
    to be a farmer one year, then that you meant a farmer at State House the
    next year, is quite a task for even the lowest of politicians.  And not
    every Gambian has a short memory. For someone who has toppled Jawara, Yaya's
    inability to learn from history is alarming. Like we say in Gambia, "the dog
    that has beaten Jawara is menacingly closing in on Yaya." The only question
    is whether Yaya wants to save himself. No one else can.
    
    Deception and Reality
         Yaya is acting as if there is a genuine "grassroots attempt" to draft
    him for the presidency. Anyone with basic commonsense knows that's not the
    case. The army has been actively- even if secretly, campaigning for Yaya
    (with his blessing) for some time now. So far, their efforts are yet to pay
    off. The National TV is being used to garner support for Yaya, so is
    sympathetic news- papers. Yaya himself continues to chastise the Gambian
    public for "not seeing what they (AFPRC) are doing." Yet, all these efforts
    have failed to produce the desired results. The heart of the Gambian people
    is not in a Yaya presidency. And Yaya needs to know that. This is not a
    rejection of Yaya as a person, it is a rejection of what he embodies.
    Gambians were disgusted with Jawara and his Corruption Inc. We were looking
    for a deliverer, and Yaya seemed to fit the bill. But I'm not sure people's
    disgust with Jawara necessarily translates into a love for an army
    disguised-as-a-civilian government. Besides, leadership should begin with
    sticking to one's words. Jawara failed that test over and over. And Yaya has
    started on the same path.
    
    The Choices
          The Gambia, spurred by Yaya, is at a critical point. Having started
    several development projects, Yaya needs to stick to his word (which has
    been his main source of support,) and let the civilians have another go at
    governing. If civilians mess things up, Yaya with his record, has a great
    chance of being elected five or ten years down the road in a clean election.
    If Mathew Kerekou with his dismal record, could win as an opposition
    candidate in Benin, Yaya sure has one heck of a chance in the future. That's
    choice One. On the other hand, Yaya can listen to the numerous weather-vane,
    self-serving opportunists (like Nyimansata Sanneh Bojang) surrounding him,
    and refuse to hand power to civilians. When (not "if,") the time comes, he
    will realise what Jawara knows now: most of these so-called "supporters"
    will be the ones crucifying him. The choices are clear, and Yaya can take
    his pick.
       The simple fact is that there won't be a "clean" or "fair" election if
    Yaya is a candidate. Yaya appointed the so-called Independent Electoral
    Commission, without any opposition or other outside oversight. He pays their
    salaries, and will provide "security" for them during the elections. It
    would be foolish of anyone to even imagine that this commission would be
    objective in conducting an election which Yaya is contesting. If Yaya wants
    to contest, the present commission should be dissolved. A new one, made up
    of an equal number of representatives of Yaya and Opposition parties, and
    preferably headed by a judge should be appointed. That's the only means of
    assuring a fair vote. Otherwise, the elections would be nothing but a formal
    exercise meant to legitimize what would inherently constitute an
    illegitimate government.
        The mere fact of Yaya running is intimidating enough. And it is a
    contradiction of everything he supposedly stands for. If Yaya has no respect
    for his own public promise, he won't have any respect for the decision of
    the Gambian people at the polls!  The Gambian people have already made their
    wish known to the NCC: two years for Yaya. This is Yaya's mandate, and it is
    what legitimizes his rule. Yaya supposedly accepted this fact at the time.
    Captains Sana Sabally and Sadibou Hydara who -alledgedly, resisted a return
    to civilian rule were arrested and jailed. Now that those people are out of
    the picture, Yaya should stick to the NCC's recommendation, and come next
    month - RESIGN IN DIGNITY. Running for the presidency will symbolize nothing
    but Yaya's reluctance to give up power. It is very unfortunate that Yaya is
    developing a serious case of the Charles Taylor syndrome: "I kicked him out;
    so, I'm the only one qualified to be president." One only has to look at a
    now very "wonderful" Liberia, to realize how dangerous such thinking is.
    Should Yaya rig the elections, and history is anything to go by, things
    would only go down hill from there. The Gambian people do not deserve that
    fate.
    
    What are the choices in the Presidential Election?
         Yaya is not alone in his mistrust of Gambian politicians. Most of our
    generation have little faith in career politicians. However, because much of
    the bag is rotten does not mean that every fruit is bad. I believe either
    Sheriff Dibba or Sedia Jatta will make a great president. When Yaya and
    people like me were secretly criticizing Jawara, Dibba was doing it in
    public. And very articulately! Dibba's constructive criticism  in fact forms
    a major moral basis for Yaya's coup. Dibba needs to be recognized for his
    tremendous contribution to Gambian democracy as it existed. I do not believe
    Dibba is corrupt. If he were, we would have seen the evidence a long time
    ago. Jawara's government produced fifty-nine liars in 1982, so they could
    convict Sheriff Dibba of treason. They failed, and he was acquitted. If they
    could go to this length to attempt to send this man to death, they would
    have gleefully  shown Gambians evidence of his corruption just to silence
    him. They have not. Since taking over, Yaya has dished out medals to all
    kinds of people. It's too bad that he has failed to remember Sheriff Dibba.
          As for Sedia Jatta, despite my own serious reservations about
    socialism, PDOIS more than any party has educated Gambians about their
    political and civil rights. Their selflessness is commendable. Also, the
    austere style of living of the PDOIS leadership shows a sensitivity about
    the economic reality of the Gambia. In the last ten years, PDOIS has created
    a political style all it's own. Maybe, it's time Sheriff Dibba, or PDOIS
    lead The Gambia. Yaya owes it to posterity not to stand in the way.
    
      LONG LIVE The GAMBIA!
    
    August 1996.
    
    Saul.
    
    
    
    
    
    
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