Hi Lamin!
Thanks for your reply. The essence of your first paragraphs do not
seem to disagree with what I wrote. You agreed that none can claim to
be ?speaking for the opposition segment of The Gambia, either in the
Diaspora, or in-country?. You also agreed that people can choose to be
silent and even take it further by deleting posts they are not
interested in. You further wrote with reference to the ?most outspoken
people? that ?logic again dictates that their views are properly viewed
as personal to them?. Indeed. However, the views of the less outspoken
are also personal to them. You are right that those that partake of
discussions are going to be more visible than those that remain
silent.
In your fifth paragraph, you made a couple of points with regard to the
alignment or not of the aspirations and opinions of Gambians on the
ground and those in the Diaspora. These are:
- That the opinions and aspirations fully coincide
- That it is only the strategy of expression that differs due mainly to
the issue of proximity
On the first point, whilst there are some areas where such is correct,
there are others where there are differences. On the differences, one
of the most obvious is the issue of infrastructure and what constitutes
development. Ask the average Diaspora Gambian about the schools,
hospitals and other infrastructure built by Yaya and you would probably
get the response that these are white elephant projects. What is the
use of building hospitals without medicines and the qualified personnel
to man them? What is the use of building schools without books, without
qualified teachers etc.? Ask the average Gambian back home and the
response you get is ?waja ngeh ligaye?. This is what many Diaspora
Gambians hate to hear but that is the reality of what you hear in
Gambia. For many whose kids used to walk kilometers to go to school
carrying chairs etc., having a school built in their villages or towns
is a huge relief and is something that can be seen and touched.
The second point deals with the issue of strategy juxtaposed against
proximity. You opined that what the ?the Diaspora media and on line
commentators may say without the slightest bother, media and
commentators within the sovereign boundaries of The Gambia dare not
even contemplate.? I agree with you. Behind my keyboard, I can be Rambo
or whoever I want to be. I can even write with a pen name. I can write
whatever I write knowing well that I am thousands of miles away. The
average Gambian speaking his / her mind in Serrekunda or Banjul does
not have the privilege of distance. Given the Gambian attitude of if it
doesn?t affect me or my immediate family I don?t care, I think Diaspora
Gambians should leave the choice of expression of dissent to those who
may be in the line of fire should they choose to speak out. However, if
I sit in Stockholm knowing that I have no plans to go back home soon
and that I am beyond the reach of the authorities and say whatever I
like and expect someone in Banjul to make the same radical
pronouncements, I would not be fair to him / her.
You wrote:
?Are we right in assuming that the average "Samba or Demba" is
unconcerned about the human rights violations that are fixtures of
Gambian public life, that he believes Daba Marena and others escaped
whilst being transferred from Mile 2 Central Prisons to wherever,
notwithstanding being completely shackled?? I did not say that the
average Samba or Demba is ?unconcerned? about human rights. I wrote
that we accord democracy and human rights ?positions of necessity
discordant with those accorded them by the average Samba or Demba?, i.
e., the level of concern we attach to them is not the same level
attached to them by the average Gambian. The same applies to the
economic hardships encountered by the average Gambian. When was the
last raucous post about the economic hardships Gambians go through on a
daily basis on either list? Someone forwards an article now and then
and the issue takes a rest yet we always talk about human rights and
democracy. If you go to Gambia, people talk about the economic
hardships on a daily basis and comment on human rights issues if
something dramatic happens like the arrest of Halifa or the Daba Marena
case you mentioned. If I agree with you that the average Gambian as you
contend ?embraces the view that Daba Marena's whereabouts is a
responsibility properly assigned to the Professor and his government?,
what has he / she done about it? Has he / she made strident demands for
restitution as has been made on the mailing lists? Why not?
I agree that ?there may be an argument for expediency in particular
circumstances, it should be rejected as a general philosophy of life.?
However, does your stating and my agreeing that this should not be the
status quo as it prevails make the average Gambian change his / her
attitude to ours? I don?t think so. Attitudinal change is a process
preceded or accompanied by a change in socialized behavioural patterns
and circumstance. The change that people wish will not take place
overnight just because they deem it urgent.
On Yus? comments, what he presented was a departure from his previous
positions and the prevailing view. As I stated, I cannot remember the
exact exchanges but what I got from them. If you go to Gambia, you
realize the importance people attach to tangible things like roads,
buildings etc. Some Diaspora Gambians brushing these off as white
elephant and unnecessary things whilst they are being provided as proof
of development is foolhardy on their part. That the APRC can point to
hospitals, schools, roads and other visible and tangible things whilst
some Diaspora Gambians point to intangible things gives the APRC a huge
advantage because they can always point to their proof of development.
What Yus presented as you reminded me provided a huge opportunity if it
was properly dealt with. If the essence of his argument was taken, i.
e., the necessity of providing tangible things, one could have adapted
it to suitable models. Instead of building a road or hospital (which
the opposition did not have the means or mandate to do), one could have
dug a well in some village that had water problems etc. However, since
Yus? proposals were thrashed, what do we have in their stead? Nothing.
There has indeed been a long history of talk about fence-sitting on
both lists. I also enjoy your posts. Have a good evening.
Buharry.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
----Original Message----
From: [log in to unmask]
Date: 2009-03-14 15:38
To: <[log in to unmask]>
Subj: Re: [>-<] Of Militants, Cowards and Fence-sitters:
Disaporan Gambians and the Political Situation in Gambia
Buharry
Thanks for your thoughts, and may you sustain the energy to regularly
bombard us with your views on the struggle against a state of affairs
that continues to ravage the only place on earth where our
essential humanness will likely ever be taken for granted. Poignant
observations overall, and I propose to deal with the key points in your
current instalment.
I accept your conclusion that no single person or organisation may
legitimately pretend to speaking for the opposition segment of The
Gambia, either in the Diaspora, or in-country. In itself, this basic
point presents no particular issues in the sense that those Gambians
motivated enough to make their views known are able to partake in that
enterprise as a way of engaging with others, thanks chiefly to outlets
such as the Mighty, and Gambia-L. If only in the sense of having the
ability to garner some insight on the world view of those we bumped
into in cyberspace, the value in such engagement may
be tremendous. Having never encountered Buharry in person, I am
nevertheless confident that should that opportunity present itself, I
may not be totally adrift in the department of small talk.
I also accept that individuals refraining from on line dialogue are
motivated by all manner of considerations, and that even where there is
an absence of any readily discernible reason, our silent colleagues
must be accorded the freedom "not to partake in discussions".
Unquestionably, they are clearly able to take disinterest a step
further by deleting all post emanating from Buharry, a form of spite
that does not offend at all.
As to "the most outspoken people" and their views, logic again dictates
that their views are properly viewed as personal to them. However, the
dynamics of conversation suggest that those who are willing to place
their intellectual wares in the streams of public discourse are likely
to gain more notoriety than those not enamoured of the activity. This
is not to suggest that value inheres in the activity of public
conversation per se, but a person who announces her membership of a
community is likely to be more readily recognisable than the member
whose comfort zone is exclusively in the backroom. Again, motivations
for belonging to a community may differ in fundamental ways, and we
should probably accord people their wishes by not indulging in undue
interference.
On the question of "whether the opinions and aspirations of Diaspora
Gambians" coincide fully with those on the ground in so far as our
governing tapestry is concerned, the answer is probably yes. If there
is any difference, it probably resides in the chosen strategy of
expressing disgust at the system, and that may be a function of
proximity. What the Diaspora media and on line commentators may say
without the slightest bother, media and commentators within the
sovereign boundaries of The Gambia dare not even contemplate. On this
issue, the key consideration is proximity to the repressive power of
the Professor.
What I am struggling with is your contention thus:
"In order to be effective conduits of progressive change, we should
realign our thought patterns and think on the level of the average
Gambian and learn to identify the issues that Gambians hold dear and
not the issues we expect them to hold dear. Whilst democracy, human
rights etc. are basic necessities in any decent and civilised society,
we accord them positions of necessity discordant with those accorded
them by the average Samba or Demba preoccupied with how to find the
next meal for his / her family. This does not absolve the Samba or
Demba of his / her responsibility to demand his / her God-given rights.
It just shows that expediency takes precedence over principle".
On first impression, your observation appears not to embody any
controversy, but its orchestral harmony may collapse on further
examination. Are we right in assuming that the average "Samba or Demba"
is unconcerned about the human rights violations that are fixtures of
Gambian public life, that he believes Daba Marena and others escaped
whilst being transferred from Mile 2 Central Prisons to wherever,
notwithstanding being completely shackled? I take the view that human
beings are generally endowed with the ability to distinguish right from
wrong, and this may be the only explanation for murderous
dictators engaging in generous displays of affection toward their
children and spouses, even as they subject the children and spouses of
others to great trauma through all manner of gratuitous brutality. I
contend for the proposition that the average "Samba or Demba" embraces
the view that Daba Marena's whereabouts is a responsibility properly
assigned to the Professor and his government.
Although there may be an argument for expediency in particular
circumstances, it should be rejected as a general philosophy of life.
The "average Samba or Demba" hustled what he could out of Jawara, and
he is now wilfully partaking in the excesses of the Professor. I am
unsure as to what "average" denotes, but urge that you examine Barmy
Jagne's declaration on the Mighty that the Professor is the preeminent
propounder of of Pan Africanism among the current coterie of African
leaders. This kind of pronouncement by a resident of the United States
of America is more akin to wilful disregard than cluelessness. Barmy's
deliberate mis-analysis places him in the same category with your
"average Samba and Demba" who, with faculties intact, is fully aware of
the unacceptable human rights situation that obtains in the Professor's
Gambia.
Transiting to what Yusupha said on return from a Gambian visit some
years ago, the concern was less with the veracity of his factual
narration, and more with the prognosis he suggested for the opposition
segment of Diaspora Gambia. Yusupha's central contention was that in
the battle for the hearts and minds of the Gambian electorate, the
opposition should embark on some community development efforts to
counter the strides mad by the Professor, especially on visible
infrastructure such as roads. If the opposition cannot fund serious
election campaigns, I do not see how it could come up with the
humongous amounts necessary to challenge on development projects
properly the responsibility of the State. Even if such funds are source-
able, we must remember that with a totalitarian system, the opposition
would be prevented, with force, if need be, from embarking on any
independent development initiative. The police power resides with the
State,
and the Professor is not known for his timid projection of national
power.
At the time, and in eloquent support of Yusupha's prognosis, Ousman
Gagigo argued that all of the Professor's victims were in The Gambia.
Even after the intervention of some three years worth of weeks and
months, Ousman's contention stays with me for the simple reason that
the Professor's policies are draining the country of capacity
for development. Those who are staying out of the country because they
have to are as much victims as anyone within territorial Gambia. I
accept there is a difference in so far as bodily integrity is
concerned, but a wasted pool of talent is a tragedy on both the
personal and national levels
Moving The Gambia forward means nothing less that dislodging the
Professor's government from power. Our national struggle is about
the political values we want at the core of our governance system. On
the one hand are governmental minimalism, and constitutionalism within
the broader context of the rule of law in a democratic society. On the
other hand is totalitarianism that rejects, any, and all restraint on
its power. As far as the Professor is concerned, there is no middle
ground.
On fence-siting, there is long standing banter on that on both the on
the Mighty. In recent weeks, I myself teased Pa Musa by urging him to
come off that fence, but only as a joke.
Please indulge us more often with the provocative thoughts of the
scholarly Gassamas'.
LJDarbo
--- On Fri, 13/3/09, Momodou Buharry Gassama <[log in to unmask]>
wrote:
From: Momodou Buharry Gassama <[log in to unmask]>
Subject: [>-<] Of Militants, Cowards and Fence-sitters: Disaporan
Gambians and the Political Situation in Gambia
To: [log in to unmask], [log in to unmask]
Date: Friday, 13 March, 2009, 5:12 PM
[ This e-mail is posted to Gambia|Post e-Gathering by Momodou Buharry
Gassama <[log in to unmask]> ]
Of Militants, Cowards and Fence-sitters: Disaporan Gambians and the
Political Situation in Gambia
In all enterprises, introspection and retrospection are necessary
tools in quantitative and qualitative analyses to determine success
or
failure. As stakeholders in the future of The Gambia, Diaspora
Gambians have, since the seizure of power by the A(F)PRC, taken
various
stances ranging from outright support to outright opposition. Such
stances have found outlets ranging from discussions at social
functions
to online fora and mailing lists. The proponents, active or passive,
of
such stances have taken various forms and personalities, some timid,
some nonchalant and some militant. Whilst most Gambians have some form
of opinion, it is not all who have the ability or courage to make such
opinions known especially on fora such as Gambia-l or Gambia Post, due
among other things, to limitations in the usage of the English
language
and fear of personal attacks. As such, only those who have the courage
and/or ability to partake of discussions on those fora appear to have
carried the mantle for the identification and proposal of solutions to
the problems facing Gambia. Does this however mean that the silent
majority have no opinion? Does this mean that they accept as panacea
the solutions thrown around or pertinent the problems identified as
affecting
Gambia? In trying to deal with such issues, some questions need to be
asked and such questions include:
- Who speaks on behalf of Gambians?
- Are the opinions of outspoken people on the internet to be taken as
representing the opinions of online and offline Diaspora Gambians?
- Are the aspirations and opinions of Gambians abroad and those at
home
similar?
- Is the failure of people to participate in the discussion of Gambian
issues online tantamount to sitting on the fence?
- Is the failure of people to engage in the discussion of Gambian
issues online tantamount to cowardice or a passport to ensuring their
ability to visit Gambia without fear of harassment by the authorities?
- Are the hard-line, militant stances taken by people online
realistic?
Do such stances correctly and objectively identify the problems
affecting Gambia and are the solutions put forward workable ones?
- Do the militant stances stifle discussion of the issues that are
pertinent to all of us?
- Do Gambians have a right to freely choose the party of their choice
to support and be able to propagate and defend their views without
fear?
The questions are many and in trying to deal with the topic at hand,
these and other issues will be dealt to see whether Diaspora Gambians
who, for one reason or other, fail to participate in discussions are
indeed fence-sitters or cowards or those who take hard-line positions
are justified in taking such positions and whether the solutions they
propose are indeed practicable ones.
Since the prosperity or failure of Gambia as a state affects all
Gambians and non-Gambians who have interests in the country, it can be
taken as a given that all Gambians have an inherent stake in its
affairs. As such, it can be expected that they have a duty to
participate in all aspects of its governance. This means being
expected
to take stances on issues that affect the country. However, as
proponents and supposed proponents of democratic values, it should be
expected that those who push for democratic change in Gambia?s
governance should respect and protect the rights of fellow Gambians to
either take stances or not. This brings to the fore the question of
who
speaks on behalf of Gambians. Since Gambian communities abroad are
microcosms of Gambians at home, they can be expected to comprise of
opinions and political leanings as diverse as those found in Gambia.
As
microcosms, the same problems and issues lamented as debilitating the
social, moral, religious and political fabric of Gambian society back
home are a reality within our own Diaspora societies. The values and
opinions are equally diverse. This by natural extension results in
contrariety of opinion with regard to the identification and proposal
of solutions to the problems affecting the country. As such, it can be
concluded that none has the mandate to speak for and on behalf of
Diaspora Gambians. What is to be expected and accepted is a diversity
of opinions with regard to both identification of problems and
proposal
of solutions. What should be avoided is obfuscation of issues and the
imposition of what one regards as the way things should be. People are
more passionate about some issues than others. In situations where
people disagree, one should provide proof or other material or facts
to
convince others of the superiority of one?s ideas and positions. Since
different tactics are required during different debates or phases of a
debate, one can be expected to assume various postures and
personalities depending on the characteristic of the debate. However,
when all is said and done, the ultimate aim should be the convincing
of
the adversary of the superiority of one?s ideas. Failing that, one
should agree to disagree. The simple reason is that every Gambian has
a
right to his / her opinion no matter how disagreeable and should not
be
cowed into silence. No one online, be it my very self or anyone else,
has a mandate to speak on behalf of Gambians no matter how deluded we
might be in our assumptions of responsibility.
The second issue is whether the opinions of the most outspoken people
online should be taken as being representative of the majority of
Gambians. As alluded to earlier, many people are discouraged from
partaking of the discussions online due to various reasons including
limitations in the usage of the English language. Some do not have the
time to engage in the back and forth that characterizes many
discussions, the name-calling, the labeling etc., some are discouraged
by relatives back home and some are plain scared. Does that mean that
they do not have opinions? Does that mean that they do not express
their opinions in platforms different from the internet? The answer
cannot be in the affirmative in all cases. There are many people who
just read and do not participate in the discussions and do not make
their opinions known regarding the situation back home but might be
contributing in other ways. Since writing online exposes one to
unpredictable and sometimes unpleasant responses, many choose to keep
quiet. However, their silence should not be misconstrued as being in
acceptance of the positions of the most vocal. Their silence should
not
be misconstrued as abnegating their opinions and positions. As such,
it
should be accepted that anyone who expresses an opinion online speaks
on his / her own behalf or those who opine with him / her and is not a
representative of the sum total of Diaspora Gambians.
The next issue is whether the opinions and aspirations of Diaspora
Gambians and Gambians at home are the same. Some of us, including
myself, sound like broken records regurgitating the same rhetoric for
many years without the most miniscule of changes having been effected
with regard to the status quo in Gambia. This means that we are either
not effective in delivering our message or that we are out of sync
with
the opinions and aspirations of those we claim to be fighting for. It
is very easy to blame the Gambians on the ground be they political
leaders, religious leaders or the ordinary Samba or Demba. This takes
away the responsibility of introspection from us. The same things we
accuse Gambians back home of are dividing and tearing our Diaspora
societies apart. Tribalism, indifference to or even gloating about the
suffering of fellow Gambians, lack of support for each other, self-
interest at the expense of community etc. are equally prevalent in our
societies abroad as they are in Gambia. Whilst we are pointing the
finger of blame at Gambians on the ground, we should be doing more
introspection to correct ourselves. If we are as we want Gambians on
the ground to be, the issue of showing solidarity to people being
victimized would not arise. However, if we close our eyes to our
inadequacies and pontificate to Gambians at home, the gap in our
opinions and aspirations will widen. One mentions a gap in opinion and
aspirations because that is the reality. Some of us have become so
fixated with what we deem to be the problems affecting Gambia and what
we believe are the solutions that we have become intolerant of
differing opinions. This is a liability because in many an instance,
we
have been away from the country for a long time and the ideals and
opinions we hold dear are no longer the same as those of the average
Samba and Demba in Gambia. If I can remember correctly, Yusupha Jow
tried to educate us about this disconnect between our ideals and
opinions when he came back from his visit to Gambia some years back
but
people got on him. I cannot remember the exact exchanges but what I
got
from those exchanges was that he was somehow being painted as a
sellout
because what he saw made him present opinions contrary to the
prevalent
view. I saw the same disconnect when I visited Gambia. During the Yaya
AIDS cure period, many online said all kinds of things and some even
wanted to change citizenship because of embarrassment but many, many
people in Gambia actually believed that Yaya could indeed cure AIDS. I
was in the country at the time and even educated people believed it.
People, even educated people, believe that Yaya has magical powers.
Many believe that Yaya ?dafa yaa bopa?. People sitting in Bakau would
be afraid of talking about Yaya because they believe he can hear them
whilst sitting in Kanilai. This might sound ridiculous to many but
people actually believe it. That is the reality of things in Gambia.
Why would people impose curfews on themselves during the time it was
said Yaya?s spirits escaped? They did so because they actually
believed
it. In order to be effective conduits of progressive change, we should
realign our thought patterns and think on the level of the average
Gambian and learn to identify the issues that Gambians hold dear and
not the issues we expect them to hold dear. Whilst democracy, human
rights etc. are basic necessities in any decent and civilized society,
we accord them positions of necessity discordant with those accorded
them by the average Samba or Demba preoccupied with how to find the
next meal for his / her family. This does not absolve the Samba or
Demba of his / her responsibility to demand his / her God-given
rights.
It just shows that expediency takes precedence over principle. Maybe
ignorance of one?s rights is the reason. Can he / she be faulted? Most
if not all of us who come online do so on a full stomach with roofs
over our heads. Many in Gambia do not have this privilege. How would
we
behave in their positions?
Is the failure of people to participate in the discussion of Gambian
issues online tantamount to sitting on the fence? The participation in
discussions online is a voluntary endeavour. As such, the time and
importance accorded to individual topics and issues are governed by
the
time an individual has, interest in the topic, willingness to engage
etc. An individual might fail to participate in a topic because he /
she simply does not have time due to work, health and domestic
priorities. He / she might fail to participate because he / she is not
interested, is not willing to expose himself / herself to back and
forth arguments. As years come and go, people?s participation has
varied. Some have been vocal or active for a few years, silent for a
few only to reemerge to restart the cycle. Failure to participate in a
given topic, no matter how important to those discussing it, should
not
be misconstrued as representing fence-sitting. Even if it represents
fence-sitting, people might sit on the fence because they have no
opinion about a certain issue or their opinions are not strong enough
to warrant engagement. Should they have this privilege?
TO BE CONTINUED.
Buharry.
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