From the FT Survey of NIGERIA
GUEST COLUMN BY CHINUA ACHEBE
STEPPING BACK FROM THE FRONTIER OF ANARCHY
It does appear from recent happenings in Nigeria that we had underestimated
the damage done to its national psyche by the hideous dictatorship of Sani
Abacha and his precursors.
Earlier this month President Olusegun Obasanjo, who is not known for
pessimism, admitted that his inaugural promise to solve the problem of
electric power supply in the country had not recognised the depth of
corruption in the power-generating industry. He made his comment in the
light of a weeklong blackout in Lagos, if one may indulge in a bizarre
contradiction that seems somehow appropriate to Nigeria’s sad condition.
Elsewhere, in the southeast of the country, a state governor had sacked his
entire cabinet for corruption just months after he had sworn them in.
The eruption of violence in one place after another since President
Obasanjo’s inauguration in May, 1999 was climaxed recently by the huge orgy
of bloodletting that began in Kaduna in the north and spread in revenge
activity to parts of the southwest. Perhaps it should surprise no one that
a highly political people such as Nigerians are, after straining at the
leash of despotic control for a decade and more, should celebrate the
return of the democratic process by pushing the limits of their freedom,
and even going a little crazy. Such a sanguine interpretation might
certainly apply to some of the events we have witnessed, but by no means to
all of them. Jostling against the heedless exuberance of newly liberated
freedom riders are the reactionary maneuverings of old enemies of change.
Abacha was more hated than any other ruler in Nigeria’s history, and more
feared. He survived as long as he did because of his total ruthlessness
towards real or imagined opposition, but also because he had effective
terror squads as well as large numbers of hirelings pushing his political
programme of making himself a civilian president. The reward he gave for
this service was unlimited access to money.
These servants are still around. Some of them may be in some kind of
trouble now but most are not. And there is a huge Nigerian army, which
Abacha had managed for so long as chief of staff and then commander-in-
chief.
In the last 20 years Abacha broke news of military coups on Nigeria’s
national radio more times than any other soldier. He knew his way around
the barracks and mess. His comrades are still around, in service or in
opulent retirement.
If the problem President Obasanjo was called to deal with in managing a
difficult transition came only from “friends of Abacha” it would still be
difficult but not insurmountable for a man of his qualification and energy.
But he has been literally showered with problems from all sides along with
shrill admonition and rebuke and threat in each ear.
And now comes the most serious threat yet to the integrity of Nigeria. In
October 1999, the governor of one of Nigeria’s 36 states fired a lone shot
that rang round the country. He gave notice that effective January 2000 he
would extend sharia law in his state beyond the limits allowed by the
Nigerian constitution. The carnage that followed the implementation of
this policy has stunned many Nigerians. President Obasanjo’s critics are
asking why he did not challenge the governor’s action in the Supreme Court
before things got out of hand.
Perhaps they have a point. But we should not forget that President
Obasanjo, a Christian from the south of the country, might not want to seem
too ready to espouse the cause of Christians against Muslims in the north
at a time of nervous instability in the land. At such times a responsible
leader may well choose what appears to be the least bad among terrible
options. But what is truly disappointing in all this is not what President
Obasanjo did, or failed to do, but the subsequent refusal of two former
heads of the Nigerian state to call halt to mayhem even when it is
unleashed in the name of religion.
Many Nigerians are wondering why sharia has suddenly risen to the top of
the national agenda today, and not in the past when these two gentlemen
presided over the affairs of Nigeria. Could sharia simply be an excuse for
scuttling the presidency of a southern Christian for the first time in
quite a while?
If this proves to be the case then Nigeria is in deep trouble because a
permanent zoning of the presidency to the north is not now on the cards.
Although Nigeria has turned out to be sicker than we feared, none of us can
mount the high horse now and pontificate to the rest. We were all present
when the descent began into hell; and it began even before Abacha.
We all saw some of our brightest people compromise themselves with tyranny
in return for ministerial appointments and other benefits. So let us quit
making thundering proclamations and talk to each other like fallible
mortals.
Something called Sovereign National Conference seems all the rage now. But
what we really must first do before anything else can have a chance to
happen is to lower the voice, to reduce violent speech and violent action
on all sides.
Providence has yet again granted us reprieve, given us a truly undeserved
chance to try again to construct a peaceful, prosperous and progressive
nation. We should humbly and gratefully use it.
Perhaps we do need a national conference to discuss exhaustively the nature
of the Nigerian State beyond limits allowed by the Nigerian constitution.
It cannot be done by bringing the elected government to heel, as some
people seem to advocate.
We went to great expense to sweat, blood and tears to put elective offices
of government in place. They may not be working to perfection-how could
they when we have all been so long in the wilderness? The best we can do
is give ourselves a little time and space to improve on our faltering first
steps, away from the frontiers of anarchy.
sidi sanneh
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