THE GRANADAN REVOLUTION &  THE CHALLENGES FOR REVOLUTIONARY 
CHANGE IN THE CARIBBEAN 
  
Dr. Horace G. Campbell 
  
“It Takes a Revolution to make a Solution,” Bob Marley 
  
Introduction 
This paper arises out of a discussion on the concepts of revolution and revolutionary change in the Caribbean twenty-five years after the Grenadian revolution. Grenada is a small island in the Eastern Caribbean that gained international notoriety in 1979 when a small group from the New Jewel Movement (the New Joint Endeavor for Welfare, Education, and Liberation), (NJM) led by Maurice Bishop seized power in a bloodless change over of government. For four years this small group held state power in this territory of over 100,000 persons. 
During this period the NJM embarked on a number of social reforms relating to universal health care, universal adult education and moving to provide food, shelter and clothing for the Grenadian peoples.  Though the leadership had proclaimed that the reforms were revolutionary, the economy was still based on the export of primary commodities and tourism. There were no fundamental breaks with the old colonial production relations. Despite this limitation, the reforms in Grenada were far reaching enough to garner support from other parts of the Caribbean and from the Cuban political leadership. 
As self-proclaimed revolutionaries, the Grenadian political leaders were propelled in the midst of the global struggles against capitalism and were being called upon to make alliances at the global level. Within four years of this experiment the Grenadian revolution imploded as a result of internal contradictions and the US military opportunistically seized upon this implosion and invaded Grenada in October 1983. Thereafter, the US government seized the ideological offensive to assault ideas of revolutionary change in the Caribbean region. While the Grenadian reversal was based on a one week military invasion, the counter revolutionary offensive of the Reagan administration in the Caribbean and Central America was unrelenting, with genocidal atrocities carried out in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and other parts of the region. In many ways the Caribbean societies have not recovered fully from this onslaught. 
 At the intellectual level there was another assault; one on the very idea of independence in the Caribbean. Using the Cuban revolution as the foil the spokespersons and ideologues of radical conservatism sought to dominate the intellectual spaces in an attempt to silence serious discussions on revolutionary ideas and revolutionary change. Despite the history of revolutionary changes in the region the mantra of Margaret Thatcher, ‘there is no alternative’ to capitalism was reproduced in literature, arts and in the social sciences. Yet in the spaces of the Caribbean that allowed for such activities there were organizations and movements that emerged to continue to call for profound transformations, or in the words of Franz Fanon, a ‘change in society from top to bottom.’ 
One of the outstanding issues in the discussion of revolutionary change in the Caribbean is the place of armed struggles in the transformation of society. Our discussions on the Grenadian revolution had taken place on the island of San Andreas in Colombia.  Colombia is a meeting point of different elements of Caribbean and Latin American history, cultures and experiences. In this society of Colombia, there are groups that call themselves revolutionaries. One group, in particular, called the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) has been waging armed struggles in Colombia for over forty years. For a long period in the sixties and seventies the idea of revolutionary change in the Caribbean was associated with armed military struggles. Supposedly, this armed struggle was only valid if the revolutionaries declared themselves to be Marxist Leninists in a vanguard party. Shortly after the meeting (June 2008), the experiences of armed struggles were brought to international attention when some hostages held by the FARC were ‘rescued’. Hugo Chavez, the President of Venezuela, used the occasion to call on the FARC to suspend armed struggles. 
 The discussion on the Grenadian revolution and revolutionary change afforded an opportunity to break the silences among Caribbean intellectuals on revolution and revolutionary change. This paper is an attempt to grasp the quantum leaps in the consciousness of the Caribbean peoples in relation to self determination, independence, cooperation and social transformation. 
The paper will agree with the view of C. L. R James that the Caribbean has always stood at the crossroads of human transformations being endowed with the knowledge and skills of humans from every corner of the globe. 
The introduction seeks to engage new conceptual tools that are being offered in the area of revolutionary thought to seek to link up with the historic revolutionary traditions of the peoples of the Caribbean . It is in this introduction where the paper seeks to lay out a new theoretical terrain relating to social transformations and the collateral ideas of peoples consciousness and political actions. In this sense the transformations are linked to the conscious activities of the producers who want a new world order. It is the transformation where the working people ‘who have eyes and ears’ will chose to look back in order to look forward.  Looking back draws on the memories of revolution and counter revolutionary changes in the Caribbean. This analysis also clarified the differences between the liberal democratic revolution of the United States and thoroughgoing revolution of the peoples of Haiti. In this looking back the paper seeks to understand the importance of memory. 
According to one Stanford Encyclopedia, memory is “a label for a diverse set of cognitive capacities by which humans and perhaps other animals retain information and reconstruct past experiences, usually for present purposes.” [1]
The use of the memory of revolutionary change for the present purpose of setting in motion a new revolutionary period is very much part of the global political concept. In the simplest definition memory is defined as “the mental faculty of retaining and recalling past experience.” 
Memory is also central to the concept of recursion. This concept of recursion is receiving more attention in the field of social sciences and in the field of computer sciences. Ron Eglash developed this concept of recursion as one of the core principles of fractal geometry. In this paper our task is to draw from the memories of revolution in the Caribbean in order to make choices for the future of the Caribbean. There will be the attempt to draw on the numerous memories of the different peoples of the Caribbean. Within these memories will be an attempt to draw out the emancipatory traditions and to distinguish these traditions from the traditions of enslavement, indentureship, colonialism and exploitation. 
From these traditions it can be understood that there are many ways forward for the people in the quest for liberation and independence. These choices have been made clear by the experiments in Haiti, Mexico, Cuba, Nicaragua, with the on going revolution nested within Rastafari cultures and the Bolivarian revolution. 
The discussion on revolution has been deepened by new ideas on revolution and the stark choices being placed before humans in the face of the neoliberal logic that sustained the imperial hegemony of the United States. The global capitalist depression along with the sharp intervention by the US state to prop up the capitalist classes brought back questions of nationalization within the discussion of transition. These changes at the political and economic levels are on-going while political leaders have emerged in the Caribbean and Latin America searching for new forms of economic cooperation. This is the context for this submission reflecting on what we mean by revolution twenty-five years after the Grenadian experience.  It was C.L. R. James, who in reflecting on the spurts, leaps and catastrophes associated with revolutionary change in the Caribbean, saw a clear linkage in the search for freedom from Toussaint L’ Ouverture to Fidel Castro.  [2] James was noting the impact of enslavement and the colonial economy in stimulating revolutionary thought and action.  Tim Hector, one of the leaders of the progressive movements in the Caribbean had this to say in the wake of the demise of the Grenadian revolution, 
“The Caribbean people will move again and when they move, they will move to [insure] democratic control of [their] economics and politics _the highest form of democracy. Then, they will teach and give an impetus to countries many times larger than themselves.”  
This paper seeks to engage the questions of democratic participation and revolutionary change when the Caribbean peoples move again. 
  Self organization, Self Emancipation and Fractal Wisdom in Revolution 
Twenty-five years after the implosion of the Grenadian revolution and nearly twenty years after the experiments in Nicaragua there are new political movements in the Caribbean and Latin America raising the question of revolution and revolutionary change. In these discussions from Venezuela, Bolivia and other parts of Latin America there is an entirely new feature that has been brought into the discussion. That is the role of the ideas of the indigenous peoples in shaping the new political cultures that can emerge out of the challenges to the old ideas of domination over nature and dominion over other human beings.  James Petras, in his contribution to the contemporary forces of revolution in Latin America today, specifically named the Indian and Peasant movements in Paraguay, Ecuador, Guatemala, Brazil as the organizations guiding the new understanding and practices of revolution. [3]  In these discussions it is no longer possible to write and deliberate on revolution as if the indigenous and former enslaved are non-persons. The debate on revolutions involves a fundamental transformation in people’s consciousness about the worth of all humans and feminist consciousness has deepened the understanding that revolutionary ideas must challenge patriarchal and homophobic ideas about the state and politics. 
My proposition is that we are not reflecting on revolution in the traditional sense of simply seizing state power; we are talking about a fundamental transformation. These are transformations at the levels of consciousness, transformations at the level of material organization, transformations in the manner of political organization, transformations at the level of gender relations, new conceptions of leadership and transformations at the level of our relation to the planet Earth and the Universe.  It is the transformation at the level f our relationship to the planet that Vandana Shiva calls, Earth Democracy. [4] These transformations in consciousness are taking place at the same time when the old ideas that legitimated capitalist exploitation are now in disarray. It is from within the United States where the need for state intervention has been brought back to the center of politics. These economic and financial changes are occurring at the same time when there are major advances in the realms of science and technology and especially with the convergence of the many revolutionary technologies: biotechnology, information technologies, nanotechnologies and cognitive technologies. Mobilizing the resources of the state in the service of the people had been dramatized by the experiences of the Cuban society in the periods of hurricanes. It is also in Cuba where advances in biotechnology and stem cell research have been harnessed to ensure the health of the population instead of for corporate profits. Where it is possible to discern scientific changes at the material level with the precision of the physical sciences, it is not so possible to discern the very same changes at the levels of the consciousness of people and how people transform themselves and their consciousness. Usually the transformation of a people’s consciousness is a slower process but from time to time the convergence of political and social forces merge to a point were revolution can some times come, like a ‘thief in the night.’ 
The implosion of the financial sector of US capitalism along with the deepening contradictions between the vast inequalities between the super rich and the poor mean that peoples are looking for alternatives. In the process, peoples in the Caribbean are reflecting on the Grenadian revolution while at the same time drawing lessons from other revolutions. The major revolutionary changes in the Caribbean that have been the most important were: the Haitian revolution, the Mexican revolution, the Cuban revolution, the Nicaraguan revolution, the Rastafari Cultural Revolution, the Grenadian revolution and the Bolivarian revolution.  
  Recursion and the Break with Capitalist Ideas 
 It is the Bolivarian revolution that has set the stage for the new rounds of revolutionary changes, where it brings into being all of the lessons of the former revolutions, so that revolution will spread like wild fire in the next twenty-five years in the Caribbean.  Hugo Chavez emerged from one section of the society that had been discriminated against for centuries. Richard Gott, the English journalist noted the impact of white racist ideas on the left and revolutionary thinking in Latin America and the Caribbean. Writing in the Guardian, he clearly outlined the impact of European “settler colonialism” throughout the world.  Settler colonialism is an evocative term used in discussions about the British Empire, and is used to describe how settlers attempted to exterminate indigenous peoples while setting up social relations of extreme exploitation. 
“ Latin America shares these characteristics of "settler colonialism.” Together with the Caribbean and the US , it has a further characteristic not shared by Europe 's colonies elsewhere: the legacy of a non-indigenous enslaved class. Although slavery had been abolished in much of the world by the 1830s, the practice continued in Latin America (and the US ) for several decades. The white settlers were unique in oppressing two different groups, seizing the land of the indigenous peoples and appropriating the labour of enslaved Africans. 
A feature of all "settler colonialist" societies has been the ingrained racist fear and hatred felt by the settlers, who are permanently alarmed by the presence of an expropriated producers of wealth. Yet, the race hatred of Latin America 's settlers has only had a minor part in our customary understanding of the continent's history and society. Even politicians and historians on the left have preferred to discuss the impact of class rather than race.”[5]
  One of the important points about the class structure of settler societies is the ways in which one section of the dominated classes internalizes the alleged superiority of Europe and accepts the idea that Africa is uncivilized, backward and bereft of ideas. Between these two extremes were the mulattoes who accepted the idea that Europe was a space of enlightenment and progress and Africa a zone of disease, hunger and savagery. Such a deformation in thinking has stifled creativity and original thinking in many parts of the Caribbean. Throughout this region, that stratum that calls itself mulatto or the brown intelligentsia has been the group most insecure in relation to its subservience to ideas from Western Europe. This subservience is also manifest in the belief in a linear conception the world. The chaos and complexity unleashed by genocidal wars, genocidal economics, genocidal thinking and the actual genocide of millions was passed off as an unfortunate, but necessary stage of progress. 
  One variant of this thinking was the view that the Caribbean and Latin America had to go through stages of development (from communalism to capitalism and then socialism) similar to Europe. This was legitimized in the language of the need for the ‘development of the productive forces.’  By this logic the eugenic ideas of the need for European guidance is brought into the discourse on liberation and revolution.  This defect at the intellectual level is manifest all over the Caribbean region, but, is most pronounced in a society such as the Dominican Republic where this deformity inspired genocidal thoughts and acts against Haitians in the thirties. Thus far it is the novelists and non fiction writers such as Edwige Danticat who have broken the silence on the genocide of the Haitians in 1937. The Farming of Bones remains a work of fiction that reminds the world of the silences relating to the genocidal violence against the Haitian peoples and sharpens the need for revolution in the Caribbean. 
  The middle classes, usually the brown middle class leadership, appointed themselves as teachers and leaders of the Caribbean people. In terms of the cultural and intellectual stagnation, one can witness the results of the intellectual leadership of this class, especially their hostility to Africa and indigenous knowledge and indigenous people. This stratum has acted as a break in the full understanding of the inner cultural and spiritual strengths of the people. In this way their intellectual orientation acted as a drag on revolutionary action. 
One can reflect on the experiences of the Grenadian revolution which lasted four short years, to analyze the pitfalls of the theory of revolution that issued from the leadership, and how the very same theory hastened the decimation of the leadership. 
Walter Rodney’s admonition that the intellectual must root himself and herself in the activity of the masses then becomes a relevant starting point. It was the very Walter Rodney who reminded the Caribbean intellectual of the importance of memory.  In writing on the African Revolution, in celebrating C. L. R. James, he said: “a people’s consciousness is heightened by knowledge of the dignity and determination of their fore-parents.  Indeed, the African worldview regarding ancestors is an integral part of their living community makes it so much easier to identify to a given generation with the struggles of an earlier generation.” [6]
 How do we use our knowledge of our fore-parents in order to empower the present generation to move in a new revolutionary direction?  This question brings us to the concept that was introduced in the introduction, which is emancipatory politics rooted in the memory of previous revolutions.  This concept of memory is tied to a new paradigm of what we call the unified emancipatory approach to revolution. This new paradigm which accords proper respect to memory and clear deliberate thought and action, should liberate humanity from the mechanical competitive and individualistic conception of the European enlightenment.  It is only when we move out of the linear worldview of Europe that it will be possible to accelerate the potentialities for new revolutionary changes. It is the binary in which Europe reduced humans to material blobs; and the divisions within the Cartesian model of the separation of spirit and matter, man and woman, black and white, mind and body _ in short, the kind of separation which breaks the links between human beings and the universe.  Bruce Lipton has written on the interconnectedness of all humans and the fractal wisdom that must be mobilized to benefit from this interconnectedness. [7] It is this interconnectedness and unified emancipatory approach, which inspires the lyrics of our other liberation fighter, Bob Marley, who exhorts: “emancipate yourself from mental slavery.”  It is here where we want to introduce fractal theory. 
 The revolution in the twenty-first Century seeks to arise out of democratic traditions and democratic relations between human beings. It is in this sense that fractal theory seeks to transcend ideologies that are exclusivist and vanguardist.  In other words, in some revolutions there were revolutionaries who were quick to exclude others based on their beliefs or backgrounds. This was certainly the case in the US revolution of 1776 where the revolutionaries felt that it was possible to fight for freedom from British colonialism and yet continued to enslave African descendants; while carrying forward genocidal ideas and genocidal practices against the First nation peoples. [8] A similar fate befell the Mexican revolution of 1910 when the ruling classes sought to align themselves with the liberal democratic traditions of the United States.  The rulers, who emerged within the dominant political party, reversed the struggles for land and freedom that had inspired the massive participation of the indigenous peoples. This limitation in relation to the politics of exclusion has only been compounded in the bloodletting of the Bolshevik revolution. In this revolution there were those who thought that they were correct to believe that whoever held on to state power must be the ones with the correct ideological line. A consequence of this belief is that under Joseph Stalin an orgy of violence was carried out against those who were out of power.  This political tradition, rooted in vanguardism and exclusivist ideas was copied in Grenada, in the Caribbean, with disastrous consequences. 
Fractal theory seeks to break with the binary categories that perpetuate division and the politics of exclusion. Fractal theory presupposed democratic relations between human beings and a spirit of the appreciation of human beings beyond the hierarchies based on superiority and inferiority. In essence, fractal theory would challenge the theory of the superiority of the capitalist mode of production, just as it would challenge the idea of white supremacy or the supremacy of man over woman. 
  Fractal theory is that theoretical framework which comes out fractal wisdom and appreciation of humans in the universe and the relationship between human and nature. In the attempt to move beyond mechanical and hierarchical thinking there are scholars who have been theorizing the concept of quantum societies and quantum politics. [9] These theoreticians of quantum societies are seeking to draw on the spiritual energies of human beings in order to unleash new capabilities for free human beings. That is, human beings who are being freed from the complexes of racial, gendered and sexual hierarchies. Patrice Malidoma Some has already begun to rethink how human beings can unleash their spiritual energies. 
This spiritual energy which taps into the potentialities of human beings, is then, very important to the concept of recursion which is the heart of fractals.  Space and time does not allow us to go into the five elements of fractals which are scaling, self-similarity, recursion, fractal dimension and infinity. The one core element of fractals that is central to the emancipatory theory is that of recursion. Fractal theory is built on recursion and in particular self-referencing. In this paper, we want to self-reference the Caribbean revolutions by tracing the trajectory of revolutionary activities in the Caribbean. The freedom from mental slavery starts with memories of freedom. 
How do we achieve that quantum leap in our consciousness, so that the Caribbean tradition of emancipation based on self-determined politics and self-determined activity becomes the reference point for the people and for the new phase of revolution?  It is memory to which we must appeal and not to the activities of those who carried out genocide, enslavement and indenture-ship. Only then will the new thinking become the reference point away from what is known as ‘progress’ and ‘development.’  Presently, the language of progress and development paralyze the region to the point where the societies seem helpless in the face of the violent masculinity and the view that profits come before human beings. 
There had been a circumstance in which a certain branch of Marxism, as a doctrine, bought into the Newtonian physics of what is called dialectical materialism, which goes into the stages of development of human beings, and draws a caste line from a lower to a higher stage of development. It is now urgent to ponder and reflect on whether this rigidity contributed to progressive societal and spiritual decay. These stage theories buy into the linearity and homogeneity of enlightenment theories. This mode of thinking about stages has prevented us from moving into that self-liberating consciousness.  
  There are numerous historical memories in the Caribbean , but the two most powerful ones have been the memory of the fight against slavery, indenture-ship and genocide and the other is the memory of chaos, wars, genocide, slavery, indentureship and colonialism. This memory of genocide and colonialism is the one that has been celebrated as modernity. Each of these two memories set in motion different recursive processes. To the extent that the first memory reference possibilities it produce a positive input/output cycle. Whereas the second memory (which is called progress, technological advancement and the European civilizing mission), reproduce counterrevolutionary cycles.   We now turn to the lessons learnt from the first and most profound revolution in the Caribbean, the Haitian Revolution. 
  
Lessons from the Haitian Revolution. 
  The Haitian people were the first ones who imagined the break with bondage and with European thought.  The Haitian revolution banished slavery, colonialism and white supremacy in one blow. It was an historical novelty borne out of a peculiar history.  It was a novelty which shocked the Western world. It was a powerful transformation of Santo Domingo . More clearly, the Haitian revolution influenced major revolutionary changes in the thinking of the peoples of the Caribbean. It was the society that inspired the struggles for independence and self-determination in Central America and Latin America. In the words of C. L. R James, 
Toussaint L’Ouverture and the Haitian slaves brought into the world more than the abolition of slavery. When Latin Americans saw the small and insignificant Haiti could win and keep independence they began to think that they ought to do the same. Petion, the ruler of Haiti, nursed back to health the sick and defeated Bolivar, gave him money, arms and a printing press to help in the campaign which ended in the freedom of the Five States.[10]
Despite this record the scholarship in Latin America remain silent on the linkage between the Haitaian revolution and the role of Simon Bolivar as a liberator.  The main stream Spanish media seeks to reproduce an incessant flow of misinformation on the history of the Haitian peoples. The majesty and pride of the historical struggles has been overshadowed by another history, that of militarism, dictatorships and brutal repression of the ideas of the majority. It is this brutal history that is documented in the book, Haiti State against Nation: the Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism.  Imperial opposition to the Haitian Revolution along with the racial and social imbalances within Haiti led to chronic political instability. This recursion of militarism throughout the 19th century was abetted by external forces that wanted to cripple the memory of the majesty of the Haitian revolution. US military occupation in the twentieth century strengthened the military forces and these social forces continue to beat back popular participation and democratic rights in Haiti. 
“In 1913, the ceaseless battering from foreign press was reinforced by the bayonets of the American marines.” [11]
 Patrick Bellagarde-Smith used the metaphor of the Breached Citadel to convey the varying forces that continued to work against the realization of the full potentialities of the Haitian peoples. 
For a short period after the overthrow of the Duvaliers the people’s of Haiti were seeking the memory of the first revolution in order to make a break with the militaristic forms of rule that had overshadowed the revolution of 1791. 
So what do we understand about the Haitian revolution today? The Haitian revolution is a non-event in the history books on revolution and this rendering of the Haitian revolution is manifest in the silences on the importance of the events of 1791-1804. [12]
Here it is necessary to offer one definition of Revolution 
“A revolution is a systemic upending of the status quo and a complete break from the past. It is generally associated with a set of quick changes that add up to a reversal of the old order. However, the term has also been used to denote slow and peaceful transformation (e.g. Gandhi's three-decade-long nonviolent struggle to rid India of British colonialism or China 's three-decade-long effort to reduce poverty for hundreds of millions). Some thinkers associate revolutions with technological advances (e.g. IT revolution) that will change the way humans produce, consume and think. However, the standard Political Science understanding of revolution is that which overthrows a regime or system of rule and replaces it with an idealistic and radical alternative.” 
  By this definition and by the works of Carolyn Fick, C. L. R. James and Michel Rolph Trouillot, the radical overthrow of slavery in Haiti qualified as a revolution.  The Haitian revolution set itself on the stage of human history; about which C. L. R. James said: “how is it that this revolution could defeat two major powers of the world?”  Ultimately, the Haitian revolution was defeated politically. The internal contradictions of the Haitian revolution meant that it could not survive in the world within which it was inserted. But, it sent a message to people, that in the midst of the most oppressive forms of human relations, human beings can make a revolution. 
Haitian revolutionaries such as Rene Depestre have also underscored the unique achievements of the Haitian revolution.  Depestre was writing in an effort to understand the reversal of the revolution and the militaristic traditions that emerged from the need to defend the revolution against those who wanted to return the peoples to slavery. In many respects the implosion of Grenada in 1983 emanated from the fact that many on the Caribbean left did not study the Haitian revolution. 
We have not yet learnt the lesson that Haiti taught us: that the people through their self-organization and self-mobilization could develop revolution. This is because the standard texts on revolution in the Americas exclude Haiti from the revolutionary traditions. Michael West sought to make up for these lacunae in Caribbean historiography by drawing from the song of the popular artists David Rudder in his song, ‘ Haiti , I’m Sorry.’  West maintained, 
“In one fell swoop, the Haitian Revolution banished slavery, colonialism and white supremacy, the three foundational institutions of the post-Columbian dispensation in the Americas.  It was a historical novelty, including a novel shock to the rising consumer culture of the western world, now deprived of its foremost sugar bowl and coffee pot.  The thoroughgoing transformation in Saint Domingue ended slavery in an entire society, the first such act of general emancipation in the annals of the human experience.  And although it did not eliminate human bondage, meaning concretely African bondage, from the hemisphere as a whole, the Haitian Revolution left a deep imprint on slavery in the Americas, for masters and slaves alike.  Neither would be quite the same again.  More broadly, the Haitian Revolution powerfully influenced major changes in the Atlantic political economy, and thereby in the course of world history. 
The slave revolt turned revolution in Saint Domingue was, quite simply, the single most cataclysmic and transfiguring event of its time, the Age of Revolution, a historical verity recklessly omitted from the literature on that era.” [13]
  In his contribution Michael West was exploring the fundamental contribution of the Haitian Revolution to revolutionary thought and action and to black internationalism. Thus, it was striking that there was the same silence as mainstream western writers in the book by Brian Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Change: An assessment of Cuba , Nicaragua and Grenada . The silence of Meeks on the revolution is even more deafening in so far as the book appeared after Caribbean scholars such as C.L.R James, Michel Trouillot and Bellegarde-Smith wrote about why it is necessary to learn the positive and negative lessons of the Haitian revolution. 
Michael West had grasped this vacuum in the Western literature in his tribute to the revolutionaries from Haiti, 
“None of the classic works on either the period or revolutions generally--including those by Crane Brinton, Eric Hobsbawn, Barrington Moore, and Theda Skocpol--sees fit to study Haiti.“ [14]
  West continued as follows,
“ With few exceptions, [15] more recent work equally fails to address the Haitian Revolution, whether the subject is the past and future of revolutions, [16] or specific studies on the 200th anniverary of the French Revolution. [17]  Yet compared to the revolutions of the white Atlantic, the revolution in Saint Domingue effected far greater political, social and economic change. “
I have quoted liberally and extensively from Michael West to hammer home the point on the intellectual silencing of the Haitian experiment on revolutionary change. Within the mainstream academia, Theda Skocpol’s, States and Social Revolutions:  Social Revolutions in the Modern World is suggested to students in order to enable western bourgeois to monopolize the discourse on revolution.  Skocpol is referenced as the authority on Political Revolutions in France , Russia and China . Despite the western view of the Haitian revolution, this author can agree with C.L. R. James and Michael West that we can learn from the Haitians, how these enslaved peoples overcame obstacles to realize self-liberation and defeated the French, the British and the Spaniards. The poor people had to fight for liberty, for their very lives. 
It is this fear of the replay of revolution by the most  oppressed that continues to exercise the brains of western borrgeois scholars. 
  The Lessons from the Cuban Revolution. 
“What took place in French San Domingo in 1792-1804 reappeared in Cuba in 1958.” C. L. R James
 Counter revolution referes to the opposition to revolution, particularly those who act after a revolution to try to overturn or reverse it, in full or in part. This designation of counter revolution has been most appropriate with the efforts to erase the reality and memory of the  Haitian revolution. In the case of the militaristic dictatorship since 1804 there has been a continuity in the rise of social forces who sought to return Haiti to the class and racial composition  and the principles of white supremacy that existed before the revolution. Returning Haiti to colonialism and slavery was not possible and the governments of the world grudgingly accepted  Haiti’s claim to national sovereignty while undermining its efforts towrads economic independence. Such was the hostility within and without Haiti that even in the wake of  the kind of genocidal violence visited upon the Haitian peoples by their own leaders and by Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, there is not the kind of international outcry that would oppose the counter revolution. 
  The Revolution in Mexico of 1910-1920 has been followed by a similar wave of counter revolutionary ideas and practices. For the peoples of Mexico (who had been robbed of their land by the expansion of the US territory) the forms of governance in the 19th century had brought a succession of dictators. The Mexican revolution was a revolution that sought to end the years of dicrtatorship; end the marginalization and exploitation of the indigenous peoples and create a platform for land reform. Though the revolution laid the basis for regular elections, the results of the revolution in Mexico would place it within the category of a liberal democratic revolution - similar to the US revolution. 
As in the United States where it required a Civil War to bring about the rights of  African Americans, so it is in Mexico where the landless and the poor have been waging numerous forms of political and social struggles to complete the tasks engendered in the revolution of 1910. In the 1990’s the Zapatistas in the Chiapas region took inspiration from this revolution to call for a new struggle against dispossession, exploitation and the politics of exclusion. The Zapatistas launched a new phase of revolutionary struggles against the counter revolutionary politics of global capitalism that was promoted under the neo-liberal agenda of the North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA.) It is this new struggle that brings into focus the memories of past and present counter revolutionary violence against the Mexican working peoples as a whole and the indigenous peoples in particular. Slowly, it is becoming clearer that the Mexican revolution was a demographic disaster for the indigenous peoples. [18]
  The survival of the Cuban Revolution 
  The more recent literature on revolution and counter revolution in Latin America and the Caribbean moves the discussion beyond class struggles to include questions of race, culture and gender relations. It is in the case of the successful defense of revolutionary principles in Cuba where the success is more important because this revolution survived the hostile onslaughts from the US for the past fifty years. The literature on the origins, consolidation and survival of the Cuban revolutionary process is quite extensive and it will not be necessary to revisit this literature here. [19] What is of particular relevance here is the various efforts to preserve autonomy and independence in a society that had fought to overthrow the Batista dictatorship in 1959. In his research on ,“Whither Cuban Socialism? The Changing Political Economy of the Cuban Revolution,” Douglas Hamilton identified six periods in the annals of the consolidation of the Cuban revolution. These were: 
(a)  1959- 1963         Nationalization of the economy 
(b) 1963 – 1970        Socialist Construction 
(c)  1970- 1986       Material incentives and Sovietization of the economy 
(d) 1986 – 1990       Rectification Period 
(e)  1990-1994         Special Period 
(f)   1994- present  [20]
What became clear from the different periods is the fact that it was the popular mobilization of the people of Cuba that prevented the reversal of this revolution, especially after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The impressive gains in the areas of the delivery of social services such as health care and education have been acknowledged by international organizations such as the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the United Nation Children’s Fund (UNICEF.) These transformations of Education and Health services have been associated with the kind of popular leadership that can mobilize the society for defensive purposes. It was in the defense by the society against such natural disasters as hurricanes where the full importance of the committees for the Defense of the Revolutions emerged. These committees were associated with mass organizations of workers, students, women, cultural workers, writers and small scale agricultural workers. In his call on the peoples of the Caribbean to remember the revolutions of the region Tim Hector waxed in praise of the survival of Cuba . Hector held forth as follows: 
“Indeed, our examination of the Cuban Revolution had made us look closely at the unique democratic organ of people’s power there. These were the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution. These are the neighborhood groups which promote community activities such as vaccination and blood donor campaigns, waste recycling, hurricane preparedness, vigilance against crime and civil defence. Today, that is right now, there are more than 120,000 such committees of the people claiming about 8 million members, out of a population of 11.5 million. 
We felt that it was unrelenting U.S. hostility which had blockaded (I use that word deliberately) these Committees of popular power from advancing into organs of self-government. We felt certain that if in our context they were given an economic base, be it a co-operative, credit union or otherwise, they could become an independent sector of the economy, with its own investment capability.”[21]
There is another aspect of the narrative of the Cuban Revolution told by women who have argued that the revolution is still grappling with the heritages of patriarchy and misogyny within the society. While acknowledging the successes of the revolution and the important benefits it has brought women in relation to reproductive health, these critiques relate the issues of Sex and Revolution to the new stage of transformation which is necessary to combat all forms of domination and oppression. Within Cuba, there are also African descendants, who point to the ways in which the policies of the Special Period which strengthened foreign interests in the Tourism sector conspire in the new attitudes of privileging whiteness to the detriment of some citizens of African descent. Some of the Cuban writers and activists making these criticisms within the revolution can be distinguished from those who do not make a distinction between the successes of the Cuban revolution and the continued counter revolution project from those who are ensconced in the USA , especially the Cuban community in Florida. Carlos Moore has sought to carve out a special place outside of the ranks of the Cuban émigré community in Miami  to discuss the continued presence of racism within the Cuban revolution.[22] The binaries between black nationalism and socialism continue to hold back serious discussion on the future of revolutions in Latin America and the Caribbean and revolutionaries must be open to challenging all forms of chauvinism , whether from the right or left. In his essay on Che Guevara and Contemporary revolutionary movements James Petras called for a new ethic that eliminates hierarchy and privileged positions. 
Today, the Cuban revolution is confronted with the challenge of how to transform the consciousness of the people, beyond the generation of political ideas that emanated from the Cold War period.  It is here where it can be understood that successful defense of the revolution can bring new challenges. Can the society repair and heal from the traditions of colonialism without confronting Eurocentrism?  Revolutionary Cubans are confronted with the same question as Viet Nam and China. Viet Nam and China have been confronted with whether revolution is based on rapid industrialization and what is called development of the productive forces. Do you develop the industrial productive capacity of the society at the expense of the cultural or social knowledge of the people? 
Cuba is confronting this crossroads at a later period than Vietnam and China because it was not able to invest in rapid industrialization in the ways that China has embarked on. The consequence of this rapid industrialization in China, however, has resulted in income inequality, ecological destruction and the intensified exploitation of the producing classes.  The Cuban Revolution is at a crossroad of whether it builds on those elements that preserved the revolution _ the elements of people’s power, and the committees for the defense of the revolution or will it go towards a direction of foreign direct investment. If Cuba moves towards the path of the consolidation of people’s power, it will have to have a better appreciation of the diversity and the unity of the different peoples in Cuba, especially the African population.  According to one of the platforms of Afri-CubaL, more than 70 per cent of the Cuban population is of African ancestry. How the Cuban society deepens the sense of justice and transformation about the legacies of the African knowledge systems, the African religious and spiritual forms will help to preserve the independence of Cuba. At the same time Cuba will continue to distinguish itself from societies such as the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Puerto Rico. 
Democratization of racial and gender relations are major challenges that no society can solve by itself. These challenges can only be solved within the wider anti-imperial, anti-racist and anti-sexist struggles that seek to repair the history of genocide, deformed masculinity, sexism, slavery and racism. This challenge can only be solved in relationship to the ongoing revolutions in other parts of the Caribbean . Yet, despite these challenges it is possible to agree with Walter Rodney that the Cuban Revolution will become written in the history books as the forerunner of the socialist transformation of the Americas. 
  The Rastafari Revolution – From Cultural Resistance to Cultural Transformation 
  The Rastafari revolution has been  one of the most profound attempts to transform the consciousness of the Caribbean people  in the sense that the Rastafari movement confronted human’s relationship with the universe, human’s relationship with spirits, human’s relationships with matter and how to reorganize society. In their own way this movement that arose out of the Hills of the Jamaican countryside challenged the old forms of agricultural production and the ways of organizing agriculture, organizing the Earth.  There is an old philosophy that came out of Egypt called geomancy, it is about Earth Science and it deals with one of the fundamental contradictions of society today _ the destruction of the planet Earth by the capitalist consumption model.  It is at the plane of geomancy and Earth Democracy where the Rastafari movement is at one with one of the most profound movements today, the environmental justice movement. Hurricanes and storms in the Caribbean have been the most dramatic reminders of the imminent dangers of global warming.   The intensity of the storms has been indentified by the Inter Governmental Panel on Climate Change as manifestations of the threats of rising oceans to island societies. The Rastafari have always been against the obscene consumptive patterns of the capitalist mode of production and railed against the forms of economic organization that placed material goods before human needs. 
The Rastafari philosophy attacked crude consumerism, as well as the idea of white supremacy and black inferiority.  Yet, it should be acknowledged up front that this movement inherited many of the contradictions that emanated from the ways in which it extended itself to identification with an African monarch. Thus, it can be said that the Rastafari movement contained numerous contradictions. One would, therefore, seek out the wisdom of Amilcar Cabral on how to grasp the dialectic of the positive and the negative in the cultural struggles of a people. Contrary to the sociological and anthropological studies of the Rastafari movement that labeled the movement millenarian, escapist and cultist, our study identified this movement as a major force for cultural and political resistance. Our study had identified the Rastafari song as a song of deep memory of African independence and autonomy. In more recent times our study has focused on Bob Marley and the transition from the memory of slavery to the memories of emancipation and freedom. Marley emerged as a Caribbean Revolutionary who wailed: “It takes a revolution to make a solution.” 
It is to the lyrics and inspiration of Bob Marley that many youth turn in their search for levers to understand the chaos and destruction of the capitalist world. Of his many renditions about emancipatory politics and the emancipation of the mind, Marley turned to religious language and images to reach a section of the population that is not usually reached by traditional discourses on revolution. Those who study wave theory and the physics of music are examining the lyrics and vibrations of the music produced by Bob Marley and reggae artists to see how this art form and spiritual message emerged as a revolutionary form. 
Firstly, Bob Marley used religious metaphors to stimulate the imagination of the sufferers. In the song:  It Takes a Revolution to Make a Solution, Marley starts out with the need for a memory of truth.  He used the word revelation, which served as the opener for his call for truth. Secondly, this truth telling and the politics of truth would allow the people to expose the mainstream politicians who perpetuated what was termed, ‘the Babylonian system.’ In contemporary society politics is about accumulation, exclusion and divisions. Bob Marley said that one cannot trust a politician: “Can’t trust no shadows after dark” adding:  “never trust a politician to grant you a favor.” Thirdly, Marley also calls on the people to self-organize by standing up for their rights. Earlier, Marley had called on the people to “Get up, Stand up, stand up for your rights.”  Now, in this song on revolution, Marley was calling for the people to fight so that “Rasta can never flop.” Finally, Marley used the metaphor of the storms and hurricanes to remind the people of the chaos caused by capitalism and to call for the overthrow of capitalism:  “blood a go run.”  Marley states: “In this process of revolution there will be redemption as righteousness covers the earth, as the water covers the seas.” For Marley, the weak of mind and heart can not make revolution. The weak conceptions of inferiority had to be transcended in order for revolution to develop.  Revolution and freedom was the constant theme of the lyrics where Bob Marley was calling for the prisoners of Babylon to be free, 
  “Too much confusion; so much frustration 
I don’t want to live in the park 
Can’t trust shadows after dark 
Like the birds in the tree, the prisoners must be free.” 
Eusi Kwayana, the Caribbean revolutionary grasped the importance of the Marley intervention and called his contribution one of the landmarks achievements of the Caribbean Revolution. In the preface to Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney, Kwayana had written, 
“The placing of the stamp of Babylon on the whole of official society and the wide acceptance of this description is one of the landmark achievements of the Caribbean Revolution. The more it is seriously accepted, the more the culture divides into two poles of authority: a necessary forerunner to any long term revolutionary objectives. Those members of the society who do not accept or embrace the dress, or need the religious ideas, accept the language, those who do not accept the language with the movement’s definition of the order of things, accept the music. In fact, such is the power of art that Bob Marley’s music has done more to popularize the real issues of the African liberation movement than several decades of backbreaking work of Pan Africanists and international revolutionaries.” 
  In my work, I have critiqued what I call Babylonian epistemology: that is, the epistemology of capitalism that comes in the form of Neo-liberal ideas _this is what I term Babylonian epistemology. So, when the Rastafari and Bob Marley called on us to “emancipate ourselves from mental slavery,” they are admonishing the intellectuals and the activists to make a break with the epistemologies that justify and cover up oppression.  Because social movements are not static, the dynamism of the Rastafari culture has been challenged by the mainstream attack on the Rastafari along with the attempts at cooptation within the system. However, one of the severe weaknesses of this movement was the extent to which some of the most conscious elements of the movement succumbed to homophobic and patriarchal ideas.
  The Lessons from the Nicaraguan experiment 
The other two revolutions that are important to the memory of Caribbean revolution and revolutionaries are those of the Nicaraguan Revolution of 1978 that brought the Sandinistas to power and the Grenadian revolution in 1979. Nicaragua along with Haiti and Cuba share a history of US military occupation and brutal dictators. General Sandino in Nicaragua had launched a popular democratic struggle against local planters and militarists and inspired the ideas of independence and land reform that had swept across Mexico during the Mexican Revolution. Not only did the US intervene militarily against General Sandino, but after the first defeat of the popular rebellion the US supported the brutal dictatorship of General Anastasio Somoza for over thirty years. 
It was from the memory of the revolt that the people drew on to launch a new struggle in the seventies that culminated in the removal of General Anastasio Somoza in 1979. The revolutionaries called themselves the Sandinistas and moved to carry forward the reforms that were initiated in an earlier period. This revolution did not survive because the Reagan administration carried out one of the most sustained counter revolutionary onslaughts in the Caribbean in the form of support for counter revolutionaries who were called the Contras. 
This counter revolution involved the support for conservative and militarists forces all over Central America and the Caribbean. It was in the counter revolutionary onslaught that the US government intensified its alliance with those who were involved in the shipment and sale of narcotics in order to finance its war against the Nicaraguan revolution. This counter revolutionary philosophy inspired brutality, violence, supporting armed thugs and the strengthening of the drug cartels in Latin America and the Caribbean. Gary Web in his book, Dark Alliance, chronicled the web of destruction wreaked by this alliance all across the region, especially the initiation of the crack cocaine epidemic inside the United States by the intelligence services. [23] When the United States is democratized the full extent of this nested loop of drugs, militarism, counter revolution and dictatorship will be revealed. What is of importance to this analysis is the fact that the Grenadian revolution had attempted to make a break from external covert rule in this global political climate. 
  Revolution and Counter Revolution in Grenada 
 In preparing would be Caribbean revolutionaries to understand the world revolution Walter Rodney had written a document on the Russian revolution entitled: Two World View of the Russian Revolution. Written at the height of the cold war, the chapters considered the impact of bourgeois writing and cold war hostilities to revolution. Walter Rodney was warning the freedom fighters that they could not depend on the Russian émigrés or the bourgeois writers for their analysis of the Russian revolution.  Covering over fifteen chapters the manuscript took on the lessons of revolution, in general, before taking on proper the question of the Marxism and the October Revolution. Drawing from the historiography of the French Revolution, he pointed to the differences between several interpretations, that is to say, the “Liberal” Thiers, the ‘Conservative’ Taine, the ‘Social Democrat’ Jaures and Marx himself. 
What Rodney wanted to do was to point out that just as there were many differing interpretations of the French Revolution, so there were differences between the Bolshevik analysis, the Trotskyist, the academic Marxists and the bourgeois interpretations of the Russian revolution. In many ways going through these interpretations was a clearing ground for a critical assessment of the problems of building a revolutionary movement and carrying forward the transformation of society. The chapters on the problems of peasant collectivization and issues of industrialization brought to the fore the fact that whatever the context, transformation could not be carried forward with dictatorial tendencies. 
It was in this section of the book that Rodney developed the critique of vanguardism and the party form that celebrated the virtues of democratic centralism where there was a lot of centralization but no democracy. In conclusion, Rodney sharpened his point of the need for an African point of view on the Bolshevik revolution by noting that the African point of view on the Bolshevik revolution had to be radically different from the bourgeois or the Marxist view that was distorted by bourgeois lens. In the last paragraph of the book Rodney wrote, 
“Ours clearly could not be that of the bourgeois. Is it that of the Soviets? They have their national interests, their great power interests and historiography reflects that – but we are likely to be very close because of the similarity of our present and past with their past in the period under study. Current developments might complicate the issue of taking a stand with the Soviets; but essentially what we need to do is define our own stand first and see where it coincides. Assuming a view springing from some Socialist variant not necessarily Marxist but anti capitalist, assuming a view that is at least radical humanist – then the Soviet Revolution of 1917 and the subsequent construction of socialism emerges as a very positive historical experience from which we ourselves can derive a great deal as we move to confront similar problems.”[24]
Walter Rodney was seeking an understanding of the internal dynamics of the contradictions within Boshsevism that could have produced the kind of leader such as Josef Stalin. Here, Walter Rodney was developing a critique of the subservience to a certain type of Marxism. It is a brand of Marxism that does not take into consideration the particularities of a people’s history. Rodney also sought to specify those aspects of Marxism that were relevant in the contemporary period of revolutionary revolution.  These were the importance of history, class struggle and revolutionary change. Rodney was assassinated in Guyana in June 1980 before his ideas on self-organization and self-mobilization could be refined. But a close reading of this text was like a warning to the leaders of the Grenadian revolution. Before his assassination Walter Rodney had traveled to Grenada and had seen clearly the dangers of those who were calling for the development of a vanguard party and for democratic centralism in Grenada. 
  Revolution in Grenada
 The idea that a small island of the size of Grenada, of 133 sq miles could consider itself a force for change on the world stage was itself a manifestation of the boldness and self-assertiveness of the Caribbean peoples. In March 1979, a small group that called itself the New Jewel Movement removed the government of Eric Gairy. The government of Gairy had gained international notoriety in its attempts to confuse the working peoples about unidentified flying objects while unleashing a form of terrorism that was associated with a paramilitary gang called the Mongoose Squad. It was because of the brutality of this government that the people welcomed this unconstitutional change of government. Maurice Bishop, the leader of the movement moved swiftly to enact social reforms to better the conditions of the people. There are numerous books on this experiment that showed what was possible when a government placed itself in the service of the people.  Bishop had been associated with a tendency in the Caribbean known as the ‘New Beginning’ that was influenced by the ideas of C.L. R James. Thus, in Grenada Bishop and the NJM sought to embark on a new course that placed the workers, farmers and youth at the forefront and organized agrarian reform to benefit small farmers and farm workers. Very rapidly the NJM expanded trade union rights, advanced women's equality in the workplace, established literacy programs, and instituted free medical care. These reforms were dubbed as communist by the internal and external opposition in the Caribbean. 
Very early after the seizure of power there were sharp divisions within the NJM over questions of the ideas, organization and leadership and the path being embarked upon in Grenada . Shortly after seizing power one faction of the NJM dictated the line that the NJM should declare itself as a Marxist Leninist vanguard party. Here was a small society of nearly one hundred thousand people where the people all knew each other and lived peacefully in communities. Those who called themselves Marxists insisted that the society should embark on a path of Marxism-Leninism without regard for the history of Grenada.  This small group was aligned at the regional level with a group across the Caribbean that was associated with Marxists in Jamaica called the Workers Party of Jamaica led by Trevor Munroe. 
Bob Marley, in his song revolution, had started out with the need for Revelation to reveal the truth. Twenty-five years after the Grenadian revolution this revelation of truth is urgent in order to move the region out of the grip of the economic and social retrogression that set in after the overthrow  of the Grenadian experiment. This truth is needed, in so far as the events and causes of the implosion that led to the arrest and assassination of Maurice Bishop is still clouded by partisan feelings. In his book Grenada Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath Hugh O'Shaughnessy has provided an in-depth account of the nature of the political struggles within the NJM and the factors that led to the assassination of Maurice Bishop. Tim Hector was scathing in his treatment of the role of Trevor Munroe and Bernard Coard in the destruction of the Grenadian Revolution: 
“Munroe and the Coardites, following absurd Stalinist texts, abandoned even in the Soviet Union, went for the grandiose state project, rather than the peoples Revolutionary project, housing themselves, and organising themselves to do so. Our Caribbean Nation tendency was shunted aside, and the Munroe-Coard tendency elevated. We had no voice inside Grenada and ACLM-NJM relations once very fraternal, deteriorated beyond belief.” 
  Historians are now awaiting the declassification of the internal documents of the New Jewel Movement that were seized by the US military when it used the implosion to invade this small territory. 
  US Invasion and Counter Revolution 
After the assassination of Maurice Bishop on October 20, 1983, the political leaders of Barbados, Dominica and Jamaica aligned themselves with the political leadership of Ronald Reagan to provide diplomatic and political cover for the US invasion. One of the incomplete lessons of this invasion was the extent to which the political leadership within the Reagan administration had wanted to use the invasion as a provocation to intensify military action against Cuba.  As it were, the invasion of Grenada was as traumatic for the Caribbean as the overthrow of the government of Salvador Allende had been for the Chilean people, in 1983, when the United States supported the military overthrow of his government. These military interventions at a time when the US was arming the contras and integrating itself with the financial barons of the international narcotics trade set the stage for counterrevolution not only in the Caribbean, but it solidified counterrevolution in the world. It was the Reagan doctrine of military supremacy, in the context of Grenada that laid and refined those elements of counterrevolution that we are seeing today.  Space and time does not allow for an elaboration on the strong arm measures used by the United States to support the neo-liberal policies that were supposed to be the vehicles for economic prosperity.  Samir Amin in his book, The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World had argued that the US project for military domination and crude materialism had its roots in the liberal ideas of Western Europe. Amin pointed to the memory of genocide and the potential for genocide as growing from a mode of economic organization that placed profits before humans. For Samir Amin the new and more dangerous form of liberalism are related to the particularities of US history. Amin noted: 
"American society despises equality…. Extreme inequality is not only tolerated, it is taken as a symbol of "success" that liberty promises. But liberty without equality is equal to barbarism." [25]
This author would agree that this form of rule is equal to barbarism and note that the following would be how this barbarism plays itself out in the course of counter revolutionary politics. David Harvey deepened the clarification of how this neo-liberal project was associated with the class project of those in power. Writing on whether we were at the end of the neo-liberal project Harvey claimed,
My interpretation is that it’s a class project, masked by a lot of neo-liberal rhetoric about individual freedom, liberty, personal responsibility, privatisation and the free market. These were means, however, towards the restoration and consolidation of class power, and that neo-liberal project has been fairly successful.[26]
This author had identified the following features as elements of the restoration and consolidation of class power in the Americas from the period of Reagan up to 2009
1.     Re-segregation 
2.     Economic polarization _ this is pure Neo-Liberalism 
3.     Designer eugenics _ eugenics which really reproduce and reinforce white supremacy 
4.     Armaments culture _ wars, the spread of wars, development of private military contractors and mercenaries 
5.     Environmental degradation _ pollution and global warming 
6.     Big Pharmacy _ genetically modified food, genetically modified seeds _ in the counterrevolution we see this in terms of what is called the food crisis in the world 
7.     Media disinformation and mind control _ psychological, informational warfare 
8.     Racism  
9.     Sexism, homophobia and misogyny 
10.         Religious Fundamentalism 
These are elements of counterrevolution. Where this counterrevolution is most manifest is in the small Caribbean territories through the level of gun violence, misogyny and homophobia.  In societies such as Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad the levels of gun violence and murders have made life a total misery for the poor and the sufferers. Many communities have become no go areas as criminal enforcers terrorize the people. One of the challenges for revolutionary change today is to be able to recover from this counter revolutionary violence and murder throughout the Caribbean. This will require a reconfiguration of communities and the reorganization of the priorities of the societies.
  Revolution and Democratic Participation. 
The spread of counter revolutionary violence twenty-five years after the Grenadian revolution brought back the burning questions of peace, justice, healing of the people, security, and democratic participation. One of the outstanding criticisms of the Grenadian revolution even by those who were sympathetic to the Revolution was the fact that the leadership, in their effort to establish vanguardism over the people forgot the elementary principles of democratic participation. One critique of the revolution from one of the leaders has elaborated on how this undemocratic tendency reproduced sharp binaries,
That was a lesson to me; a lesson that our world is not made of exploiters and exploited. A lesson that our world is not made up of oppressors and oppressed, working class and capitalists. Our society is made up of people, of human beings. I came to realize that if one could see beyond the categories and the formula, if one could see beyond the science, reach out beyond the collective descriptions and reach out to the human being, then so much is possible. And I recognize in a more profound way than ever before, that with all out imperfections, humanity is still God’s greatest creation, and shall so be treated. [27]
There is no doubt that revolutionaries must oppose and expose exploiters but the conflict model of human society can no longer serve as the basis for political engagement and democratic participation. Tomorrow’s revolution must be under girded by a conception of democracy that deepens the model of sharing and cooperation that had existed before rapacious capitalism. This is the democracy that C. L. R. James wrote about in his writings on the Caribbean revolution. James had already given notice to this democratic participation by distinguishing the democracy of the people’s assemblies from that of parliaments. In the Black Jacobins James had noted that revolution starts with the self-mobilization of the people: “but phases of a revolution are not decided in parliaments, they are only registered there.” [28]
Thus, it is necessary to reassert that while representative democratic participation is an important component of revolutionary change, the central aspect of change is not in the contest for positions. Democracy is not simply about voting every five years. This is part of the Neo-liberal and  counter-  revolutionary democracy. That’s the democracy where there is no accountability once a person is elected. C. L. R. James had written extensively about a new democracy, a democracy where every cook can govern. 
“The over-riding idea was to organize the mass of the people not just to vote, but to govern - to govern through organs in village and town. To govern through Councils on Trade and Foreign policy, which would bring business, unions and the people to discuss the initiatives their Parliamentary leaders were pursuing, or to propose new initiatives - to govern by way of over-sight committees in every ministry. That way for sure, government would be of the people. By the people could come later when the people in councils, in their own self-movement, would take back from the State, the remaining power vested in the State. And then proceed to a new and unparalleled democracy which would make even ancient Greek democracy look pallid by comparison.” 
  This is the new revolutionary place that we are in at this moment, in this new century, when popular forms of expressions are breaking out as peoples develop new techniques at self-organization.  This revolutionary process seeks to draw a line of steel between the traditions of revolution and counter revolution and breaks down the vanguardism and leaderism of the social classes that looked to Europe for guidance and intellectual leadership. It is also now possible to enrich the observations of C.L. R James by not only looking at Greek democracy  (which was limited) but also at the social collectivism of the African village community and the communities of the Indigenous peoples of Central America and South America, the cooperative institutions of the Indigenous peoples in Latin America as well as  the Iroquois concept of democracy. It is now possible to draw on the memory of these forms of democratic participation to inform this democratic participation.
 It is this new basis for democracy that is informing the Zapatistas. And the Zapatistas of Mexico who James Petras and others see as being the forerunner of the new revolution are already practicing and they say fractal theory of self-emancipation; self-organization of how the people can be the basis for new political relations. This self organization for revolution is very different from self organization for representative politics. It is the self organization where the people take themselves from one level of consciousness to the next. At the same time one of the most profound aspects of the Zapatistas have been the ways in which they have deepened the mobilization of positive cultural values from their history. It is not by accident that informed observers have identified the fractal concepts associated with the revolutionary project in Mexico. Another important aspect of this revolutionary approach is the need to build community power so that the power shifts to the people away from the old state machinery of violence and domination. The Zapatistas have also moved to end the romance with armed struggles. The militarism of the drug cartels and the counter revolutionary forces has taught the Zapatistas that armed means should only be used in exceptional circumstances. Ewert Layne came to the same conclusion in his reflection on the Grenada Revolution.
It is against the background of all of the above that I say to our people, armed  struggle, viewed as a preference for solving political problems is politically immature and in my view, morally wrong.  It is possible for a people to pursue their aspirations for a better life and to change society, so that there are more opportunities for more and more equitable distribution of society’s fruits, through legal and constitutional means. I believe that the experiment now underway next door in Venezuela may well provide strong evidence of this.
  From the Zapatistas to the Bolivarian Revolution. 
  In looking back over the past twenty-five years one is attempting to grasp the balance of forces in order to conceptualize revolutionary change for the next twenty-five years. In Mexico, the Zapatista movement sought to bring back the memory of the 1910 revolution to launch a new protracted struggle for revolutionary change. In this new stage, the Zapatistas have mobilized the new information technologies while moving to strengthen the cultural spaces where the politics of self-emancipation can emerge. This brings the Caribbean face to face with the new Bolivarian process that is sweeping both the Caribbean and Latin America. 
The Bolivarian revolution is enriched by the main social movements in the Caribbean and Latin America . These are six principal movements: 
1.     The Environmental Justice Movement 
2.     The movements of workers and farmers 
3.     The Women’s Movement 
4.     The Peace and Justice Movement 
5.     The Anti-Racist Movement of the former enslaved and indigenous peoples 
6.     The Reparations Movement 
  Since the onslaught of the Washington Consensus and the deterioration of   the standards of living of the working peoples, the traditional struggles over workers rights have been supported by new struggles over land, housing, water, health care and education. In Venezuela the leadership that is associated with Hugo Chavez has survived attempts to remove a political leadership that is clearly anti-racist. The political leadership in Venezuela is confronted with the reality that it is not simply financial resources that are needed to repair the blight of social exclusion. The physical space of the urban areas of Venezuela bears all of the markings of apartheid housing and apartheid engineering most apparent with the masses of people who are forced to live in poor housing conditions.
 After ten years of holding power and with an economy flush with revenues from high oil prices, the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela has made important proclamations in the direction of radical reforms. Some of these reforms in community ‘missiones’ have provided health care for the poor but these reforms have not dented the entrenched class and racial  inequalities.  Some of these measures seek to deepen the social democratic traditions that had existed within Venezuela but the ideological rigidness of the liberal forces in the bureaucracies act as a break on the transition in Venezuela. One of the most profound tasks in Venezuela remains the challenges to the oppression of women and the forms of patriarchy that had been buttressed by a culture of ‘machismo.’  It is at the intersection of these struggles where the women’s movement throughout the Caribbean is standing up against all forms of oppression. It is this movement that is opposing rape, violence against women, homophobia, child pornography and those elements of oppression that emanate from patriarchy. From as far as South Africa to the small islands in the Caribbean women are calling for opposition to rape and violation. The trial of Jacob Zuma in South Africa for rape has emboldened the women’s movement all over the world in ending the enforced silences on rape and gender oppression. [29] 
It is at the level of gender relations where the new  revolutionary movement is challenging the weaknesses of all previous movements for revolution whether in Haiti, Cuba, Grenada, Nicaragua and most especially among the Rastafari movement.   While placing patriarchy and sexist ideas at the center of revolutionary thinking the women's movement successfully challenged the labor theory of value and influences our understanding of the centrality of household production. Female labor power was never properly calculated in the economic models of many Marxists.  Radical women in Guyana have been one of the leaders of the Global Women’s strike. This is the international movement that is placing the question of care at the center of change. It is on this point of care as well as the deformed legacies of white racism where there are such a great challenges as the Caribbean seeks to move out of counter revolutionary politics. 
 The women’s movement joins the workers movement, the anti – racist movement and the environmental justice movement to enrich the struggles for change beyond the single issue struggles that have in the past influenced political mobilization. In particular, the reparations movement is calling for the society to ‘reveal the truth’ about genocide and slavery. This revelation calls for a rewriting of the textbooks and a retreat of the celebration of racist ideas.  It is the revelation of the truth that will be another component of the transformation of the Caribbean.
Transformation involves processes of liberation and one of the first tasks is to validate the humanity of all humans. In this context this paper views reparations as an essential aspect of reconstruction and revolution. This reparative process could lay the basis for the repairing of the human spirit. In the process there would be a clearer understanding of the fact that slavery and colonialism constituted crimes against humanity.  The understanding of Genocide War, Crimes and the West seems to be a basic requirement for peace in all parts of the world and the conceptualization of the reconstruction of human lives, human communities and a new global basis for reorganizing the mode of economic organization. 
Reparations should involve reconciliation, atonement, healing, justice and the repairing of what has been broken, In essence, the reparations movement requires a break with past crimes of capitalism and racism. Throughout the process of the Third World Conference against Racism (WCAR), there was a basic agreement that, 
“together with a legal framework and policies aimed at preventing and eliminating racism and various forms of discrimination, the first step in creating a just society should be a global acknowledgement of the past, accompanied by various redress mechanisms to repair past injustices. … Reparations are the most important means of achieving redress in fact. Reparations are a question of justice and the restoration of lost human dignity.”
In so far as the debates on reparations from the WCAR moved the discussion to alternatives to current forms of racism, the forum of African descendants discussed four remedies: restitution, monetary compensation, rehabilitation and satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition.”
How can we unleash and tap into the revolutionary possibilities of the millions of citizens of the Caribbean and Latin America who have been left out of the political process? These forces face the strength of Brazilian capitalism, and democratic struggles over education and health will open up the contradictions for all other oppressed sections of the population. Reparations and the restructuring of knowledge will become revolutionary in these societies if one follows the logic of dismantling white settler privileges and cultural apartheid. 
 Evo Morales is looking for revolutionary ideas of transformation within the history of the Indian cultures. On the question of language, Morales is opening up questions that the left has been silent on. The new bases of the economy would be in new forms of energy (solar and hydrogen) new forms of health care and use of bio technology along with new forms of construction and housing. If this task of building the alternative economy is not initiated, the oil economy will strengthen the old oligarchy and white power in education, medicine, transport, communications and housing and will cripple the advances of the Bolivarian project. 
  Conclusion 
 Despite the counter revolutionary onslaught the peoples of the Caribbean maintain a spirit of freedom, laughter and song. These songs of freedom have inspired millions from all parts of the world and kept the revolutionary optimism that remained in the Caribbean from the period of the Haitian revolution. This optimism has been carried to a new level by the Zapatistas in Mexico who have tapped into both the memory of social collectivism as well as the power of the information revolution to resist oppression in Mexico. Revolutionary optimism comes across from the songs of Bob Marley who continuously sang that ‘everything will be all right.’ It is the same spirit that was communicated by Che Guevara who believed in the capacity of the working people to effect profound changes. Guevara believed that a better future could be built if one unleashed the power of al of the citizens.  Che Guevara like Bob Marley believed that love is an explosive force in politics. For this reason Guevara noted that a true revolutionary is guided by profound feelings of love.
Twenty-five years after the Grenadian revolution there are momentous changes in the world as the ideas of neo-liberalism and unbridled capitalism collapsed within the USA.  As thinkers and activists it is necessary to learn the positive and negative lessons of revolutions and revolutionary change, so that when the Caribbean people move again, they will move decisively. The Caribbean people, when they move, they will move so that Che Guevara’s idea of a new person becomes a transformed human being _ a transformed human being that will have moved away from all of the alienation and complexes of capitalism and the European ideation system.  It was Martin Luther King Jr. who in the struggles against racism in the USA argued for a new revolution. In his passionate speech: Beyond Vietnam, Martin Luther King Jr.  called upon humans to rekindle the revolutionary spirits and actions.  Forty one years after this speech it is apt to recall his message:
“These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression and out of the wombs of a frail world new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. "The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light." We in the West must support these revolutions. It is a sad fact that, because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch-anti-revolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has the revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight and the rough places plain." [30]
A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.”
  Martin Luther King added: 
“A true revolution of values will lay hands on the world order.”  And he says of war: 
"This way of settling differences is not just. This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into veins of people normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death.” [31] 
Increasingly it is the struggles against spiritual and social death that drives the new revolutionary period in the Caribbean. So, in the next twenty-five years the Caribbean is going to be in the forefront of paving the way new revolutionary breakthroughs.  It’s a revolution that is going to sweep humanity. It is this sweep that will realize the dream of the Cuban revolution of becoming the forerunner of socialist transformation in the Caribbean 
Horace G. Campbell
October 2008
 
References
Amin, Samir. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World.  New York: Monthly Review Press. 
Brinton, Crane. The Anatomy of Revolution (New York: Vintage, 1958
Danticat, Edwige. (1998). The Farming of Bones. New York: Penguin.
Defronzo, James. Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991
Foran, John. editor, The Future of Revolutions: Rethinking Radical Change in the Age of Globalization ( New York : Zed Press, 2003
Goldstone, Jack. Revolutions: Theoretical, Comparative, and Historical Studies ( Belmont , CA : Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 2003
Griffith, Ivelaw, Drugs and Security in The Caribbean: Sovereignty Under Siege, Pennsylvania University Press, 1997
Grimshaw, Anne. Ed., The C. L. R. James Reader,  Blackwell Publishers, London, 1992
The Guardian;(2006); ‘Latin America is preparing to settle accounts with its white settler elite”.  (15th November). Accessed November 15, 2006
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2006/nov/15/comment.venezuela 
*Hamilton, Douglas., (2002). ‘Whither Cuban Socialism: The Changing Political Economy of the Cuban Revolution’, Latin American Perspectives, Issue 124 Vol. 29. ( 3).
Hector, Tim. (2000). ‘Yesterday and Tomorrow: Beyond Catastrophe and Death”. Accessed October 27th 2000:
http://www.candw.ag/~jardinea/ffhtm/ff001027.htm 
 
Hobsbawm Eric. The Age of Revolution, 1789-1848 (New York: New American Library, 1962)
King, Martin Luther. (1967). ‘Beyond Vietnam’. Speech delivered on April 4th 1967.  Meeting of the Clergy and Laity Concerned at Riverside Church. New York City.
Campbell, Horace. (1987)  Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney. Preface by Eusi Kwayana.
James, C.L.R. (1963). The Black Jacobins. New York:Vintage.
Lipton, Bruce. The Biology of Belief: Unleashing the Power of Consciousness, Matter and Miracles, Mountain of Love, 2005
Meeks, Brian. (2001). Caribbean Revolutions ad Revolutionary Change: An assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press.
Moore, Barrington. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966);
Moore, Carlos.  Pichon: Race and Revolution in Castro's Cuba: A Memoir, Lawrence Hill, 2008
Motsei, Mmatshilo. The Kanga and the Kangaroo Court: Reflections on the Rape Trial of Jacob Zuma, Jacana Media, South Africa, 2007
O’Shaughnessy, Hugh. (1984). Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath. Sphere Books Ltd.
Petras, James. “Che Guevara and Contemporary Revolutionary Movements,” Latin American Perspectives, Vol 25, No 4, 1998
Rodney, Walter. (1986). ‘The African Revolution, in C.L.R. James: His Life and Work, edited by Paul Buhle, Allison and Bushy, New York. 
Rodney, Walter. ‘Two World Views of the Russian Revolution: Reflections from Africa.’ Unpublished Manuscript. 
Sarmiento, Martha Nunez. “Gender Studies in Cuba: Methodological Approaches 1974-2001,Gender and Society, Vol 17, No 1 Feb 2003
Stannard, David. American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World, Oxford University Press, New York 1992
Shiva, Vandana. Earth Democracy: Justice, Sustainability and Peace, South End Press,  Boston 2005
Skocpol, Theda. (1979).   States and Social Revolutions: Social Revolutions in the Modern World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 
Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. (1989). Haiti: State Against Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism. New York: Monthly Review Press. 
Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. (1988). Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History. Boston: Beacon Press.
Webb, Gary. (1999). Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion. New York: Seven Stories Press. 
West, Michael, Bill Martin and Fanon Che Wilkins, From Toussaint to Tupac:The Black International Since the Age of Revolution, University of North Carolina Press, 2009
Zohar, Dana and Ian Marshal, The Quantum Society: Mind , Physics and the New Social Vision, Flamingo Books, London, 1990
 

 




[1] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/memory/
 

[2] C. L. R. James, “From Toussaint L’Ouverture to Fidel Castro,” in the. C. L. R. James Reader, edited by Anne Grimshaw, Blackwell Publishers, London, 1992

[3] James Petras, “Che Guevara and Contemporary Revolutionary Movements,” Latin American Perspectives, Vol 25, No 4, 1998. Petras named the Landless Workers Movement in Brazil, the National Peasant Federation in Paraguay, the Zapatista National Liberation Army in Mexico, the Peasant Syndicate and sectors of the mining unions in Bolivia, the National Federation of Indian and Peasant Organizations in Ecuador, the National Indian and Peasant Coordination in Guatemala, the Democratic Peasant Alliance in El Salvador and the Revolutionary Force in the Dominican Republic as new forces of revolution in Central and Latin America.

[4] Vandana Shiva, Earth Democracy: Justice, Sustainability and Peace, South End Press,  Boston 2005

[5] Richard Gott, “Latin America is preparing to settle accounts with its white settler elite,” Guardian, UK , November 15, 2006, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2006/nov/15/comment.venezuela
 

[6] Walter Rodney, “The African Revolution, “ in C. L. R. James: His Life and Work, edited by Paul Buhle, Allison and Busby, New York, 1986, page 34
 

[7] Bruce Lipton, The Biology of Belief: Unleashing the Power of Consciousness, Matter and Miracles, Mountain of Love, 2005

[8] David Stannard, American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World, Oxford University Press, New York 1992

[9] For an elaboration of Fractal Wisdom see the commentaries of Bruce Lipton on You Tube,  at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9GaB1VMAXPQ. The theoreticians of quantum politics argue that view that a Newtonian worldview is inadequate to explain today's political phenomena. These theorists believe that the laws and findings of quantum physics provide a more appropriate scientific paradigm. See Dana Zohar and Ian Marshal, The Quantum Society: Mind , Physics and the New Social Vision, Flamingo Books, London, 1990

[10] C. L. R. James,  “From Toussaint L’Ouverture to Fidel Castro,”  op cit, p 310

[11] Ibid. p.298

[12] Michel Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History, Beacon Press, Boston 1998.

[13] Michael West, I’m Sorry,  See also, Michael West, Bill Martin and Fanon Che Wilkins, From Toussaint to Tupac:The Black International Since the Age of Revolution, University of North Carolina Press, 2009

[14] Crane Brinton, The Anatomy of Revolution (New York: Vintage, 1958); Eric Hobsbawn, The Age of Revolution, 1789-1848 (New York: New American Library, 1962); Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966); Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979). 

[15]  On exceptions see, for example, Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery (London: Verso, 1989), pp. 161-211; Yves Benot, La Révolution Française et la fin des colonies: essai  (Paris: Éditions La Découverte, 1988); and from the side of Haitian studies, Fick, “The French Revolution in Saint Domingue.” 
 

[16] See, for example, James Defronzo, Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); John Foran, editor, The Future of Revolutions: Rethinking Radical Change in the Age of Globalization ( New York : Zed Press, 2003); and Jack Goldstone, Revolutions: Theoretical, Comparative, and Historical Studies ( Belmont , CA : Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 2003).
 

[17] See, for example, the special issue of Social Research, 56, 1, Spring, 1989, and the summary of bicentennial debates in William Doyle, The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp. 98-108

[18] Robert McCaa, “Missing Millions: The Democratic Cost of the Mexican Revolution.”, Mexican Studies Vol 19, No.2 2003

[19] For a coherent bibliography of the challenges of the Cuban revolution from the point of view of female scholars in Cuba see, Martha Nunez Sarmiento, “Gender Studies in Cuba: Methodological Approaches 1974-2001,Gender and Society, Vol 17, No 1 Feb 2003

[20] Douglas Hamilton, “Whither Cuban Socialism? The Changing Political Economy of the Cuban Revolution,” Latin American Perspectives, Vol 29, No 3, 2002

[21] Tim Hector, “Yesterday and Tomorrow: Beyond Catastrophe and Death,” October 27, 2000 http://www.candw.ag/~jardinea/ffhtm/ff001027.htm

[22] Carlos Moore, Pichon: Race and Revolution in Castro's Cuba: A Memoir, Lawrence Hill, 2008

[23] Gary Webb, Dark Alliance: The CIA, the Contras, and the Crack Cocaine Explosion, Seven Sisters Press, California, 1998. For a mainstream rendition of the role of drugs in the Caribbean see Ivelaw Griffith, Drugs and Security in The Caribbean: Sovereignty Under Siege, Pennsylvania University Press, 1997

[24] Walter Rodney, Two World View of the Russian Revolution, unpublished manuscript

[25] Samir Amin, The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World, Monthly Review Press, New York 2004 page 59

[26] David Harvey,”Is this really the end of Neo-liberalism? Counterpunch,March13/15, 2009, http://www.counterpunch.org/harvey03132009.html
 

[27][27] Quoted from the forthcoming book by Ewert Layne, Making of the Revolution,
 

[28] C.L.R. James, The Black Jacobins, page 81

[29] Mmatshilo Motsei, The Kanga and the Kangaroo Court: Reflections on the Rape Trial of Jacob Zuma, Jacana Media, South Africa, 2007

[30] Martin Luther Ling, Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break the Silence, http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/058.html

[31] Martin Luther Ling, Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break the Silence, http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/058.html
 
                                          
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